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Mission to Trivodnia

Crotobaltislavonia

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One good thing about living in a country governed with a firm hand, the police kept a lane clear on the main roads for government traffic. Radek's drive to the airport was unobstructed, probably for the best since the General had told his driver to "step on it."

At the airport, the car delivered Radek to a waiting plane, idling on the runway. Though met by an Air Force officer, there was no time for ceremony and after exchanging salutes, the two men climbed aboard immediately. As soon as the hatch was sealed, the plane was zooming down the runway and lifting off into the sky.

After strapping in, Radek took a moment for himself, inhaling and exhaling slowly. He had no idea what was happening or what was going to happen. He could be flying into exile or to his death. Big Brother could be in a plane, passing by not far away, unknowingly racing against Radek for their country's future. My God, with Big Brother, Jedreck, and me out of country, Grossman could be taking power for himself. I wouldn't put it past the old scoundrel.

Crotobaltislavonia was not a large country by any measure. It did not take long after lifting off from Banja Luka's airport that Radek's plane was rapidly approaching the Trivodnian frontier. Standing behind the pilots in the cockpit, Radek said, "tell them this General Alexander Radek. It is imperative that I speak with the President or the Chancellor."
 

Polesia

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Upon entering Trivodnian airspace, General Radek's plane was escorted by two fighter jets until safely landing at a military base outside the capital Amstov. From there, he was whisked away in a secure convoy to the Ministry of External Affairs to sit with the Free State's President, Meier Lauterpacht.

While the Presidency is largely a ceremonial position in Trivodnia, the office still carried a level of prestige that would hopefully convey how seriously the Free State was taking the visit from General Radek.

Granted, there were practical reasons for Lauterpacht to sit with Radek too: External Affairs minister Vladimir Pinski was out of the country in Kashtan attending the International Open Forum, and all senior other politicians from the governing Social Democratic Alliance were busy campaigning. Plus, being seen with a senior Crotobaltislavonian official while a war of words was being waged would also be electoral suicide in a campaign marked by growing nationalism.

Lauterpacht had done everything he could to keep the meeting discreet. He had avoided the Grand Palace in Amstov, his official residence, as it tended to attract a lot of tourists and press. The External Affairs ministry on the other hand was tucked away in the heavily guarded governmental district within Amstov, made up of rows of large grey uninspiring buildings of concrete and glass built cheaply and quickly. A strong police presence kept most away, as did the metres-high walls with barbed wire. Trivodnia had seen one too many violent attacks on its political institutions to risk anything other than maximum security.

The purpose of today's meet was clear. Despite all the fiery rhetoric, the Trivodnian establishment wanted a quick resolution to its troubles with Crotobaltislavonia. Kadikistan was big enough to worry about: having another hostile neighbour would make the Free State very vulnerable strategically.

While Crotobaltislavonia and Trivodnia had never had the best relations, the slanging match in both countries' medias represented a recent low. For many in Amstov, the feeling was worse was still yet to come, and the belligerent propaganda from Banja Luka heralded the buildup to something far north extreme.

The regime of Big Brother Raoul Farrago had proven to be unpredictable and not ashamed of using anti-Semitic tropes to justify its behaviour. An unprovoked invasion justified by ethnic chauvinism could be just around the corner.

However, the Free State Intelligence Bureau had identified General Radek, who also served as the Crotobaltislavonian defence minister, as a solid counterweight, and potential successor, to Farrago. FSIB briefings painted Radek as having a far more pragmatic outlook when it came to foreign policy. If Trivodnia could get him in their pocket, and then potentially installed as leader, the Free State would be a lot safer.
 
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Crotobaltislavonia

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General Radek sat in a comfortable chair across from the President of the Trivodnia. The General had been whisked here from the airport. Introductions had been made. Pleasantries had been exchanged. And a strong beverage had been offered and accepted. Radek took a final sip and set the tumbler down on a side table.

Next, Radek began speaking. He emphasized that the tensions between Crotobaltislavonia and Trivodnia were the results of one man. The General explained that he had been an officer for most of his adult life and involved with the highest levels of his government for almost a decade. It was only when Raoul Farrago had become President that this insane hostility towards Trivodnia had begun.

Next, the General related his suspicions about Farrago making an alliance with Kadikistan. He explained that back home, Farrago had no powerbase of his own. But an alliance with a powerful country like Kadikistan might give Farrago enough support to remain in power. But if the people had an alternative, surely they would choose that over "Big Brother".

Finally, Radek leaned back in his chair and reflected on his country's recent past. Crotobaltislavonia would always be authoritarian. The people knew well enough that if there wasn't a strong hand, they'd be at each other's throats in a second. But the people were also getting tired of one dictator after another, whose antics kept the country poor while the rest of Europe passed them by.
 
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Polesia

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President Meier Lauterpacht sat back and listened patiently as General Radek spoke, never interrupting the Crotobaltislavonian military officer once. A political veteran who had spent decades climbing his way to the very top, he knew when to speak and when best to be silent.

As Radek finished, Lauterpacht leant back, gave a troubled sigh, drummed his fingers on the table edge before adjusting his glasses and leaning towards Radek, staring straight into his eyes.

The General had confirmed Trivodnia's worst suspicions if the story of Raoul Farrago being in Kadikistan was true.

In truth, Farrago's seizure of power had come to a complete surprise to Amstov, and knowing so little about him, had come to assume he'd be a run-of-the-mill autocrat that had come dominate much of Crotobaltislavonia's recent history.

Yet clearly, if Radek was to be believed, the so-called 'Big Brother' had a greater ambitions than simply ransacking what was left of his country's riches and sleeping with its women. By aligning Crotobaltislavonia with Ivar, he could secure his position as 'President for Life' from outside threats, and boost prestige at home by boasting of an alliance with one of the world's major powers.

Trivodnia's entire defensive strategy had been built on preparing the country from a two-pronged attack from Kadikistan either side of the Inner Sea. Kadikistani bases in Crotobaltislavonia would create a vulnerable third border.

Lauterpacht made obvious these concerns in a plain, soft-spoken manner. He was ageing, and years of deal-making in a way had worn him down. Lauterpacht led successive Jewish People's Party minority governments in the Seventies and Eighties, often staying up late to horse trade over the minutiae of legislation or negotiate secretly with militants threatening to bomb, main and kill unless their demands were net. Negotiation of this kind took its toll on a man.

Lauterpacht also made evident he was unconcerned by the nature of Crotobaltislavonia's government. Amstov had worked perfectly fine with dictators in Banja Luka before.

The question Lauterpacht put to Radek in a roundabout way was: would he be the next one?

The Trivodnian President partly suspected Radek was here to seek at the very least blessing for his own coup, but more likely material support. Convincing the Free State it was soon likely to be encircled would be a good way to squeeze out money and arms from an increasingly paranoid Amstov.
 
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Crotobaltislavonia

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Joined
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Radek listened as Lauterpacht explained Trivodnia's concerns and fears. The Free State was in a precarious position and it would be even worse if Crotobaltislavonia and Kadikistan were to align. The General's sympathy was heightened by the President's aged features and soft manner.

He agreed that dictatorship was acceptable. He had lived all of his life under a dictator. But he observed that dictatorship is only as good as the dictator. And then came Lauterpacht's question. And Radek's reply was a solid and final "no". He had no interest in leading the country. And it would probably cause more problems than it was worth.

The Defense Minister said that he had come to warn Trivodnia's leadership of the possible alliance with Kadikistan and to make it clear that he and others would do everything they could to prevent it. Holding Trivodnia over a barrel had not entered Radek's mind and he made no mention of material support.

Radek looked at his watch. It was late. And for all he knew, Big Brother was home and screwing things up even more. The General stood, saying he had to get back before it was too late and that if Trivodnia needed to get ahold of him, to go through his man at the embassy. After a final salute, Radek turned on his heel and departed for the airport.
 

Polesia

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The meeting with General Radek had been short but useful. A few hours spent speaking freely over some hard liquor had given both sides invaluable information. But perhaps not the full picture.

Only days after Radek had left Trivodnia claiming he did not want to be the next dictator of Crotobaltislavonia, social media was reporting the Presidential Palace had been surrounded, with gunfire recorded in the capital Banja Luka. Ivar was quick to announce any move by outside forces to support the downfall of Raoul Farrago would trigger a secret defensive pact that had been agreed behind closed doors.

The Free State Intelligence Bureau was unsure who exactly had encircled the Presidential Palace, but no sooner than the first verified report came in the FSIB was in contact with Radek's man in the Crotobaltislavonian embassy in Amstov. If it was indeed Radek, Trivodnia would throw its weight behind him, albeit discreetly, with cash and weapons funnelled through indirect channels. There'd even been discussions hiring Bergenheimer mercenaries to work alongside FSIB operatives and Trivodnian special forces to reinforce Radek's ranks.

But for now, these were just plans. The FSIB would need to hear from Radek first.
 
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