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The Mladzic Interviews

Thaumantica

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Ivar, People's Federal Socialist Republics of Kadikistan

Roger Barr was primarily known for his seminal works as a biopic filmmaker, which included a controversial treatment on Gary Ambrose*, legendary Sylvanian President Sander Rygaard, and more recently a documentary series titled "Known & Unknown Horrors from the Colonization of Westernesse". Barr suspected that the impact of this latest documentary series had secured him this invitation to Ivar to interview Sergei Moravscik, though in two weeks of sequester in a cramped hotel room and concise choreographed tours of Kadikistani cultural sites he was now beginning to suspect that he had been played.

Roger was free to walk about the hotel, though as he found that evening while visiting the People's Cafeteria downstairs - he was shadowed by the same two professionally dressed men who would sit down near to Barr and his crew without ordering anything. Barr lowered his eyes to a jiggling plate of holodets, a traditional aspic consisting of gelatin from pigs feet, chicken, or fatty beef contents and vegetables. The dish was bizarre but none the less appetizing, with the salty beef gelatin melting in his mouth alongside a smear of spicy brown mustard.

One of Roger's 'shadows', as he liked to call them, stood suddenly after consulting an old block of an electronic pager. The man approached Barr and his small skeleton crew with not so much as a greeting or a smile, simply declaring after all of these weeks: "You will not be seen . . ."

"Excuse me?" Roger asked the man, whose partners were already collecting their jackets to leave. Roger was puzzled, and the first thought that crossed his mind was that he would soon be arrested, killed, or never "seen" from again.

"You will not be seen for an interview with First Secretary of the Kadikistani Communist Workers' party Sergei Ljubomir Moravscik . ." the man divulged with calm recitation, ". . Good?"

Barr thought for a moment and struggled with the urge to protest, but stifled and perished the thought before it overwhelmed him. These were not the Westernesse States where government officials might actually think that something was off if a private citizen journalist did not launch into a tirade about their right to answers and to be heard.

"Thank you sir, we have enjoyed our stay immensely!" Roger gleamed, being sure to share his thanks with baffled cafeteria staff and expressionless hotel employees who did not seem to remember that he was ever there at all.

Soon thereafter, and when Roger Barr had safely returned to his apartment in Ambrosia, the news rang out across the world that Moravscik was dead. Barr himself was saddened, half due to his profound respect for the leader, and half due to the fact that he would never have the opportunity to document this man's life, words, and perspectives for a Western audience that have only ever heard the negative aspects of Moravscik and Kadikistan.

*Gary Ambrose was the religious and political founder of Ambrosia, which rose out of a war between the Free States of Westernesse.
 
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March 3rd, 2020
Saint Theosburg, the Westernesse States of Ambrosia

Having only just recently escaped the bout of depression he suffered from the failure of his Moravscik interview project, Roger Barr had finally engaged himself in a new film project. With the working title "The Damawali", Barr was hoping to return to his roots as director of another historical action drama blockbuster. Based upon the biographical tales of an Azraqi Warrior of Damawali roots, Barr was hoping to shed light on yet another under explored person and group that Western audiences failed to understand.

Everything was in order for Barr to board a plane for Jugol to begin a personal tour of sites from the script when his agent came rushing through the unchecked doors to the airport. "ROGER STOP! YOU'LL BE SEEN!!!" the agent shouted in a frenzy.

Barr turned to his agent perplexed, "Excuse me?"

"I HAVE A . ." the agent began before shaking his head and collapsing into a wall for support, "You have a letter from Kadikistan, and it reads as follows: You will be seen."

Barr inspected the letter, it bore the same letterhead and trappings of his previous correspondence with the Socialist Republics. "What should I do, I've been jilted before by a General Secretary?" Roger mused aloud.

"GO! You go of course," the agent replied dumbfounded, "to the ticket desk, GO! GO! GO!"

So go the filmmaker did, cancelling his flight to Jugol in exchange for the long journey of layovers and plane changes to Ivar, Kadikistan.
 
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Jedinstija, Ivar Capital District, People's Federal Socialist Republics of Kadikistan

A mere two days after he had received his official invitation the Ambrosian journalist Roger Barr arrived in the bombastic Red Star International Airport just a few kilometres south of the centre of the biggest All-Union metropolis, Ivar. Rivalled by size and population only by Rurikgrad and Belgarsk the huge Red Star airport riddled with All-Union flags and communist symbolism seemed purposed to reflect the grandness of the city. The Capital District was home to approximately 13 million people, making it the 9th most populous region of the 24 Socialist Republics and Special Districts within the All-Union. The Red Star International Airport was one of the numerous costly prestige projects launched by Nikolai Leninov in the 1940s and 1950s which along with the Kadiko-Jurzan War, the Tsjekovite failed economic centralized planning and radical interventionism helped bring about the economic stagnation and eventual collapse during that same period. Back in those days the airport was way too big for the traffic it actually had to process, many of the terminals left unused and large segments sealed off. Despite the fact that it took two decades to climb out of the economic devastation of the 1950s the reformed socialist system had endured and the Red Star Airport was an entirely different sight today.

That was already illustrated by the fact that Roger Barr could take a commercial flight that actually flew regularly and was almost always reasonably filled. While the Central government had been investing significant sums in tourism the past decade most who accompanied Barr were businessmen who worked for private companies based in the Special Economic Zones. Roger Barr was still small-talking with a Cussian who worked for Midengell Freight & Shipping as he exited the terminal and was greeted by a small welcoming committee. After efficiently getting through the protocols and formalities Barr found himself surrounded by an entourage of military security, translators and other Party functionaries while escorted outside. The Ambrosian journalist had the pleasure of being transported in a , a favourite of any Kadikophile and a much sought after model for collectors abroad, especially in Westernesse.

For the next 30 minutes the entourage took the scenic route to the Jedinstija neighbourhood in the city centre. It was nothing that Barr hadn't seen before during his last visit, the impressive industrial zone on the south-east, the monuments, palaces and statues. Jedinstija was the political heart of the city and home of the 'Workers' Palace' which housed the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Workers' Party and the office of the First Secretary. Recently elected Ivan Mladzic was waiting in the latter from behind his solid wooden desk with the All-Union coat of arms engraved into its front. Chandeliers provided the light and and Marxist-Leninovist paintings along with a wall-sized All-Union flag set the atmosphere. Unlike a diplomat or fellow statesman Barr would have to make his own way up to the First Secretariat where he would find Mladzic putting away some documents in the drawer of his desk before redirecting his attention to the Ambrosian guest and welcoming him.
 

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Roger Barr insisted that microphones be attached to himself and the General Secretary before their first actual meeting. Ambrosian viewers in particular believed in authentic first impressions, especially in the interview setting. Certainly the outline of the interview had been forwarded to Mladzic's people, and raw footage leaving the country would be available for review by those same authorities before departure, but Barr desired an organic approach to this interview rather than a formulaic one.

"General Secretary Mladzic," Roger Barr began, "today I have the distinct pleasure of meeting you for the first time, and the paramount opportunity of recording this encounter for a wider western audience."

Roger wore an ash blue suit with an off white dress shirt and grey tie, but his black rimmed glasses he took off to read a paper before him to accommodate his nearsightedness. "If I could reach through that camera and bring the viewer here, Mister Mladzic, and ask them who and what type of person you are; what do you think they would say?" Barr asked with some expectation of dismissal. Perhaps that did not matter to Mladzic, but Roger felt he had to ask.

"You see," Roger continued after permitting the General Secretary to respond, "in Ambrosia for example: the legend of a leader matters far more even than the metrics or god forbid the laws of succession . . What I mean to say, or what I mean to ask is: how did Ivan Mladzic become General Secretary?"

"I understand that you were elected in soviet style, and whether the viewer will accept that or not I am certain that they could not name your home town or district, that they are not aware of who your parents were or their vocations, or what for example a young Ivan Mladzic set out to do with his life when leaving the home?" Roger wondered aloud. These sort of things mattered to Ambrosians, perhaps the West in general as well, that is to understand the biography of a leader and how that informs who they became and what they will do.

Roger expected that he would receive a careful recitation of domestically available biographical facts that were none the less still obscure to the international public, so he then buttressed the question series by asking Mladzic to describe if any marriages or children existed in his life. These features would do some work in humanizing the man as well. Barr knew from his research that little was known to either Kadikistan or the world about Ivan Mladzic's family. Even a sliver would entice his audience, he knew, to know that a "monster" could love and be loved.
 
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A waiter in formal military uniform entered at the start with a towel over one hand and a silver plate with two glasses and a bottle in the other. The bottle wore the All-Union label and contained what many connoisseurs determined to be the best drink the East had to offer, 'Premium Gorilka'. The latter found its origin in the Polani territories and while Kadik vodka remained one of the backbones of the All-Union, gorilka was considered the drink for finer occasions. Aware of the Kadikistani customs and culture the Ambrosian journalist no doubt prepared for drinking and smoking during the interview. With a half-full glass delivered to both gentlemen, Mladzic would observe how Roger would take it. In Kadikistani dominant culture the way someone drank his alcohol was determined to tell a lot about the character of the person. Sipping his drink meant something totally different then when he would pour it all down at once. Roger was thus not the only one doing the observing during this interview.

The First Secretary had prepared thoroughly for what he considered to be a great occasion to profile himself internationally. After all it was the Kadikistani way for a new leader to do so and show strength. Mladzic was rather short in his response to the first question concerning the public view on his person abroad. "I know that within the All-Union I was elected because of my experience, my past services to the people and my vision for the future. Beyond the borders of the Rurikgrad Pact I can imagine that for now I may still stand in the shade of the great men that preceded me in this office. The last of whom of-course being my brother-in-arms and close personal friend, Sergej Moravscik." The First Secretary replied evasively, not wanting to start of the interview with the series of anti-Kadikistani slurs and stereotypes he instantly came up with. Mladzic was aware of the largely negative reputation of his nation beyond the borders of the Rurikgrad Pact, and knew that would reflect on him especially since he was put in the saddle not so long ago.

After using this question as an icebreaker Roger seemed to request the First Secretary to provide some sort of biography of himself. He lit a cigarette, leaned back and looked at the ceiling wondering where to begin. "My father was a soldier like myself. Enlisting in the military during the days of Nikolai Leninov. He served in the War of Jurzani Liberation, which is why I have been so involved in that particular region. He was a strict man who thought me the merits of discipline and obedience from the very moment I entered this world. My mother was a kind woman who worked in the Belgarsk textile industry. She died when I was a small child, but they say she exceeded her quotas every month, earning herself the 'Medal for Distinguished Labour'. I am very proud of both my parents and the city of Belgarsk, where I grew up." Mladzic order the glasses to be filled up and took down his drink while thinking about the answer for the follow-up questions.

"Like both of my parents before me I joined the Pioneers at the age of six where I learned valuable traits like responsible citizenship through various educational programs and character development, discipline, and self-reliance through participation in a wide variety of outdoor activities. I have very found memories of my infancy, the Pioneers playing a large role in that. At the age of 16 I joined the Youth League and followed career-oriented programs in partnership with party, state and not in the least the military. The latter was the institution that spoke the most to me. I consider nothing more noble then serving your country and defending the many achievements of socialism through the Revolutionary Armed Forces. Besides the Mladzic family has a proud tradition of military service and I would have rather died then break with that tradition. Especially my young self, full of fire.", Mladzic smiled with a certain nostalgia in his eyes as if he was looking back to a far better time.

"After attending the Officer School in Rurikgad I started as a Lieutenant in the Revolutionary Strategic Missile Forces. For over two decades I was in active service, becoming a distinguished Colonel. With said experience I set out to enter the political arena after being recognized by Sergej Moravscik. In the wake of his rise to power I stood by his side at every step. I made a name for myself and got chosen to be part of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Party at the 27th Party Congress in 2008. In 2012 I became Chairperson for the All-Union People's Assembly."
 

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Roger had indeed anticipated this sort of offer, yet had not suspected that vodka’s rural cousin might be the drink of choice. Barr thanked the waiter and raised his glass towards Ivan Mladzic, “I think it is International Women’s Day in only a few?” he asked half-certain, “I would offer a toast to the women in our lives who have made us better . . Or at least tougher!” Roger alluded before downing the entire drink in one go. Barr’s prior visit and devotion to Kadikistani cinema had afforded him some understanding of their drinking culture in that he understood he should finish everything given to him if he dared pick it up from the table.

“On that theme,” Roger broached, “are you or have you ever been married? Are you a father?” It certainly occurred to the film director that certain specifics would be off limits due to security reasons, but it was of interest to Ambrosian viewers particularly whether a leader had a family or not.

“Concerning your career,” Roger then advanced, certain the leader would be pleased to stop divulging on family secrets, “it is a prolific one, as you have just described, and it earned you the confidence of the All-Union Congress recently.” Barr recited carefully, “But I would like to know if there was a moment, an event, or a difficult decision you had to make that defined the type of leader you have become?”

Gary Ambrose, the modern nation’s founder of sorts, wrote that as a young man on the Westernesse frontier he had made the decision to pick up his dead father’s rifle during an indigenous raid - and that this call to action to defend his family set him on a path away from simple farm life towards leadership and action.
 

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Mladzic was happy that he could speak to a robust man, or at least someone with enough understanding of Kadikistani culture that knew he had to act as such. The interviewed would slowly let loose of the formalities with a more friendly atmosphere gently arriving instead. In such a social climate Mladzic indulged on Barr's questions which seemed unusual to him to say the least. Eastern culture made a clear distinction between a man's profession on the one hand and his personal life on the other. For example in the Kadikistani perspective a leading figure could be a heavy drinker or a womanizer, as long as he preformed well and provided results there was no problem. The First Secretary was aware that in the West that was often different, the general cultural reflex being an association between how someone leads and acts in his personal life. That is the reason why many in the All-Union leading cadres would frown when hearing about some Western leader being metaphorically crucified after the media found out about a mistress or an illegitimate child.

It was a public secret that Mladzic himself maintained a handful of mistresses, some producing bastard offspring along the years. Not to spoil his international imagine he would make no reference to that part of his personal life, that was for him and the Shlebuchya to know. "I have been happily married for over 30 years now. My wife Svetlana has gifted me six wonderful children whom she educated very well. She was a school teacher after all." For a few minutes Mladzic would go on and elaborate about his children and their accomplishments. He spoke most proudly about his two eldest sons who had chosen to follow in his footsteps and were promising young officers in the Revolutionary Armed Forces. He even spiced up his story with a funny anecdote about the first steps of his first daughter. While he genuinely liked telling that specific story his advisors agreed to let him tell it in order to come over as a warm father. There was no lie in the fact that Mladzic loved each one of his children, even the illegitimate ones, but unlike what his words and anecdotes were meant to proof he was largely absent as a parent. Mladzic was a remorseless careerist and to make it to the top one needed to sacrifice spending time with the family.

The interview took a different turn when the Ambrosian journalist enquired about his professional life by asking him to recall a defining moment in his career. He had many options to choose from, not all of which he would want the international public to hear. He choose a recent one that was not without controversy back home. The moment he betrayed Vujadin Mihajlovic and successfully reached for power during the 30th All-Union Party Congress. "That has to be the 30th Party Congress, more specifically the final hours before the deadline was reached to offer your candidacy for a position within the Political Bureau of the Central Committee." Mladzic grabbed another cigarette as he needed some time to formulate this carefully. He didn't want himself to appear as a man who stabs friends in the back. "During those final hours some of the most influential members of the former Central Committee sat together in a small room in the Westwing of the Congress building. With time creeping like a quiet assassin we had to determine which direction the All-Union needed to go. We had to decide if my predecessor, Vujadin Mihajlovic, was the right man to lead our nation for the next four years. Leaving personal relations and emotional ties behind us we collectively choose the course of action we deemed to be in the best interest of the All-Union."

Mladzic paused for a few seconds, his eyes wandering a bit as if he was seeing the events unfold before him. A subtle hand gesture signalled beverages to be refilled while the First Secretary continued his answer. "Vujadin and myself go back a long way. We both spend the bulk of our military service in the same division serving under the illustrious Sergej Moravscik as junior officers at first and seniors later on. Personally it was a difficult decision to let Mihajlovic go, but when the benefit of the Fatherland is at stake we must turn our hearts into stone. I am grateful for the service Vujadin preformed for his country, but he was unable to unite Party and people like his many predecessors. His indecisiveness often led us to run behind the facts as they were unfolding rather than pro-actively preventing them. Having Vujadin step aside and taking responsibility myself was definitely the most difficult decision I had to make in my career. I rest assured with the knowledge that my old friend is better placed in the lower cadres. Now I must make Vujadin's incredible sacrifice worth its gravity. A heavy burden to bare, but also a noble task which I will preform to the best of my abilities fuelled by love for my country and its message."
 

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The film director took a cigarette that was previously implied or offered and lit it before scratching his head long before taking a drag. "You are a man with a vast military background, and for this I would pose as a devil's advocate the criticism that Eiffeloretalian diplomats leveled on Sylvanian President Breckenridge: a fighter pilot in his day. The Eiffelo believe alongside many around the world that civil leadership must regulate military leadership, and I think that they implied that civil leaders with a military background can be dangerous."

Roger Barr finally took a deep drag from that cigarette and narrowed his eyes, "In Westernesse we have such a saying that 'when you're a hammer, all you see are nails' he said with a brief smile, "as a military leader, would it be fair to suspect you will typically lean towards military responses as you in your own words 'proactively prevent' crises?" Roger asked with a frown.

"A cursory view of the newspapers in early 2020 show tensions rising, especially in Gallo-Germania" Barr reminded for only the recording devices, "but I wish to ask what hand if any you had in last year's Kalahari Free Trade Agreement with Pelasgia?"

"Was that a wise action, and will your administration make other such agreements with adverse powers to stave off violent conflict?" Roger asked with genuine curiosity. "This Kalahari Agreement with the Empire of Pelasgia seemed to acknowledge a certain balance of peace and power despite deep ideological divides; it showed Kadikistan's willingness to do business and a commitment to peace, though there seemed to be some domestic fallout from Leninov purists . . And internationally, it drew the ire from Serenniere's Martinique."

"I would then wonder actually if your first hand knowledge of war, as a service member and as the son of a veteran, would cause you to seek such compromises in order to avoid unnecessary bloodbaths?" Barr pitched slowly for an easy hit.

With these questions asked, Barr would acknowledge that he had taken enough of the First Secretary's time for one day - and defer to another appointment a week from now. Barr downed the drink that had been replaced for him after the first, and graciously thanked the translator and First Secretary with enthusiasm. Handlers from Kadikistan informed him that his crew and himself would have the opportunity to film the announcement of another such Status Quo Treaty in a week's time, though no second party was divulged even after asking thrice.
 
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The First Secretary smirked arrogantly as Barr started his newest question with a reference to the Eiffeloretalian perspective of things. The Union State of Eiffelland-Retalia had recently crossed swords with the All-Union and for that alone they were granted some respect among the nomenklatura. Nonetheless their culture, system and customs caused great aversion in Ivar which made diplomacy between the rivals a very delicate game of chess. Mladzic spoke with a bit more fire in his voice after Barr formulated the suggestive question concerning military leadership. "Firstly, I disagree with the assumption made by that very question. The comparison of the Sylvanian military and their leaders, or the military of any non-socialist state for that matter, with the Revolutionary Armed Forces is theoretically flawed. The role of the military in a socialist state is different from the role of the military in any other country. From First Republicanist states to liberal democracies the military is a part of the machinery of exploitation with the sole purpose to continue said exploitation by waging wars of aggression. In a developed socialist system such as the All-Union the military serves the people by protecting the socialist advancements that emancipate the working class while also defending the independence of the nation against reactionary or deviationist forces. In that setting and according to the doctrine of militarized socialism politics and national defence are entwined. How else could socialists endure in this hostile world without also becoming warriors?"

A few seconds of silence ensued as Mladzic stretched his back and leaned forward, interlocking his hands and looking right at the Ambrosian journalist with clear determination. "Secondly, I follow the Salaticist believe that the All-Union government should reflect the three revolutionary classes equally, the soldiers, the workers and the farmers. I recognize that mistakes were made in the past that caused an over-representation of the military within the government. The legacy of which we still experience today. Together with Petar Kujundizc I did manage to convince enough fellow Party members to elect a historically high percentage of civilian deputies in the Central Committee. For the first time since 1928 half of the Central Committee are civilian Party members. We aren't at a perfect division yet, but steps are being made in the right direction. After all politics is the art of collectively finding solutions." The First Secretary said that last sentence with a metaphorical wink which provided some topic insight for the next part of his answer.

"Thirdly, my nation has a tradition of military leadership that goes back since the rise of the Revolutionary Clans. Can you argue with the results? Soldier are highly trained politicians, they use their field experience such as detecting potential treats and various other tactics and strategy in the political arena as a continuation of their service to the All-Union and the advancement of socialism. They are dedicated to preserving the strength of our Fatherland, but also know far better than any civilian the horrors of war and will seek to prevent it. Wouldn't you agree that such a person would be among the best suited to rule? Have my predecessors not shown themselves as extremely familiar with the virtues of pragmatism? The reformist movement started by Ratko Salatic after the death of the Glorious Leader, did away with sectarianism and radical internationalism. It has turned former foes into reliable partners, the Status Quo Treaties with Pelasgia, Azraq and the Holy Tiburan Empire amongst the best illustration of our pragmatic foreign policy. Indeed, also the Hamar Free Trade Agreements and countless other such agreements with any nation willing to face us on the negotiating table."

The atmosphere turned darker as Mladzic raised some less pleasant memories. "In our specific context the assumption of your question does not apply. You know that years before the Seven Days War eventually broke out the administration of my political father, Sergej Moravscik, managed to resolve a multitude of crisis situations in Germania through words. Last time we tilted the sword was because we were forced to do so by our enemies with all diplomatic possibilities completely exhausted. The All-Union is a peace-loving nation setting balance before all else, but that does not make us weak." Mladzic would portray himself as the perfect balance between being an ideologue and a pragmatist.
 

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The Second Interview

"First Secretary nearly a month has passed," Roger Barr reminded the cameras, perhaps himself as well in a bit of a haze from drinking with locals the night before. "and when we last left off I began to ask you about the Kadikistani Union's foreign policy historically."

"In fact and precedent your government has proven itself to act pragmatically for over half a century" Roger stated with a confident wiggle of his body and furrow of his eyebrows.

Roger Barr took off his glasses and stared straight into the eyes of the First Secretary. "Was the Furlanie agreement an act of peace or provocation?"
 

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The geopolitical situation on the international scene had changed significantly since the All-Union leader last spoke the Ambrosian documentary-maker. During the past month the First Secretary had been confronted with Serenierre severing 60 years of modest political and thorough economical cooperation overnight. Leading to an increase in material support destined for the Burgundian People's Republic. Not entirely unrelated were the latest actions by the ODS after signing the Grau Understanding with the Grand Duchy of Furlanìe. Those actions mainly directed at the latter were considered an act of economic warfare by the ODS in hopes of pressuring neutral nations to distance themselves from the All-Union. As if these issues didn't cause Mladzic enough work he was also confronted with internal matters, the 30th Party Congress gravely shifting the balance of power. While the reformist faction remained the largest they now had to share power with the increasingly aggressive Radical Youth League, the anti-revisionist Old Guard and even the formerly marginalized regionalist section. Indeed the Mladzic administration had the highest number of 'true believers' since the days of Nikolai Leninov and that was problematic for a leader keen on staying the course.

Information about the internal power-struggles often slipped through the cracks and into the outside world, but the great efforts to keep it concealed were largely effective. There was no hiding the external problems and thus Mladzic and his staff had prepared for the question. As Barr no doubt expected, or maybe even feared given his escapades from the night earlier, the alcoholic drinks were once again served and a gradually thickening cloud of smoke manifested. The best cure against a hangover was drinking again anyway. With a cocky smirk on his face he opened his crossed arms and prepared his hands to non-verbally assist him. "Everything the All-Union has done in the past decades have been an acts of peace. The Grau Understanding is no different. I know that myself, my predecessors and my country are often demonized in the West. I challenge all your readers and viewers, anyone, take some distance from the 20th century dogmatic narrative and makes a decent analysis of all the international crisis situations since the 1960s. You will find that on every single occasion we have always done everything within our power to prevent escalations and bloodshed."

Mladzic adjusted his position for comfort and moistened his mouth with premium vodka before contaminating it with another cigarette. "What the ODS is doing with Furlanìe is downright criminal. Through punishing and torturing a former friend they seek to show the world what will happen to you if you deal with the All-Union or the Rurikgrad Pact. Disgusting as such tactics are they are also hypocritical as three out of four ODS states have economic partnerships with the All-Union through the Special Economic Zones and beyond. In doing so they hurt not only the economy of one country, but affect all those around it and impact the global economy which determines us all." Mladzic was noticeably angry when bringing up the happenings surrounding the ODS. He leaned forward, looked Barr straight in the eyes and spoke with staunch determination. "I take great pride at the fact that my country has never broken a treaty in its history, same as I take great offence on baseless accusations that claim otherwise."
 

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Roger nodded then consulted his journal for a moment, his head spinning a bit from the last shot of ice cold vodka. "You know, I would about drop to my knees and pray for a pickle, or a butterbrot, or . ." Barr searched for someone's answer to what may be available to settle his stomach and bolster him for the day ahead.

Once this personal issue was settled, Roger returned to his notes. All lines led back to Serenierre in this discussion and he had to broach he subject carefully if he could. "Following the 'Ivar-Grau Understanding' that we just discussed, it wasn't only a freshman ODS that tried to grandstand as capitalist liberals versus abstract communist baddies . ." Roger scoffed, shaking his head dismissively, "There seemed to be others: Auraria, the Tyskonians to name two; but I would be remiss if I did not ask you to go into what happened, and what is happening to the tens of thousands of families and individuals from Rurikgrad Pact nations and Furlanie?"

Barr was perturbed and he neither could nor wanted to hide it as an avid human rights advocate and at times activist. His love for socialist states made him a personal political enemy of conservatives back in Ambrosia, yet most of these same enemies could acknowledge a love for one or two of his films, and could quote lines from action scenes in those seminal flicks. His fascination with socialist states did not extend to Serenierre however, which had melded perhaps the worst features of Europe's past and contemporary features to create a dangerous dismal state.

"My own government, the Westernesse States of Ambrosia, made some effort to investigate this situation by demanding to observe the deportation process," Roger recounted unimpressed, "they then levied sanctions on Martinique, their President, and members of the People's Deputies."

"In all of this, we in Ambrosia seem to believe, there is a misunderstanding on the issue of whether the expelled were dumped into the BPR. Online, 'The Proletarian' reported that this was the case. Publicly, the Serazinists denied that refugees were being dropped at the doorstep of the Burgundian People's Republic en masse. The truth of this disagreement is important, but what I wish to ask is where are these many thousands now, and how are their spirits?"

Settling in, Roger offered a cigarette from at home from a blue box with gold writing and ornament called 'Prairie Delight 100s'. Smoking, nodding, and listening Roger waited for an opportunity to interject with another statement and question politely. "For those that did not closely follow the Kadikistani Union's relationship with Serenierre prior to this, they are wondering how two former allies suddenly split overnight. If you could address that audience: was it an overnight instance of character clashes between leaders, or have the long standing fracture points between Serazinist and Marxism-Leninovism finally broke the dam?"
 

Kadikistani Union

Established Nation
Joined
Nov 2, 2006
Messages
2,841
Location
Belgium
Capital
Ivar
Nick
Spelev
Mladzic sat back, inhaling his 'Prairie Delight' and not hiding the fact that its smooth taste was enjoyed. He did squeeze the filter a bit to allow for a more raw taste as anyone who had been smoking Kadikistani tobacco all his life could tell you that once you switch to a Western brand you'll feel like you're simply breathing air. As much as he enjoyed the cigarette he was offered by a man who by now had gained his respect, he wouldn't enjoy the next topic. Relations between Ivar and Villesen had been a very complex issue up until recently when the latter cut any and all ties unilaterally and with a grand show for all of the international community to see. Mladzic would not be reciting the Party-line on this one. After commenting on the quality of the cigarette out of courtesy he began explaining and while doing so he had no intention to hide his anger.

"Western education endorses the wrong belief that all socialist states form some sort of unified monolith keen on destroying their precious capitalist systems. This is most convenient for the Western elite who purposely simplify and even falsify history to distract the people from their own wrongdoings both in the past and in the present. In fact the history of communism in Europe is one of great complexities that are often lost on the Western working class, but no by their own doing. Let me tell you, before 1956 Serenierre and the unitary state of Kadikistan were sworn enemies. While sharing distinct socialist tendencies the differences seemed greater than the similarities. Kadikistan has been a socialist state since 1907 and originally cheered as a similar revolution seemed to break out exactly twenty years later in 1927 in what was then the Kingdom of Serenierre. Sadly it quickly became clear that the grip of the catholic church remained dominant, making the 'marxist revolution' itself a failure. They claimed to follow the teachings of the great Eiffellandian thinker Karl Marx, but purposely ignored his theories on religion and all the implications thereof. Therefore Marxist-Leninovist doctrine does not qualify Serazinism as a deviation, but rather as a reactionary ideology."

Mladzic looked out the window as if he was remembering moments that happened before he even existed, "Tensions between the two ideologies even led to armed conflict between the Serazinists and local Marxist-Leninovists during the Montedoro Civil War. It was the hostility coming from the capitalist world along with the prospect of mutual economic benefit that drove the nearly mythical leaders Leninov and Serazin to sign the Pact of Steel in 1956. The latter was never a pact of friendship and most certainly lacked a military component. Instead it resembled a Status Quo Treaty which determined that Gallia was Serazinist territory and that my country would no longer actively pursue the Marxist-Leninovist expansion in said continent. This worked for nearly 70 years and while the past was never forgotten, the countries grew closer. This started changing two years ago when Serenierre approached both Ostmark and Crotobaltislavonia while the All-Union was faced with reactionary infiltration. Villesen and its mad leader Martinique thus violated the Pact of Steel making ourselves no longer bound by it. With the Pact of Steel broken by Serenierre nothing could withhold us from showing solidarity with the Burgundian People's Republic."

Mladzic paused for a second and alternated some frowns as if he struggled to find the right words. They came to him after a quick sip of his drink. "What happened after Free Burgundy joined the Rurikgrad Pact and the Grau Understanding was signed with Furlanìe was something that caught us off guard." In saying this Mladzic was showing a different style than his predecessors whom refrained from such statements because they could imply weakness. "There were over 40,000 All-Union citizens residing in Serenierre. The Martinique regime arranged flights, even requisitioned some commercial ships, but they simply don't have the capacity or ability to move that many people overnight. Besides there were significant reports of brutality coming from the Serazinist gendarme during these evictions, which made many Kadikistani families take initiative themselves and head for the Burgundian border." Mladzic leaned back again and opened his arms while they were still resting on the armchairs. "Like always this is a case of nuance. Did Villesen preform this sudden deportation in a humanitarian fashion? In their eyes and for several thousands of our citizens, yes. Were they able to do so for everyone? No. This led to Kadikistani refugees 'dumped' in Burgundy as an unofficial yet deliberate policy from Villesen. Thankfully those that arrived in Burgundy were welcomed with open arms by our newest allies."
 
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