Polesia
Established Nation
- Joined
- Nov 25, 2006
- Messages
- 5,741
- Capital
- Amstov
- Nick
- Norse
Moladzcheyna
Krasnislavia
Zmister could not help but let a slight smirk slip out as he watched his guest try and hide his annoyance at the KNP's chief's famous frankness. Yet deep down Zmitser knew he was being domineering ultimately from a place of weakness - his party needed the Kadikistanis more than they needed them.
For the sake of ease, Zmitser let the comments about 'Yiddish indoctrination' pass. He had rubbed shoulder-to-shoulder with enough Jews in Amstov to know they were not intent on world domination as Ivar and Banja Luka would have you believe. In fact, Trivodnian Jews were a parochial bunch, too scared to fight for their own nation they kept the Krasnislavians trapped in an artificial creation with them.
Zmitser picked up and swallowed one of the snacks - essentially pastry, meat, potato and root vegetables kept together by slop of varying viscosity - before downing another vodka shot. He had heard the Kadikistanis liked to drink, probably to escape the misery at home. Zmitser thought maybe here in Trivodnia his cousins across the border would ease up a bit. Then again, Moladzcheyna was hardly paradise.
"I am very aware there are two sides to every story, Mikhail, and I can tell you the Krasnislavian National Party is no fan of Chancellor Kahnemann's foreign policy either," Zmitser started, also lighting a cigarette, "there is no desire for war here - with you or the Jews."
Zmitser let the last point hang for a bit among the smoke clouds.
"If Krasnislavia is to be free and united, it must be through peaceful means. Krasnislavians here have suffered enough communal conflict to know it is not worth it. So guns and other weapons will be of no use to us."
Zmitser paused again, trying to judge Mikhail's reaction.
"Money however will be. As our assembly members are not taking their seats in protest, they are not getting their wages or allowances. The various court cases against will no doubt see fines as well as imprisonment."
As the second shot washed over him, Zmitser could start to sense he was on the verge of something historic. For decades Ivar had backed the Free State's Jewish elite over the Krasnislavians. As recently as the 1980s, Amstov and Ivar had collaborated against Krasnislavian nationalism. Yet the Christmas Crisis had changed all that, as Kadikistan threw its weight behind the openly anti-Semitic Raoul Farrago regime. Coupled with growing Krasnislavian discontent, Ivar had realised how it could Trivodnia most: by picking open old wounds.
Ministry of National Defence
Amstov
Trivodnia
It did not take long for news of the encounter between Eiffellander special forces and a local police department to reach the upper levels of government. One vodkas too many while celebrating their 'earnings' - 10,000 Eiffellander Marks was not far off the average Trivodnians yearly wage - and the policemen spilled all. Foreigners in a blacked out car speaking Yiddish with a camp accent claiming to be Retalian military personnel. Unexplained damage to the vehicle, which was driving only a few miles away from the scene of the murder. Bundles of cash in brown parcels. It had the makings of a good spy thriller, let alone a drunken bar story.
Incredulous colleagues were sceptical, until they saw the wads of notes for themselves. Dozens of drinks later, many would go home in an alcohol-induced stupor and forget. But soon talk would start whirling around the police station again, and one too many indiscreet conversations led the local chief eventually reporting what he had overheard to the National Watch, in return for a handsome sum of his own of course. Money made everything easier in the Free State.
It then went up the command chain to the Ministry of the Interior, which passed it on to the Ministry of National Defence. By the time the Free State Self-Defence Forces liaison asked the Retalian ROCC teams if they had been in the area at the time, it had been over a week since the incident. No doubt the perpetrators were long gone.
Regardless of what the Retalians answered, it would raise uncomfortable questions.
Altburg could be blunt and admit it was behind the killing of Duncan MacLeish, leaving Amstov in the awkward position of potentially defending a known smuggler at the expense of a key security relationship. Or the Retalians could admit they were along the Polesian coast - far from the Crotobaltislavonian and Kadikistani borders were they were supposed to be - but deny any involvement. Or th could insist they had nothing with it, leaving the killers still unknown.
Krasnislavia
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Zmister could not help but let a slight smirk slip out as he watched his guest try and hide his annoyance at the KNP's chief's famous frankness. Yet deep down Zmitser knew he was being domineering ultimately from a place of weakness - his party needed the Kadikistanis more than they needed them.
For the sake of ease, Zmitser let the comments about 'Yiddish indoctrination' pass. He had rubbed shoulder-to-shoulder with enough Jews in Amstov to know they were not intent on world domination as Ivar and Banja Luka would have you believe. In fact, Trivodnian Jews were a parochial bunch, too scared to fight for their own nation they kept the Krasnislavians trapped in an artificial creation with them.
Zmitser picked up and swallowed one of the snacks - essentially pastry, meat, potato and root vegetables kept together by slop of varying viscosity - before downing another vodka shot. He had heard the Kadikistanis liked to drink, probably to escape the misery at home. Zmitser thought maybe here in Trivodnia his cousins across the border would ease up a bit. Then again, Moladzcheyna was hardly paradise.
"I am very aware there are two sides to every story, Mikhail, and I can tell you the Krasnislavian National Party is no fan of Chancellor Kahnemann's foreign policy either," Zmitser started, also lighting a cigarette, "there is no desire for war here - with you or the Jews."
Zmitser let the last point hang for a bit among the smoke clouds.
"If Krasnislavia is to be free and united, it must be through peaceful means. Krasnislavians here have suffered enough communal conflict to know it is not worth it. So guns and other weapons will be of no use to us."
Zmitser paused again, trying to judge Mikhail's reaction.
"Money however will be. As our assembly members are not taking their seats in protest, they are not getting their wages or allowances. The various court cases against will no doubt see fines as well as imprisonment."
As the second shot washed over him, Zmitser could start to sense he was on the verge of something historic. For decades Ivar had backed the Free State's Jewish elite over the Krasnislavians. As recently as the 1980s, Amstov and Ivar had collaborated against Krasnislavian nationalism. Yet the Christmas Crisis had changed all that, as Kadikistan threw its weight behind the openly anti-Semitic Raoul Farrago regime. Coupled with growing Krasnislavian discontent, Ivar had realised how it could Trivodnia most: by picking open old wounds.
Ministry of National Defence
Amstov
Trivodnia
It did not take long for news of the encounter between Eiffellander special forces and a local police department to reach the upper levels of government. One vodkas too many while celebrating their 'earnings' - 10,000 Eiffellander Marks was not far off the average Trivodnians yearly wage - and the policemen spilled all. Foreigners in a blacked out car speaking Yiddish with a camp accent claiming to be Retalian military personnel. Unexplained damage to the vehicle, which was driving only a few miles away from the scene of the murder. Bundles of cash in brown parcels. It had the makings of a good spy thriller, let alone a drunken bar story.
Incredulous colleagues were sceptical, until they saw the wads of notes for themselves. Dozens of drinks later, many would go home in an alcohol-induced stupor and forget. But soon talk would start whirling around the police station again, and one too many indiscreet conversations led the local chief eventually reporting what he had overheard to the National Watch, in return for a handsome sum of his own of course. Money made everything easier in the Free State.
It then went up the command chain to the Ministry of the Interior, which passed it on to the Ministry of National Defence. By the time the Free State Self-Defence Forces liaison asked the Retalian ROCC teams if they had been in the area at the time, it had been over a week since the incident. No doubt the perpetrators were long gone.
Regardless of what the Retalians answered, it would raise uncomfortable questions.
Altburg could be blunt and admit it was behind the killing of Duncan MacLeish, leaving Amstov in the awkward position of potentially defending a known smuggler at the expense of a key security relationship. Or the Retalians could admit they were along the Polesian coast - far from the Crotobaltislavonian and Kadikistani borders were they were supposed to be - but deny any involvement. Or th could insist they had nothing with it, leaving the killers still unknown.
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