H3: Pan-Himyari Summit [Pelasgia;Azraq]

Camp Hill, Lower Natalia Republic, Federation of the Natal
Arrivals

The project of uniting the three main Himyari powers under Pan-Himyarism was something that Natalian politicians were striving for at least since the 1970s. Pan-Himyarism was used in Natalia first as a way of trying to neutralise the centrifugal forces inside the Federation with a show of continental unity. Of course, at that time, the rivalry and disputes between the Pelasgian and Azraqi Empires for the islets of Tephanon made that task impossible. Today, the geopolitics of the world changed. The war in Gallo-Germania has shown that as much as the markets were interdependent, warmongering is still a powerful force in international politics and the game of alliances turned proxy wars into full blown world wars. With the image of what happened in Occitania and in Trivodnia and the new menace appearing in Justosia, it is clear that the old days of squabbling must end and the three Himyari greats needed to united into an institution which would bring cooperation and stability.

The Belvedere International Airport was buzzing with activity. In the morning the delegations of the Azraqi and Pelasgian Empires would be arriving, all flights were either diverted to the smaller, John Reeve Airport or to the Jacaranda International Airport in Harton, or were delayed or outright cancelled. Everything was made to look as best as possible. The terminal was build to mimic the local building styles, a modernisation and transformation of the tribal architecture into a futuristic style which still kept the general native motifs and decorations. The white buildings were outright shining in the morning sun.

In those days, Camp Hill will be the world's most secure city. The Minister of Defence, Michael Botsile, together with the head of the Civil Protection, Sebastian Whitaker, have set up more than 500 snipers on the roofs of the city, 500 points of surveillance have been set up and planes from the bases in the Lower Natalia Republic were put on high alert.

The foreign delegations were awaited at the airport by Chief Minister Liam Savage and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ryan Mopantokobogo. The State President, Rufaro Mutasa, as the main representative of the Federation of the Natal will receive them at the Combs House, the palace of the Federal government, where the discussions will take place.

Everything was organised in such a way that there will be little to no waiting for the others. The Azraqi plane landed first and while the delegation was coming out of the plane to the applause of the crowd and the flocking of the journalists around them, the Pelasgian plane landed too, 10 minutes later. The Pan-Himyari summit was an important event that was heralded in the Natalian media in the last 35 years at least as the ultimate success of Himyarite diplomacy. Now, as it was finally happening, people flocked to see history being written and to see together the representatives of Natalia, Azraq and Pelasgia. Both delegations were received on the red carpet by Liam Savage and Ryan Mopantokobogo.

The Natalian, Pelasgian and Azraqi motorcades, each formed of around 10 luxurious Natalian made Hartnett sedans have left the airport and made way to the city itself. Camp Hill was standing on the slopes of the Southern Gran mountains, on the vale of the huge Natal River. That way, while the tropical heat was punishing most of the Lower Natalia Republic, the city enjoyed milder climate, as the river was cooling the air, while the mountains were stopping heat waves coming from the Golden Plateau and inland Himyar.

The delegates were accommodated in two 5 star hotels in the city, the Pelasgian at the Himyari Empress, and the Azraqi at the Sunbelt. They will be given a few hours to rest and prepare and then at noon they will be received by the rest of the Natalian delegation at the Combs House, where the conference will start.

@Azraq @Pelasgia

The Sunbelt Hotel
Camp Hill

Hika Qiltu adjusted his tie awkwardly as he stared into the bathroom mirror. It was the first time he had ever stepped foot in a foreign country, and here he was representing the Azraqi Empire at an international summit.

It had been a whirlwind few weeks for Qiltu. A shock election result had seen his Justice Party and its allies sweep to power with an unexpected majority, ending nearly 50 years of Principlist rule. The onetime school teacher on in rural Shamoiya was now the head of government of a country numbering some sixty million people that was undergoing profound change, as two decades of economic growth led led to many demanding different - and better - lives.

Qiltu's mother had urged him to wear the woya, a traditional toga-like robe that older Shamo men especially liked to be found in. But Qiltu was keen to be seen as young and modern, the fresh face of Azraq, and so wore a dark grey two-piece suit imported from Retalia with a plain white cotton shirt. However he could not forget his heritage entirely, so livened his outfit with a bold silk tie patterned with the Shamo ethnic colours: black, red and white.

Were Qiltu a Dawamalian noble that had ruled the Azraqi Empire for most of its history, it would have been a very different look. Gold jewellery encrusted with rare gems would have adorned every extremity, his limbs draped in robes woven from a deep blue fabrics while rich musks floated up from his skin as he glided across the floor. Such opulence would not be on display today though.

For the Garad-Wasiir the main aim of the conference was to return home with something concrete, something that proved he was the statesman that his opponents had claimed he wasn't during the election. The trouble was what.

The reality was the three nations assembled here had little of interest in common but beyond a shared presence on the same continent and complicated histories. Azraqi traders imported Yao slaves from what is now Natalia for sale at home and in the Far East. Nethians from southern Himyar were still discriminated against today. Meanwhile Pelasgia still owned the islands of Tephanon after defeating the Blue Imamate, the Azraqi Empire's predecessor, 150 years ago.

The war in Gallo-Germania, Justosian militarism and the boom in commodity prices all provided points for discussion but were they a solid enough basis for something more?

The Himyari Empress Hotel
Camp Hill

Lord Themistoklīs Notaras gazed outside the large glass windows of the Himyari Empress's penthouse suite. His pale white face mixed well with his light brown hair and dark blue eyes; a sharp face and a piercing, calculating gaze had earned him the nickname "The Fox", one which he had embraced by choosing a fox as the distinguishing element of his signet ring. A thick mustache stopped short of his upper lip, and two fingers touched his chin as he gazed upon the Himyari heartland.

Notaras was dressed in a white suit with a black tie, the fitting formalwear for an upper-class Pelasgian in a climate below the country's southern border since the Empire's westernisation in the 19th century. Quite ironically, his attached accessories, namely two golden collars representing the Imperial and Military Order of Saint Valentian the Great and the post of Lord Chancellor hanged around his neck, their splendour being all the more pronounced by the exotic quality of the traditional Propontine style in which they had been crafted. A Pelasgian man wearing a Western suit, medieval Propontine orders, a cross under his garments, and a modern smartphone in his pocket; a more fitting analogy for the bizarre amalgam that was Pelasgia could not be found.

Lord Notaras was still quite skeptical about the prospects of the summit; Pan-Himyarism had been spoken of since the 19th century but it had had little actual success in the centuries since. The will was clearly more pronounced and present among the governing elites at this point in time, but great hurdles still remained. Pelasgia, for its own part, had just exited the National Schism, an internal conflict which had lasted only a month and, while its material damage was not that significant, had caused quite a rift in Pelasgian society.

For their part, Azraq and Natalia were far from free of concern. Azraq seemed to be in the midst of an institutional power struggle and a soft-power civil war between ethnic groups, classes, and large social interests, so much so that the Pelasgian Minsitry of External Affairs had compiled a secret report listing "Stabilisation of Azraq" as one of the reasons for entering negotiations on Tephanon's future. Natalia, one the other hand, had such internal divides in terms of culture, economy, and power, that the former Tiburan Empire seemed like a unified whole in comparison; "You can at least tell yourself that an Urudoah and a Pelasgian wearing a cross are the same people until they open their mouths" the Sakellarios had told his wife. "When dealing with an inland Natalian native and a coastal settler, the eyes, and perhaps the nose if inland droughts are bad enough, will suffice."

In the mind of Notaras, the summit had four major objectives in so far as Pelasgia was concerned: 1. open the markets of Himyar to Pelasgia, and open Pelasgia to them, so that the Nationalists' free trade programme to spur Pelasgian economic growth could be implemented; 2. permanently settle all disputes Pelasgia has within Himyar, to both secure the southern border and allow for a realignment due to the collapse of the Gallo-Germanian order across the Long Sea; 3. set the foundations for Himyari self-sufficiency and independence in the face of an increasingly fragile world order outside the Ebony Continent; 4. provide an external focus for a new paradigm to unite the Pelasgian political class and body politic so as to overcome internal divisions.

To Notaras, Tephanon was the most significant issue of real importance to be brought to the table; the Empire wished to mostly keep its bases there, and saw little benefit for colonial adventures in such a faraway area. Tephanon lacked major resources, save for some oil of which the Empire had plenty at home, and the economic benefits of keeping the port of Zarakas were outweighed by the potential of free trade with a growing and modernised Azraq. Surely a settlement to ensure continued military presence could be reached - not that the Azraqis would be told this without some bargaining.

As for the issues of Natalian slaves, the Sakellarios had actually highlighted his notes so as to not forget the issue existed. Pelasgia had abolished slavery for centuries by that point, since the 17th century, with some remnants of the institution in Tephanon -originating from the indigenous practices and not imported by the Pelasgians- being wiped out in the 19th. For all the Pelasgians knew, raids on Pelasgians ships and the enslavement of their sailors had historically been quite common, and it was not like the natives had not taken a part in the trade. The Sakellarios could "truly not care any less about a trade which was uncontroversial in its own time and occurred nearly half a millennium in advance". Alas, he understood the difficult position of his Natalian colleague and he would play along and give the issue some lip-speak, if only to satisfy the aborigines concerned. He was more concerned with showering the Natalians with comments on the benefits of international trade.

"My Lord," he heard one of his servants telling him, interrupting his train of thought.

"Yes, Themistokles?" he asked, with an emotionless, mechanical tone that characterised the Pelasgian Aristocracy when speaking to someone below their status. Were it not for proprieties, he would show Themistokles the affection his loyalty had earned him.

"We have ten minutes left. You had asked me to remind you."

"Very well. Thank you, Themistokles."

Lord Notaras turned back towards the view of the harsh but beautiful Himyari heartland. Himyar was a harsh mother but a good one. Perhaps her children could get over themselves and finally grant her some peace. He had a momentary urge to smile, but contained it. An Aristocrat had to act like one in private, or else he would soon falter in public too.

Combs House
Camp Hill

Rufaro Mutasa, the State President of the Federation was sitting between the Chief Minister, Liam Savage and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ryan Mopantokobogo. They have greeted the delegations from Pelasgia and Natal and after a short period of informal talks and mingling, the Chief Minister has invited them into the conference room.

The futuristic "Andrew Bowman Room" was fitted with everything the delegations needed. The tables were put in a 'U' form, with the Azraqi and Pelasgians sitting face to face and the Natalianns on their lateral. Each member of the delegation had a label with his name and position in front of his seat and in front of the head of the delegation stood a small flag of each country. They were all seated on their places, as members of the staff offered each delegation two bottles of water, cups, glasses, a pot of coffee and another of red bush tea.

Chief Minister Liam Savage was seated in the centre of the Natalian spots, behind the Federal orange-white green flag. This meant that he was leading the Natalian delegation. While the State President was officially the representative of country, he was so overseas. Inside the Federation, he was second in command, after the Chief Minister.

"Esteemed colleagues and your excellencies, I hope that you find your stay in Camp Hill enjoyable and that you can stand the heat outside," said Liam Savage as the staff was finishing all preparations and left the room. Two soldiers were seated on each side of the door. "We are fully secured. Nothing but us knows what will be said here. Nothing would be leaked. I would say that we should begin," he continued offering an optimistic smile.

He observed the modern outfit of the Azraqi head of government, Hika Qiltu. He was a bit bemused. Here he was, Liam Savage, the ageing leader of a strong and vigorous nation, face to face with the young and fresh leader of an ageing Empire. His eyes also lingered a bit on the Pelasgian. He thought that the Pelasgian was looking like an inter-generational conflict, with his modern and elegant suit, but the ancient orders around his collar. It was clear yet and yet again that the Pelasgians had a thing for the past and loved it like none others.

"Your excellencies, I'd say that we should start," he said as he opened his dossier. "I know that many people in our nations would believe that the only thing that our countries have in common is that we are living on the same continent and some of them still see each other as rivals or even enemies, but I say that its is a one in a million chance to prove them wrong and to show the world that Himyar is not the backward continent they have seen a century ago, but the newest powerhouse in the neighbourhood," he continued. "While both the Azraqi and Pelasgian delegations might still feel that there are still things that stand between us, like the Tephanon islets, I feel that we should concentrate on what brings us together, first," said Liam Savage. He specially used the term islets instead of islands or isles, more like to diminutive them and give the feeling that compared to other problems, they should be seen as a minor issue.

"First, as you all know, the war in Gallo-Germania drags on. Even if Trivodnia has fallen, Kadikistan and the Trier Concorde are still at war. In Gallia, Serenierre manages to dominate the battleground against the Occitans, even if they have the help and support of Retalia and Eiffelland. In the noth, Virumaa is in civil war between the communists and the traditionalists. This really shows us that that whole region was not just a powder keg, but a series of kegs interlinked while are now still exploding, even if the fuse was lit months ago. It is clear that us, Himyarites must not believe that salvation comes from there and that we must understand that in this world, we stand alone. It is clear that we have shown the world that our economical systems have given us prosperity and stability. If we manage to keep Himyar united, we can keep away the political problems and the violence which besets Gallo-Germania and thus continue to develop and grow.

I would say that our cooperation must be based on needing to keep this continent safe from wars of aggression. This brings me to my second point. Justosia. The country has sadly gone crazy. I know that the Pelasgians have issued sanctions. Boycotts come from Natalia also. Yesterday, our Ministry of Transportation has banned Justosian planes from using the Natalian airspace. As of yet, since their so called coming out, they have only made problems for us, as they destabilised the markets, they created a fiscal panic after they rose all those taxes without any rationale, they have nationalised their industry and now they want to become overly militarised. While, to be honest, I would like to take all this as a bad joke, they have a rhetoric which makes me concerned. They aren't giving us any guarantee that peace will prevail in the end, but instead all they do is to insult our countries and rattling their weapons. I don't want to be the hawk, but if needed I would like to form a coalition against them and have a preemptive strike ready at any moment," said Liam Savage and he paused to wait what the others will comment.

As the Pelasgian Chancellor finished speaking, it was clear Azraq was going to be the outlier in this summit. From behind the bleached white walls that cut through the capital city Jugol, Justosia felt like a faraway and distant problem. Meanwhile, the new left-wing coalition that Hika Qiltu nominally led was unlikely to agree to trade liberalisation, even if it was carried out in the name of pan-Himyari solidarity. Then of course there was the question of Tephanon.

"Let me also begin by thanking His Excellency Chief Minister Savage for taking the initiative to organise this summit, and also to the Natalian people for their hospitality so far. I have no doubts these talks will prove fruitful and lay the foundation for a more peaceful, prosperous and secure Himyar - a vision we of course all share."

Qiltu paused to take a calming sip of water. Now for the tricky topic of Tephanon, known as the Islands of Tears in Azraq after the humiliating defeat that saw them ceded to the then Southern Tiburan Empire.

"Your frankness is most appreciated, Chancellor Notaras," Qiltu struggled to imitate an authentic Pelasgian accent as he tried to pronounce the name, "and in the spirit of mutual respect, I shall reciprocate. We are both ancient empires with long histories, with periods of great overlap, and while there have of course been conflicts in our shared pasts, there have also been times of trade and positive exchange."

An aide passed a note summarising the key points of Notaras's speech. One, the will of the people of Tephanon themselves to control their future. Qiltu sighed. The foreign affairs minister's rogue comments to the Azraqi Broadcasting Corporation had no doubt been picked up by the Pelasgian government, who were keen to leverage them to maximum effect.

For Qiltu and foreign affairs minister Mulatu Birru, both ethnic Shamo, Tephanon, known as the Islands of Tears in Azraq after the historic defeat, was a primarily Dawamalian concern. For the Shamo people who lived on the grasslands of the Azraqi interior, the isles were too remote to be worth caring about. Centuries of rivalry between the Shamo and coastal-dwelling Dawamalians meant many felt a certain degree of schadenfreude over their loss as well.

"I shall not linger on Tephanon for too long, as I believe our respective foreign ministers are meeting at a later date to discuss the islands' future, but I must question what strategic military interest Pelasgia has in maintaining an armed presence so close to Azraq. The Azraqi Empire has also made clear the Pillars of Nearchus are open to all commercial naval traffic, and indeed, providing it poses no threat to us, military naval traffic as well."

Another sip of water.

"As for Justosia, our emphasis must be on dialogue. If businesses see risk in investing in the Kingdom, then so be it. But the mood in Jugol is we should not be dictating to investors where to put their money, especially if there is no direct threat to the Empire."

The last line was a lie. Qiltu and his allies were very clear about where they wanted investors to put their money: into the Azraqi economy.

"Lastly, a policy of free but importantly fair trade between the Himyari Lions, as Chancellor Notaras so greatly described our three nations, would be most welcome. And on that note, I yield the floor to our most gracious hosts."

When the Pelasgian representative turned the discussion to the Tephanon Islands, instead of following his lead and leave those subjects at the end, Chief Minister Liam Savage sighed and his eyes met with State Presiden Rufaro Mutasa's. "Some things never surprise you," whispered Mutasa in Rozvian and Savage nodded.

"Gentlemen, I know this is a sensitive issue," said Liam Savage as he rose up from his chair, when the Azraqi Grand Vizier finished. When he rose a twinge in the lower back made him twitch. He was happy that he was leaving all this behind and he could relax soon in blissful retirement, but this was his greatest moment to shine. "I know that it might not be my place to bring suggestions, as I am a Natalian and the Tephanon Islands are a serious matter between your two countries. But without trying to side with anyone of you, I might say that a middle road might be the best and thus to have the joint military bases on the islands, garrisoned by both Pelasgian and Azraqi soldiers," he said, hoping that this would be an accepted solution and that they would move to what he considered more important.

"I believe that a trade agreement between the three lions, as you call them, might be exactly what will give our economies and extra boost and thus it might prove to be a launch pad for our economies to truly become powerhouses in the world, with a war-torn Gallo-Germania. Natalia will wholeheartedly support this proposal," he said and then he made a short pause to tick this in his dossier and to take a sit of the red bush tea he poured in his cup when the others were talking.

"Moving on to the next point..." said Liam Savage as he turned the page. "The Justosians... are mostly a nuisance. Elections will come and I hardly believe that they will change course. That is why, whatever we decide to do with them, we should work as a bloc, so that we have much more gravity. If they will give us the guarantees that they are not calling for the creation of a stratocracy to prepare themselves to start a continental war, I believe that we should still do anything possible to at least delay them," he said as he took another sip of the tea.

"Hence with this Justosian problem, I would like to put another point in discussion. Military cooperation. It is clear that we need to stand together to defend what he hold dear the most. That is our continent, Himyar. Our homeland is a place which has been seen by far too many just as a place where Gallo-Germanian imperialism can flex its muscles. Look at Cabaon and Loago. Virunian colonies. They have been called associated states of Virumaa itself, not colonies outright, but Loago is currently under a white minority regime propped up by a military dictatorship. It is fighting a war against the League of Communists, which you all know I believe that we must oppose so that Loago will not become a bridge head for communism in this continent. I would remember our Pelasgian colleagues, that the SQT covers Kadikistan and Kadikistani aligned parties, like the DKKP, but not Xinhaiese aligned groups like the League of Communists.

Hence out of two wrongs, a colonial one and a communist one, I would say that we should look at a third one: the Fante, and support the Fante in creating a free and sovereign, Himyari Loago. The same problems are in Cabaon, where the Urudoah are oppressed by the Virunian white minority and crave for freedom. But there are also dissident movements elsewhere. Look at Port Stanley, as it is in the same situation as Loago. That is why, I must say, we should create a unified bloc to fight against colonialism and against communist dissidence in Himyar.

To further our goal and present us that not only us are fighting against colonialism, I would like to invite to this bloc as an associate member, a country which has seen Himyari with the utmost respect it deserves, even if it is a Gallian one, Auraria," he wanted to say more, but he knew that it was a big deal and it would be better to keep his aces in his hand when the others might be against this proposal and just try to modify the idea, rather than give out all his arguments. He sat down as he waited the comments of the other two delegations.

"I would like to assure that our interests in Tephanon have nothing to do with any hostile intent towards Azraq. While the Natalian proposal seems pertinent, I think that we should leave the issue of Tephanon to our discussions in Zarakas which shall take place in a few days. If only for the media's concerns, and for public consumption, we can make some general statement about making progress and recognising each other's objectives, and about being hopeful that the Zarakas negotiations will succeed."

The Chancellor decided to the switch strategically from the most contested topic, which would be minimally productive, to the most agreed upon. Trade was a major Pelasgian concern, and if a free trade agreement or something of the sort could be secured from the very first moments of the meeting, the meeting would have already been a success in so far as Propontis was concerned.

"I am glad to see such a positive reaction for the concept of Free Trade from all the nations here. Of course, the Three Lions have quite varied economies, so we would need to set out a general map for what kind of a trade deal we want, and what restrictions would exist on it. To start, I think a general agreement to eliminate port and other transport duties would be helpful. Tariff reductions for some goods, and tariff eliminations for the general volume of trade, that is to say goods which none of our countries would be harmed by freeing from control either due to a monopoly or due to a beneficial equilibrium between our countries in their movement, would also be quite helpful in accelerating the move of resources and products between the Three Lions, boosting both production and exports for all of us. Finally, some sort of neutral tribunal to settle disputes between countries, companies, and countries and companies would be a necessity to make this deal fair and workable in the long run."

"While we share Natal's sympathy for those who oppose the racist Virunian regime in Cabaon and Loago, we would remind our colleagues that Pelasgia is not only bound by the Status Quo Treaty, but also by the Spheres of Influence Agreement with the Engellexian Republic, which came about at around the same time. Both areas fall squarely within Engellex's sphere of influence, as does Port Stanley which is directly next to SoCRER. We should think about consulting with Engellex before making any moves that could catastrophically escalate the situation. I share the sentiment of wanting to throw off both colonialism and communism, but to do away with those tumours, we must act rationally and with restraint. The process shall have to be gradual, but one day all of Himyar will be free. That we must all vow, and I do so now without hesitation. It is our duty, as my honourable colleague from Natal rightly pointed out."

When the Natalians were speaking of admitting Auraria, a few glances were exchanged among the Pelasgians, and a couple of hastily written notes were quickly passed between the Empire's delegates. The only question on the Pelasgians' mind was whether the Natalians were tring to insert Auraria, a Gallian power, to counterbalance Pelsgia's power within the emerging block, or whether the Aurarians had promised the concessions in exchange for allowing them a smooth route into Himyar. Whatever the case, as much as Pelasgia had little grievance with, or care for Auraria, it would most certainly not allow a competing major power directly into its home region. The Aurarines could keep their place in Gallia, the Kadikistanis in Germania, and the Pelasgians in Himyar. That had been the goal of Pelasgian foreign policy since the SQT, and th de facto collapse of the Trier Concord only reinforced the urgency of this goal. Two major powers intruding into each other's neighbourhood had been the cause of many a war, as the latest events across the Long Sea had only served to highlight.

"With all due respect to our Natalian colleagues, we know of no reason why Auraria should have any role in Himyar, or how a Gallian power could help us. Himyar already has far too much Gallian involvement, in so far as we are concerned, and there is no reason to invite an external power into our association so early in its life, in fact before its formal birth. Only an exception of necessity could be made, such as dealing with the settler state of Southern Engellex to come to an understanding on how to achieve our strategic objectives against communism and Gallo-Germanian colonialism. But as to Auraria, we truly see no reason, no justification and no potential benefit that would justify such a membership. Indeed, the Aurarines would certainly not give us an equal foothold in Gallia, so what interest do we, and by we I mean Himyaris, extract from their participation? I mean no disrespect, and I would honestly invite our Natalian partners to further develop their reasoning and win us over, but I must confess that Pelasgia's opposition to a state from across the Long Sea meddling in our region would be very severe. It would not just harm Propontis, it would harm all of us, if the supposed torch-bearers of decolonisation brought another Gallian power into Himyar. Public perceptions are just as important as power in the struggle for Himyari independence and self-strengthening: the people of Himyar must see that we are capable of advancing this goal forward by ourselves, or at least willing to try. We must not just breed another incarnation of the Himyari who gives concessions to the Gallo-Germanians so that he might 'benefit from the White man's burden', so to speak. Both Himyar and all of Europe must see that times have changed and that we shall be the masters of our own destiny."

As Notaras was saying his statement, Liam Savage could feel his blood boiling. He looked both at Ryan Mopantokobogo and then at Rufaro Mutasa. He could see that both we're shocked of what they were hearing. For a moment, he started thinking that he didn't hear it correctly. Maybe it was only his mind. Maybe it was a gaffe, a mistake, a slip, but he went on saying about it, and Savage was too angry to literally continue to make up excuses for the Pelasgian. "Do you follow this shit?" whispered Mutasa to him. "Sadly yes," said Savage with a sigh, trying to calm his nerves, but his hands started quivering because of the too high blood pressure. As the Pelasgians finished, he knew that it was the turn of the Azraqi, but he could not stand this and rose.

"Your excellencies, I am sorry that I jump before the Azraqi delegation has its say, but I simply cannot believe what am I hearing. Esteemed Chancellor Notaras, I want to ask you. In the eyes of Pelasgia, are we really three lions or are the Natalians and Azraqi only mere cubs? Because, lets say that dividing Himyar in the spheres of influence of Pelasgia and Engellex might be an open secret in the Engellspeaking circles of the higher ups in Natalia, but tell me, are we seen by the Empire as colleagues and equals, or does the Empire see itself as a hegemon over Himyar and thus sees Natalia and Azraq as mere spherelings of itself?

I understand the need of the empire to respect the SQT, but that is its internal problem actually, because that treaty keeps the DKKP from running wild in the empire, and vice-versa with the Orthodox people in Kadikistan. This has nothing to do with Himyar. The problem here is the sphere of influence agreement.

Your excellency, the Pelasgian patriarch calls for vigils and prays against homosexuals in Auraria and Justosia. Does he actually know, that by the laws of the First Republic, the Patriarch himself is liable to be condemned and punished to work in mines or plantations only for showing religious creed. Yes, the First Republic is the urheimat of the white Natalians and we still deeply respect her, but it is a society far from perfect and to literally give half the continent to them is to invade colonialism in our home.

We wanted to have Auraria observe a millitary alliance, because they can offer political and diplomatic gravity to it and also military trainers, should they be needed as the more teachers one has, the better he is prepared to face the world. We invited Auraria because it is a respected member of the worldwide international community which has always respected the Himyari nations and compared to its other Gallian neighbours never felt the «Burden of the White Man» to come an «civilise and protect» the Himyari lands. Either way, we just invited them as observes, not carved the continent in half with them," he said trying to keep his composure.

He was disappointed. All his political life and all his support for Pan-Himyarism in the last 50 years have went down the drain. He was disappointed in humans in general, but in Pelasgians in particular. He felt now more than every exhausted and he wanted to retire and give his spot to Adrianne. "I wish to retract all Natalian support for the political and military points but to keep its support for economic cooperation. I will now give the chance to the Azraqi to speak, as I have sorrily interrupted them," he said and he sighed again.

He then turned to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ryan Mopantokogo, and whispered to him: "Send the messages we have talked before to the Azraqi and Aurarians." He was speaking with the minister and the state president alternatively in Rozvian and in Loda, so that if others were listening, to not fully understand what he was saying.

What little optimism Hika Qiltu had over the direction of the summit quickly evaporated after the Pelasgian Chancellor spoke again, and then had disappeared entirely when he was followed by the Natalian Chief Minister. For all the puff pieces in the press about a new dawn of pan-Himyari solidarity, it was clear the cynics were right: there was more that divided Azraq, Natalia and Pelasgia than united them. Simply being in the same continent wasn't a firm enough foundation for deep and lasting cooperation.

"Thank you Chief Minister Savage," Qiltu said, standing once more to speak. "Aside from your willingness to invite the Aurarians into the affairs of Himyar, I must say agree I with all the sentiments in your speech. Indeed Chancellor Notaras, you seemed to contradict yourself greatly. On the one hand, you call for us to be 'torch bearers' for decolonisation. On the other, you freely admit you have carved Himyar between yourselves and the Engellexic Republic. If Cabaon, which is close to the Azraqi Empire, is in the nominal Engellexic sphere of influence, does that mean Azraq is too? And that Pelasgia has consented to Engellex meddling in our affairs? Of does the presence of Tephanon mean perhaps Propontis sees us as in its realm of interest? We are not in the 19th century anymore Chancellor."

Qiltu was torn. He knew going too hard on the Pelasgians would make a reasonable compromise over Tephanon - the bottom of his priorities truth be told - more difficult. However, if his enemies back home and even his allies learned he had not challenged Pelasgian imperialism and arrogance, he would be torn apart.

"I suggest you urgently clarify your remarks. I cannot pursue talks on military or even economic cooperation with a country that believes itself to be my master."

On that Qiltu sat down once more. He could have gone a lot further, questioning the integrity and sincerity of a government that had abandoned its allies in the Trier Concord in order to have its own petty civil war. But the Garad-Wasiir did not want to burn bridges entirely.

Chancellor Notaras sighed deeply. He turned to the Vice-Chancellor being deeply disappointed; the Spheres of Influence Agreement (known as the Three Tiburs when including Bourgogne) had been a known fact since the 1950s, especially among diplomatic circles. Here I thought that the Natalians would be the easier ones to deal with, seeing that we basically occupied a part of Azraq for 150 years, said one of the delegates behind the Chancellor to another. It seems Azraq has more to gain from an agreement than the Natalians after all, the other replied.

"Your Excellencies, the Spheres of Influence Agreement has been a known fact since the 1950s. Pelasgia has no desire to dominate either of your countries, but the purpose of the deal is to ensure that one major power does not interfere in the immediate region of another. The logic is similar to that of the Status Quo Treaty. Pelasgia might be the only country formally bound by either agreement, but try to send arms to any party in Loago without Engellexian support, and the consequences shall be yours to bear, though I think we all know better than to do so. We do not endorse this state of affairs, but we recognise it as a factual reality that we have to adjust to."

"The term 'Spheres of Influence' implies that no other major power than the one native to each region delineated will attempt to gain more influence than it currently has, or any at all, in the region of the other. To illustrate my point, Gunnland might not be a puppet of Kadikistan, and Loago a puppet or vassal of Engellex, but if Pelasgia tried to gain influence in those countries without consulting with either power first the respective agreement would be breached. Likewise, if Kadikistan were to try to boost communist support in Cabaon without consulting with us, that would be a breach of the Status Quo Treaty. In the same vain, any Engellexian adventure east of the Straits of the Long Sea would breach our 'sphere of influence'. To summarise, it is rather myopic to see the SQT and the SIA as tools to keep the puny DKKP in check or to render you our vassals. These are agreements to ensure that the major powers of Europe do not get too close for comfort with one another, and plunge the world into a war. Inside of each sphere, as much divergence and independence as possible is allowed, since the treaties make no provision for this. Nothing in either agreement forces all of Himyar to be a Pelasgian fief or all of Germania and Kadikistani one, but it recognise that Pelasgia will not trod onto the fields too close to Engellex and so forth. The recent events sparked by such an intrusion in Trivodnia illustrate my point perfectly I should think. In all honesty, I am surprised that the Right Honourable Mr. Savage has never heard of this policy in all his years in affairs of state. I beseech him to see our meaning: I do not consider myself the superior of any other Head of Government in this room, but I also have no desire to see Kadikistani, Engellexian, or Aurarina bombers and agents any closer to Propontis than absolutely necessary."

"With pertinence to Cabaon, I must apologise because the way I spoke must have given the impression that Cabaon is in the Engellexian 'Sphere'. It is in fact in our own, so in that place we can do as we wish and fight the colonialists at leisure. The Empire does not believe itself to be your master, or that of Himyar. But to say that we would accept another major power setting foot in our immediate region of interest, whether that be Auraria or another, without expecting a international catastrophe to follow in the near future would be myopic.
I am still surprised that Auraria of all countries was invited. But I shall not dwell in such matters, for it seems our Natalian colleagues know the reality of international politics all too well. To accuse us of carving the continent is ignorant; the continent is divided as is, and the division is enforced by the Engellexian carrier fleets, and our own in case the former would venture beyond a set point. Ideals are one thing and reality another, and any intrusion of one major power too close to the other would give the former an immense advantage of leverage or of an early strike, which would be intolerable and detrimental to the welfare of Europe as a whole. Again, I point to the tragic results of such foolishness by the Gallo-Germanian powers in Trivodnia."

"I shall not comment on the supposed fate of His All-Holiness if he were in Engellex. The fact that we recognise the Republic's power over an area because of our desire to avoid war does not mean we endorse the barbarity with which it treats its citizens at times; it means we do not wish to see Himyar engulfed by a far greater barbarity. Now please, let us not get heated and carried away. There is no reason why economic cooperation between us should not exist. And if Natalia so wishes, we would not mind trading with Auraria too, provided the relationship of the Three Lions with Auraria is limited to trade and economic cooperation, to give us a window into Gallo-Germania. Pelasgia already has a window through Trier, so we agree to this for your benefit first and foremost. Of course, we care to hear the opinion of our Azraqi partners on this. Pelasgia presumes to be the master of neither of you, but I think you can understand our reasonable concerns for other major powers potentially coming so close to our home region. I understand that there is a lack of confidence among us, so if you wish to go slower in terms of political and military cooperation, we have no issue. After all, the Natalians recommended a military alliance, not us. We can continue cooperating in economic terms more rapidly, since we have much to gain and little to lose from such cooperation regardless of our political ties. I beg you not to let the first true chance for a united Himyar to flounder because of idealism and division. All of us, and that includes the Pelasgian delegation, can and should do better."