Pelasgia
Established Nation
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Liberal Constitutionalists Dominate Constitutional Convention, South Himyar Votes for Home Rule
Propontis, 17 July 2020 | Theodoros Apostolides
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Laskarides Palace in Chrysoupolis, one of the main Imperial residences on the island of Prinkeponesos, across from Propontis proper, where the Constitutional Convention is to sit for the duration of its proceedings.
Friday was the day of the two most important votes in recent Pelasgian history: the elections for the Constitutional Convention called to revise Pelasgia's Constitution in Propontis; and the South Himyar Home Rule Referendum.
General Election à la pelasgienne
The Pelasgian Constitutional Convention has, for the first time, given all Pelasgians a voice in the constitutional future of their country, at a time of growing polarisation between reformists and absolutists. The Convention is divided into thee General Delegations for the Empire's three main political regions, each dominated by a distinct faction. Memphis, also known as Kyphtic Memphis, is the Empire's easternmost region; a culturally distinct region populated by Kyphts, indigenous Memphians who have been pelasgised to varying degrees, Memphis is dominated by an urban and aristocratic elite of Pelasgians and Pelasgised Kyphts who are staunchly Absolutist and resistant to any reform. The region, though smaller, less populated, and poorer than Pelasgia proper, still has some strategic ports and a considerable military force that guards the Empire's eastern frontier, the entrance to the Kalahari Sea and the Sea of Buto. Memphis consists of Rhakotaion and Souchoton Prefectures, and Cassandris is its de facto regional capital.
Philistaea, on the other end of the Empire, is notorious for its volatile politics, being populated by a population of Orthodox Christian Urudoah, as well as considerable minorities of ethnic Pelasgians and Karaite Jews. As the region has become more urbanised in recent decades, the local Urudoah majority has come to identify as the "Philistaean Nation," with growing calls for autonomy or even outright separation. The Pelasgian and Jewish elite have reacted with skepticism and attempts to silence such voices. Ironically, the Jewish population of the region, who once partially fought a Zionist insurgency against Imperial authorities in the 1950s during the Augousto-Septemvriana Events, has become more and more staunchly loyalist, viewing the Empire as a shield against abuses by the Urudoah majority. Philistaea consists of Hieron and Makrinon Prefectures, and Hierosolyma is de facto its regional capital.
Finally, Pelasgia, as defined for the purposes of the Convention, consists of all remaining metropolitan regions of the Empire, including the capital city of Propontis, which are mostly populated by ethnic Pelasgians and vary from highly industrialised metropolitan areas to the north to more rural and sparsely controlled rural lands in the south.
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The Liberal Constitutionalist Party of Pelasgia dominated Pelasgian voter intentions, winning 396 Delegates, represented by gold in the graph above. The Liberal Constitutionalists are a merger of the Chamber of Deputies' largest party, the conservative Constitutionalist Party, and the Liberal Union, led by Deputies Philippos Merkoures and Ioannes Kravatas-Apostolakis, respectively. Memphis, by contrast, remained a stronghold of the Absolutists, its 85 seats remaining in the grip of the Absolutist Party, represented in dark blue. It ought to be noted that Memphis was allowed to retain the Chamber's current system of qualified suffrage, which limits voting rights to land-owning net-taxpayers, as a condition for its recognising the Convention. As such, the Memphian landowning elite was still able to choose most Delegates of the region. Finally, Philistaea came out of the vote divided along ethnic lines. One the one hand, the Urudoah-dominated Separatist Coalition elected 31 Delegates, represented in green, who are likely to push for the independence of the region from the Empire. By contrast, the Loyalist League, a coalition of smaller parties mainly dominated by ethnic Pelasgians and Jews, elected 13 delegates, represented in light blue, who are determined to fight for Philistaea's remaining in the Empire, or at least its partition.
The new Constitutional Convention is set to sit at Laskarides Palace in the heart of Old Chrysoupolis, across from Propontis proper, on the island of Prinkeponesos. With the various regions of Pelasgia highly polarised and the country in an uneasy coexistence since the Philistaean ceasefire and the transfer of high-profile Absolutist detainees from Propontis to Cassandris. The fight against the DKKP certainly continues, as the insurgents flee to inland highlands to wage a guerilla war against Pelasgian forces. In the cities, DKKP holdouts appear to be laying low, trying to recover from the party's prohibition and suppression following its failed coup attempt.
South Himyar Votes for Home Rule
Over in South Himyar, the results of the local referendum were much more clear cut. With a participation rate of 63.3% and a valid ballot count of 95.9%, 70.1% of ballots cast voted in favour of Home Rule, while 25.8% voted against. Opposition seemed to be concentrated among some Kintu voters who were against the idea of equality with the Kéké and of the adoption of a new Constitution to merge the Far Southern Territories so soon after the HPU Insurgency, as well as some settlers who opposed equal representation with the locals. For the most part, however, support for Home Rule transcended ethnic and sectarian lines, carrying the day with a clear result. International observers confirmed the vote's fairness, with the Imperial Pelasgian Army doing its best to help organise the vote in the colony's hinterlands, where the lack of infrastructure and literacy, as well as the still quite recent effects of the Southern Himyari Emergency partially depressing turnout. The largest issue appeared to be the lack of democratic literacy among many indigenous voters, who often differed to local notables and elders and even attempted to ask Pelasgian authorities which option to vote for. The Pelasgian South Himyari Company had tried staging mock votes for local issues and other activities to ease the concept of a referendum on the locals, with mixed success.
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The temporary ensign and flag of the Federation of South Himyar
With much pomp and circumstance, including 21-gun salutes, jet flyovers, parades and firework displays in the new capital of Fort Antipas, the Federation of South Himyar has entered the family of European Nations. The new Federation is to consist of the twelve states, these being Antipeia, Neolcis, Nea Makri, Ostria, Antiperama, Theodoris, Ankystrion, Aristarcheia, the Northern Kintu Kingdom, the Southern Kintu Kingdom, the Kingdom of the Islands Kéké, and the Kingdom of the Highlands Kéké. Each state shall retain its own ceremonial sub-head of state (a Lieutenant Governor for the former Pelasgian colonies) and a King for each of the Kingdoms, along with its own local government, including its own legislature. Each state, or kratidion in Pelasgian, retains great autonomy and self-government over all matters not dealt with by the Federal Government. The Federal Government itself is a constitutional parliamentary monarchy whose powers are limited to defence, foreign policy, currency and other such overarching matters. The federal parliament is to be bicameral. The lower house is to be composed of seats elected by the people of South Himyar as well as several functional constituencies, to give interests such as the PSHC a lawful channel to exercise their influence subject to public scrutiny, while the upper house is to be composed of one delegate for each colony and two delegates for each kingdom (8 and 8, or 16 in total), with the Prime Minister having the tie-breaking vote. The Prime Minister is to be elected by the lower house.
Citizenship is to be granted equally to all citizens, including the Kintu and Kéké, and non-Pelasgian and non-registered settlers residing in the colonies at the time of Home Rule. The new state will retain the same monarch as Pelasgia, but is to otherwise be an independent Dominion. As such, Emperor Theodore III Laskaris remains South Himyar's Sovereign, though as the head of a separate monarchy, or Throne, in Pelasgian legal terminology, marking the new state's de jure independence even in terms of head of state. That being said, the new colony remains closely associated with Pelasgia on a de facto level, with much of the economy being dominated by the PSHC, and many citizens, both settler and Kéké alike favouring a close relationship with South Himyar former colonial master (89% according to a recent poll, compared to 43% of Kintu). Likewise, the Pelasgian Orthodox Church, which has been gaining ground among the local native population through its charitable works, also exercises a strong influence, among natives and settlers alike. The transitional government, which is the last Pelasgian colonial administration, has begun preparing for a general election, to be held sometime in late July or the start of August. The current Governor General, Avgoustinos Solomos, has vowed to hold elections as soon as possible. Ironically, the local governments of the Federation, especially those of the eight Colonies, seem to be much better prepared for the transition, given that they have been functioning in much the same way envisaged by the Constitution of South Himyar up until now.
As the sun rises on Fort Antipas and Port Neolcus, South Himyar's capital and largest city, respectively, many issues remain to be settled in the young nation. Settlement continues, with a new drive from Pelasgians displaced by the DKKP insurgency and internal instability in the metropole, as well as many Orthodox Kadikistanis fleeing oppression at home. The regions ravaged by the HPU Insurgency are still in need of rebuilding, a task for which the PSHC hopes to use new immigrants, while the Federal Government pressures the company to employ as many Kintu and Kéké as possible to ensure their economic recovery and integration into the country's modern economy and chain of production. Finally, the Colonies continue their whaling activities, which have often sparked controversy, and seek to settle disputes between themselves. Regardless, South Himyar holds much promise, as an aspiring symbol of cooperation between settlers and natives, and as a potential future hub of commerce, given its strategic position at the southern mouth of the Sea of Buto.
In other news
☞ (Himyar) – Pelasgia and South Himyar exchange first diplomatic missions in respective capitals. High Commissions and Commissions will be used instead of Embassies and Consulates, given that both state will retain the same monarch. South Himyar has initiated the process of exchanging diplomats with other Himyari and European states, while the transitional government has aired the idea of joining the Himyari Cooperation Forum and other international organisations.
☞ (International) – Pelasgia formally rescinds its recognition of the People's Republic of CBS, following the successful evacuation of Pelasgian citizens from the country. Pelasgia has withdrawn all diplomatic representation from CBS and ejected the CBS ambassador from its borders, following the support of the new CBS regime for the attempted DKKP coup in Propontis. Pelasgia has asked @Nedernesië to serve as its protecting power and indirectly represent Pelasgia in CBS for any matters that may arise between the two countries.
☞ (Religious) – Patriarchate of Cassandris excommunicates series of Kyphtic particularist clerics on charges of high heresy and phyletism, i.e. dividing the Orthodox flock along ethnic lines and attempting to undermine Church unity and the authority of the Ecumenical Throne. The move puts an end to discussions of a potential split within the Orthodox Church along doctrinal lines. Still, Propontis and Cassandris continue to have tensions over the latter's wishes for more autonomy, and perhaps even autocephaly, depending on the outcome of the Constitutional Convention.
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