Ours is the Banner

Discussion in 'The World Stage' started by Kadikistani Union, Feb 10, 2018.

    Loading...
  1. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    Behind the Banner II
    Ours is the Fury

    Vselovsk Regional Party Headquarter
    Socialist Republic of Ocheyna
    Kadikistani Union

    Things had been hectic in the Regional Party Headquarters in Vselovsk the last few months. The highly contested federalisation of the state structures had brought about an extensive paper-mill that would take several months more to process. While the old Socialist Oblasts were maintained with each their own jurisdictions and leadership they know found themselves not only answering to the central government in Ivar, but also the Regional Governments of the autonomous Socialist Republics to which they were appointed. These dependent republics were largely divided according to ethnicity in a ploy by the reformist Central Committee of the Kadikistani Communist Workers' Party to ease or even halt ethnic tensions throughout the massive nation. Until the 1st of January Kadikistan was a unitary state with even the furthest corners of the socialist realm under direct rule by Kadik-dominated Ivar. The latter had imposed what western political scientists called 'Kadikistanisation' upon the diverse people's for nearly a century, meaning that they were to assimilate Kadiki culture, customs and linguistics while the government took active steps to destroy their respective regional/national heritage. The National Committee for Justice and the Rejuvenation of Socialism was convinced that a continuation of this policy would have turned nation into a ticking time-bomb, with past rebellions fading in comparison to what was about to come. Despite this knowledge it took them over 60 years to enact the federalization with a narrow majority, the action still being seen by many within the higher echelons as highly dangerous and even as a desecration of the Leninovist heritage by the influential ideological fanatics.

    The Party evolved together with the State and also experienced a level of federalization. Regional Party Headquarters, such as the one in Vselovsk, were formed. Usually the strongest Oblast with the most populated cities and industrial concentrations were selected to serve as capital. The Socialist Republic of Ocheyna was an exception on this field. Vselovsk was a much smaller city than many of the other regional capitals or even other cities within the republic. In the south was a much more heavily industrialized city called Kajund and in the east were several larger border cities that had grown greatly by thriving on the extensive Kadiko-Xinhaiese trade. The Socialist Republic of Ocheyna was very wealthy and controlled the only stretch of border the Union had with their allies in Xinhai, but the latter is not where the local elites gained the majority of their wealth. The border with the People's Republic of Xinhai was one of the main arteries for drugs trafficking with thousands of tons of unprocessed opium crossing the border annually. It was a well-known secret in Ocheyna that elements within the army facilitated and in some cases even processed the drugs while making sure they reached the distribution centres in Sbrevika from where they would be brought to the 'Eight Gates', Rurikgrad, Zarkazeni, Belgarsk, Krachno, Olrusk, Vartenik, Klinsk and Naritstok. And while the drug line from Xinhai wasn't as big as the two coming from Kashtan and Chernovy respectively, it had made sure that the party functionaries and military commanders, often the same men, could lay all political power in Vselovsk.

    Unlike most of the cities in the Kadikistani Union, Vselovsk wasn't a grey brutalist city with a skyline of well-organized apartment blocs. Architecturally it resembled a well-maintained rural Eiffellandian town, the people mostly living in their own separate houses, often renovated old farms and newly constructed mansions using imported western architects. Despite the majority of the people in Ocheyna belonging to the Altaigesh about 80% of those living in Vselovsk were ethnic Kadiks or Kadikistani's who had some sort of role in the local or regional administration, party or military. With about 90,000 inhabitants Vselovsk was in fact a Kadik enclave within the Socialist Republic of Ocheyna and while modest rapprochements were made towards the Altaigesh the Kadiks remained in control over it. Like most of the remaining Turkic groups the Altaigesh maintained their old tribal structure, which the Regional Party exploited greatly. Under the leadership of Regional Secretary Alek Abykayev, a prime example of a Kadikistani with a Kadik mother and a 'Kadikistanized' father with Turkic Chernayan roots, the Party promoted a tactic of divide and conquer to keep the Altaigesh from uniting their respective militias against the order of things as they had done so during countles rebellions in the past. The Suleimenov Tribe was elevated to a high status and was allowed certain political and social privileges while getting a modest slice of the drugs trade. In exchange they collaborated greatly with the Party and the Military, the militia often serving as protection or reinforcements for the illegal transactions, especially when the transports needed to cross lands claimed by rival tribes. The most influential of these rival tribes were the Isayev under the charismatic leadership of Arslan Isayev, a man committed to continue the fight for an independent Altaia like his forefathers before him, the Isayev tribe being responsible for most of the past rebellions and still waging an insurrection although no attacks have been conducted after the 1st of January so far.

    A part of the federalization, fiercely opposed by the ultra-nationalist and anti-revisionist factions within the central government, was the renewal of peace talks with the various insurgent groups spread throughout the country and mainly in the north-east. Under moderation of a mutually respected tribe a delegation of the Isayev had come to Vselovsk to talk with representatives of both the Central and the Regional governments. Not much had been accomplished during these talks, disarmament of the militia being the main stumbling block. Arslan knew that without weapons the Kadikistani's could not be trusted to honour their offers of amnesty and inclusion of the militia into a special branch of the regular army, like the Suleimenov militia. The Isayev demanded strategic seats in the Ocheyna Political Bureau, presence in the Regional People's Assembly, similar privileges as the Suleimenov's and the right to maintain the militia independently. And while the renewed peace talks were a success in certain republic of the union there was little doubt that the situation in Ocheyna would change with neither side of the table willing to compromise. Nevertheless this moment of peace allowed for the drug trade to flourish, security could be eased to a level in which the highest threats were suicidal local bandits. There were no losses of cargo as long as the Isayev honoured the temporary cease-fire.
     
    Last edited: Feb 12, 2018
    Tiburia, Eiffelland, Auraria and 2 others like this.
  2. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    Ivar All-Union Party Headquarters
    Ivar Capital District
    Kadikistani Union

    "Those mother whoring Caledonians are ahead of us in the medal count. What kind of weakling have we sent there? Is that the result of training them intensely from cradle to adulthood and beyond? Letting those fucking snow-eaters outscore the Union? It's a disgrace, Antonije, a fucking disgrace...", Ivan Mladzic continued on like this for five more minutes as he was watching a re-run of the latest curling match of the Stephanitic Winter Games on his exceptionally large television screen in his private chamber. Luxury and decadence weren't spared in the higher echelons of the Kadikistani Union, the socialist realist palace that served as the All-Union Party Headquarters impressive by itself on the outside, but even more so on the inside. The 'House of the Chairman' encompassed the entire eastern wing of the massive eight-storey building and Mladzic predecessors had seen it fit to turn the entire upper two floors into the luxurious private chambers of the Chairman. The entire sixth floor belonged to the Vice-Chairman while the rest of the lower floors were used by their respective administrations and maintenance personnel. "What kind of retarded sport is 'curling' anyway?", Mladzic said to finish up his rant. This type of language coming from the Chairman of the National People's Congress was unheard of in the outside world. Nevertheless Mladzic's temper was well known among the higher echelons of the Kadikistani Communist Workers' Party, including Vice-Chairman Antonije Levsky. The latter had risen in the ranks during the post-clan era alongside Ivan Mladzic, knowing each other from their time as students in the Red Start University of Ivar. Both of them belonged to the reformist wing of the KCWP, stepping in the footsteps of their respective fathers who were both Colonel's in the Revolutionary Armed Forces who actively joined the National Committee for Justice and the Rejuvenation of Socialism and their fight against the Clans after the death of Nikolai Leninov.

    "At least we are leading in the golden medal count. It is not all bad, my friend.", Levsky said with a wink, knowing Mladzic for a long time and also the way to calm him down most effectively. This wasn't it, as he knew this comment would make Ivan produce an even more furious rant, potentially dragging all the silver and bronze medals, which he also considered failures, into the discussion. Levsky liked to provoke Mladzic, knowing his friend would always forgive him, the fact that the overworked Mladzic needed these moments to let off some steam and the fact that Ivan's ragings amused Levsky. Surrounded by legions of power-hungry careerists, Mladzic and Levsky showed that friendship, secured by an undying loyalty towards each-other, was still possible even at this level. That didn't mean both men didn't have their share of differences, mainly in their background. Mladzic was an ethnic Kadik and thus came from a family with a strong military tradition, formerly loyal to the Obrjanev Revolutionary Clan but exchanging loyalties during the 1957 New Order Coup. Unlike Ivan's pure bloodlines, Levsky's lineage more mixed, mainly Polani with about a quarter Ruska and a few drops of Kadik blood. In this respect Mladzic was a General in the Revolutionary Army, holding personal command over the 21st Mechanized Infantry based in Zarkazeni alongside his mandate as Chairman of the National People's Congress. Levsky had served beyond his mandatory military and eventually became a Captain, but his ambitions were purely political and his time in the army was just a means to gain social promotion. While still retaining his rank he does not hold a command nor has he played an active role in the army. Until the death of his father Levsky was able to count on the assistance and prestige of a division based in Belgarsk, but unlike in the clan-era divisions rarely passed on from father to son anymore in a ploy to refrain the Union from becoming a wasp-nest of private armies. Mladzic worked intensely to achieve his personal goals, hold the Office of the Chairman with honour and not neglect his men in Zarkazeni. This city was one of the 'Eight Gates' that served as a portal for drugs coming from the Far East and distributed through various networks in Trivodnia and Ruthernia-Galicia and a significant source of income for Mladzic. But this wasn't the Chairman's main concern today. That honour was given to the issue being presented in the National People's Congress today, the so-called 'flag-question'.

    The Kadikistani flag-question had been raised several times during the past 60 years, but with the federalization of the state on the 1st of January it now once again had the wind in its sails. People's Deputy Annaguly Oghankanev, rising star in the regionalist wing of the All-Union Party and Regional Secretary of the Siamak Communist Workers' Party, was determined to make a name for himself in every corner of the nation by proposing a vote to determine either or not to change the flag of the Kadikistani Union. The flag had remained unchanged since the rule of Kadikistan's most iconic but also divisive leader, Nikolai Leninov. The small, but very vocal regionalist faction of the All-Union Party argue that the Slavic colours of the flag is a painful reference to the forced ethnic assimilation policies conducted during the 1930s until the late 1950s. They came to the conclusion that the Union needed a new flag, one that would reflect the ethnic inclusivity that has slowly been expanded against heavy Kadik nationalist resistance since the 1960s. The regionalists, a faction made up of various deputies with different ethnic roots and with further federalization as a main goal, had split-off from the reformist wing of the Party in late 1970s because they felt the Party needed a strong minority voice and that the reformists weren't moving quick enough, the latter constantly being countered by anti-revisionist hardliners and the ultranationalist faction in every step they took. Nevertheless the regionalists would find various allies among the majority reformist faction, many of the reformists having regionalist sentiment, but fearing switching factions since being in the leading faction was still the safest. Even among the Kadiks within the reformist faction there was some support for changing the national flag since many profoundly believed that these changes were necessary to secure the Union and all its diverse people's. Regardless of these internationalists, Kadiks still made up the bulk of the majority reformist faction and most of them had either nationalist sentiment towards the Slav tricolour or felt that its historic value outweighed the need to change it out of a conservative reflex. Mladzic was one of these reformist members whom felt uneasy with changing the flag. This is why the regionalist had already been lobbying through their contacts and sympathizers within the reformist faction to seek their support for this proposal. Kadik votes would no doubt determine the outcome so every Kadik deputy in the reformist faction counted. The same could be said for the much smaller Non-Aligned Faction, they only had about two dozens deputies but these small numbers could make the difference.

    This is because they wouldn't have to expect much support in the remaining three factions. The ultranationalists were made up almost entirely by ethnic Kadiks and a few dozens token Polani's, Krasnislavians and Ruskastani's, the latter three being the only other minorities that were allowed modest power in the shade of the Kadiks during the Leninov era. This faction was small, although only slightly smaller in number than their main rivals in the regionalist faction. The main danger of the ultranationalists was that they greatly exploited the Kadik military tradition and had managed to gather significant support within the Revolutionary Armed Forces, the Militsiya and even the formerly anti-revisionist bastion of the Marxist-Leninovist Brigades. In fact almost all of the deputies swearing to the ultranationalist faction were military figures, many holding command over various strategically important forces and locations. This faction had the main goal to defend Kadik and Kadikistani dominance over the Union and wasn't willing to swallow another defeat after they failed to stop the federalization despite sixty years of trying. The first twenty years of this fight to preserve the unitary state was within the anti-revisionist faction, but during the mid-1980s, facing the birth of the regionalist faction and a failure to decently counter the reformists, the anti-revisionist leadership started opening up to ethnic minorities in order to stop the declining membership. While the ultranationalists were formed by the most fanatic hardcore group within the anti-revisionists Old Guard, but many within the latter retained similar nationalist sentiments.

    The Old Guard, headed by the young and charismatic Viktor Leninov, formed the opinion that the old flag was not a reference to Slavic, nor Kadik, dominance. But in order not to lose the ethnic deputies it had managed to rally behind its almost rejectionist line since the late 1970s the faction was propping up a educational proposal which would allow for the Union to maintain its current flag, appeasing the nationalist wing, but to give different meanings to the colours. In their proposal the bottom white would be the foundation of the nation, loyalty, theoretical purity and harmony between the various people's. The blue would be a reference to the great oceans and seas that Kadikistan connects along with signifying the national determination. The red would serve as the crown and refer to both the blood that has been spilled in defence of the Union and the socialist tenants on which it is build. No doubt this proposal would cause the most radical Slavic nationalists within the Old Guard of the KCWP to join the ultranationalist faction, such polarizing events always swell the ranks of the radicals, but at least it would consolidate the moderate ethnic minorities while maintaining moderate Slav nationalists. The other anti-revisionist faction, the increasingly popular and growing Youth League, was more radical and some deputies even openly rejectionist, but far less disciplined than the Old Guard. There were rumours that an internationalist wing within the Youth League actually favoured a new flag as they saw it as a next step towards a truly socialist state that exceeded national boundaries. Most of them favoured a single-colour red flag, one that already rallies the workers of the world. The leading cadre of the Youth League followed the theoretical line of the Old Guard and saw the current flag as a heritage of Nikolai Leninov that needs to be preserved, but it was unsure were their less dogmatic deputies would lean towards.

    Mladzic knew it was going to be a long day, Levsky too. Mladzic poured his friend one last drink for on the way as they got up from their seats to head for the People's Palace on Tovarich Square. Their assistants quickly gathered what they needed and called down for transportation as the massive flat screen automatically disappeared into the ceiling by the click of a button. Levsky was in favour of the flag change and Mladzic knew that. The Chairman also knew that Levsky might use its influence as Vice-Chairman to tip the balance or even ask Mladzic himself to speak out in favour of a flag change. Mladzic was conflicted, he sincerely hoped that this discussion would not endanger his life-long friendship with Levsky or even tear the country apart. The nation held its breath.
     
    Last edited: Feb 15, 2018
  3. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    Yugoskija Air Base
    Socialist Republic of Belgarsk
    Kadikistani Union

    "Us Kadiks have ruled our great nation ever since the first Czar. We have led it to greatness and achieved the status of world power. This is because of our labour and our blood! I promise you this, I will not see the day that we allow these tribal savages to dictate the policies and decisions of our nation. I will not see that cursed day, should it ever come, as before that happens I will have given up my life to prevent it...", General Lazar Crnjanovic stated in his speech given to some friendly Generals who had agreed to meet him. The Yugoskija was home to the 4th Mixed Aviation Division, a division with many older aircraft's but with a proud tradition of involvement in most of the Kadikistani conflicts both domestic and abroad. Crnjanovic received nods of respect and approval alongside a modest applause, given that there were only six people present in the room besides the General's personal Adjutant hidden in a corner. Among those present was another influential General of the Revolutionary Air Force, Vuk Bardanic, whom just recently returned from the deployment of his division in Crotobaltislavonia. Contact with the Farragoists had seemingly made Bardanic more radical, being a long time sympathizer of the Kadik Ultranationalists but never as outspoken as now. But it weren't only Air Force Generals sitting at the table, three others belonged to the Revolutionary Army and one was a Rear Admiral in the Southern Revolutionary Fleet.

    "You are all very aware that this so-called 'Flag Question' was out enemy's latest manoeuvre against us. They fabricated this debate in an open assault against our section.", Crnjanovic continued, clearly preferring military terminology the man that he was and the presence he was in, "We must increase our endeavours and launch a clandestine counter-attack against these tribal infiltrators and their treacherous sympathizers." Officially there was no 'Ultranationalist Section' within the Kadikistani Communist Workers' Party, in fact none of the factions competing for power within the Party were official, safe for the Old Guards. The latter had gained the right to become a 'Ideological Group' within the Party after the Great Compromise in 1964, which effectively stopped the Anti-Revisionist Insurrection and offered amnesty to most of those imprisoned for resisting the National Committee for Justice and the Rejuvenation of Socialism under Marxist-Leninovist banner. Hence the 'Old Guards' are an official political faction sworn to 'guard' the nation from further deviation from the Marxist-Leninovist State that existed before 1957. But to prevent further fragmentation within the Party the existence of all other factions was prohibited. For a long time, times during which Kadikistan had strong leaders that demanded respect and discipline in and outside of the Party, the reformist Central Committee was successful in maintaining unity. This changed five years ago, in 2013, when the current official First Secretary Sergei Moravscik went silent but still conscious after his aged body abandoned him. First few months after the incident Kadikistan invested greatly in sustaining Moravscik's life and finding ways to make him communicate by use of high-technology. The nation was convinced through heavy propaganda that this technology was a huge success and that the bedridden and extremely popular Moravscik could still rule the nation through use of the latyest technology. In reality this technology proved extremely inefficient in allowing someone to lead the nation. In order to avoid internal conflict Moravscik's inner circle, including men like Second Secretary Vujadin Mihajlovic and People's Commissar for External Affair Petar Kujundzic, decided to keep up the charade and share power amongst themselves equally by forming the new Central Committee of the KCWP and securing the most strategical political positions.

    Without the constant dictates from a unified leader the decision-makings at the Kadikistani top became more complex and balancing on the verge of chaotic. It was under these circumstances that the different factions, some already existing underground for many years, came to gain prominence within the Party. Through intense lobbying and even downright intimidation the 960 People's Deputies of the National People's Congress were divided along no less than six factions unified under six specific goals. The majority reformist faction wanted to keep up and even expand the economic liberalizations, rationalize the state and deter interventionist foreign policy. The Regionalist faction is an alliance of various ethnicities united by the common goal of gaining more autonomy for the Socialist Republics, they find sympathy within the ranks of the Reformist faction. Like the previously named Old Guards the Radical Youth League is anti-revisionist, bordering on the edge of rejectionism, the latter being a term within Marxist-Leninovist lingo to name those who opposed the Great Compromise because they refused to accept certain 'Leninovist achievements by the National Committee', a criminal offense. The Old Guards signed the Great Compromise and as the Central Committee weakened some members of the Youth League have dared attack the Great Compromise. Repression against the Youth League was weak and turned their members into martyrs, only increasing their popularity and many more ambitious youngsters ready to replace the fallen. For now the Youth League stayed within the system, much like the Non-aligned movement that refused to join sides with either of the groups.

    The men meeting at General Crnjanovic office in the Yugoskija Air Base all belonged to the Ultranationalist Section, or the 'Ultra's' for short. Safe for the Non-Aligned faction the Ultra's were the smallest faction in the National People's Congress and their Deputies came mostly from rural ethnic Kadik territory as most cities were under control of the Reformist faction, but what they lacked in size they made up for with their influence all branches of the Revolutionary Armed Forces. All branches except for the militsiya in certain regions as they are locally organized and thus made up largely of whatever ethnicity is dominant in the area. "I want you to take from this meeting a list." General Crnjanovic said as his Adjutant was distributing paper bundles to each of the commanders present. "This list contains the names of known regionalist sympathizers within the reformist faction and the most vulnerable, inconspicuous members of the regionalist faction. We will target these men after a thorough analyses by our Services have determined the risk most opportune and potential blow-back the most limited. At this phase we will utilize non-lethal methods and utter restraint is advised, although lethal force is authorized if the situation demands it or in order to preserve the secrecy of our intentions. This first phase will contain the harassment of the regionalist scum on this list, bribe, threaten, assault in order to secure their vote or exchange it for one of our own. If Phase One does not yield the results that we hoped for we will move to Phase Two were we will liquidate sufficient tribal deputies to secure the vote on the Flag Question. Furhter instructions will be given upon that time. Our friends within the Old Guard have assured us they will conduct similar operations, but see it as an internal affair of the Old Guard special group.", the briefing lasted for several more hours after which the men withdrew to the bar to indulge themselves on alcoholic beverages. The next morning the Commanders would return to their respective posts and issue the orders down the line.
     
    Tiburia, Eiffelland, Auraria and 2 others like this.
  4. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    Yugoskija Air Base
    Socialist Republic of Belgarsk
    Kadikistani Union

    "Let us be clear on one thing, Comrades. This new 'Great Compromise' put forward by the reformists may have fooled some of our former friends in the Old Guards, but it won't fool us. Any and all changes to our national flag are a frontal attack on the Slavic foundations of our great nation, without which we would have been reduced to ashes and dust by now.", the room full of Generals and other high ranking officers couldn't agree more and nodded for every argument raised by their leader. Once again it was General Lazar Crnjanovic who took the lead with all the old faces and even some new members for the Ultra-nationalist Brotherhood sitting at the round table of the Yugoskija Air Base. "Nevertheless the reformists will continue to sway moderate nationalists and anti-revisionists with this bastardization of our glorious flag." Crnjanovic continued referring to the reliable rumours that were spread through the main State media outlet, 'The Proletarian', earlier this week. These rumours consisted of a new top-down flag proposal supported by the Central Committee that would see the Kadikistani Union having an internationalist flag rather than a national one, with the Slavic colours remaining subtly in the background, worked into the socialist symbolism. While more moderate voices that formerly supported the maintaining of the current flag, either the anti-revisionist and rejectionist factions who emphasized the historic value of the current flag as the most visible remnant of Nikolai Leninov's rule or moderate Slavic nationalists whom would choose a compromise over the potential perspective of civil conflict, were now tempted to change sides for the sake of stability and unity.

    The unconfirmed 'Second Great Compromise' weakened the camp that wished to maintain the current Union flag. Except for a handful of radicals on the regionalist side most of the opposing pro-change camp had voiced support for this compromise. Without the full backing of the anti-revisionist Old Guard and the rejectionist Radical Youth League the ultras couldn't hope to win the Flag Question through democratic means. Luckily for them their brotherhood had a strong military tradition, which meant that they had spend quite some time preparing for eventual reformist or regionalist counter-attacks such as this Great Compromise. The last two months no less than three People's Deputies had been liquidated and dozens more approached by agents of the Ultranationalist Brotherhood who used bribes were they could and outright intimidation in the other cases. With the first phase of the campaign nearly over the Brotherhood had only secured about twenty votes and was forced to kill four People's Deputies who didn't bow to the intimidation tactics and wanted to expose the ultras. Killing was preferably avoided in the First Phase as it unavoidably caused suspicion, despite the Brotherhood agents, mostly members of various military and civilian intelligence agencies, being very skilled in making the deaths look like accidents. Politically the Ultranationalist Brotherhood had exhausted its maximum reach, managing to persuade mostly Old Guards and even some reformists with nationalist sentiment. All together the so-called socialist 'Historic Camp', as the People's Deputies that wanted to keep the current flag were called despite nationalist sentiment being the main motivator for most of them, had managed to rally 351 voluntary votes behind their cause. But even with the 20 votes gained by bribes and intimidation 371 out of 960 was still not enough to successfully block the Flag vote.

    "We must step up our efforts." Crnjanovic stated while locking his wrinkly hands together. "In sixteen days from our current date we will initiate Phase Two. We will take more risks in apprehending votes, not only isolated deputies will be targetted. Once we do so it will only be a matter of time before the enemy discovers us and our intentions. At that time we must be ready to strike back at their heart and make our presence known to the public. We will target the Regional People's Assemblies in the regions were the regionalists are dominating. Framing local resistance groups in doing so. We will show our presence on the streets. This is expected to go smoothly in the southern republics, which will serve as our bastions. Moravscik's puppeteers in the Central Committee will press on the Flag vote no matter what, our inside source confirmed, we will eliminate enough to turn the vote in our favour". General Crnjanovic halted for a few seconds to see if there were any questions. A general based in the Kadik enclave in the northern Socialist Republic of Spretska-Naritsok respectfully raised his hand while his arms rested on the round table. "The Spretska Home Guard Garrison and the 38th Mechanized Infantry is with you, Comrade General. But what comes after? We can not allow our nation to be weakened for foreign invaders whom lurk at every corner." Crnjanovic gave a small nod as his colleague finished his statement, in his mind the flag was enough to go to war over. As long as the war was well prepared he gave himself all chances of succeeding. "You will all be informed with every detail of Phase Three when the timing is opportune. For security reasons I can not yet give you all the information, but I will tell you that it includes establishing our own High Command and cutting ties with the institutions of the Central Committee."

    Crnjanovic was rudely interrupted by Colonel Pjotr Tsjekenko who stood up unannounced, clearly upset. "Establishing... Cutting ties... I.. I never signed up for this! This is civil war! This is treason to the Party!" Crnjanovic motioned the Colonel to sit down, but it was of no avail. "I want no part in this! I am not afraid to get my hand dirty, but I will not aid in an endavour that can only lead to civil war and the destruction of our Union!", as signalling Tsjekenko didn't seem to work Crnjanovic quickly switched his gaze to one of the elite guards standing at the door and sealed the fate of the speaker with a simple hand gesture. Tsjekenko also witnessed this and turned to the guard behind him. "What are you doing, Lieutenant?", Tsjekenko pleaded as the guard quickly restrained him and started escorting the shocked Colonel outside. "No, do it here. Against the wall." General Crnjanovic said calmly, seemingly almost enjoying the moment by showing a small smile. He was not happy that the guard was about to kill one of the members, he was glad he could preform a demonstration of power. He wanted his highest commanders to witness his determination and ruthlessness and show them that they had no choice but to align their respective fate's with that of the ultranationalist cause. As the guard removed his pistol from his holster and aimed towards Tsjekenko's head, away from the table to avoid blood splatter, the panicking Colonel issued his last words, "No, wait!", before executing him in front of everyone. Four other soldiers rushed with their weapons ready, responding to the gunshot, but once they saw the scene they quickly realised what had transpired and started dragging the faceless Colonel outside.

    All the remaining men present quickly turned their heads back to Crnjanovic, the General remaining icy calm continued with a formal tone. "Who vouched for this man?", he inquired as the room recomposed itself after the execution. General Nikolai Bukarin raised his hand, trying his hardest to keep it from shaking while the cold sweat started running down his bald head. "I did, Comrade General. But I didn't...", the fierce leader formally interrupted Bukarin and ordered him, "Get out.", while looking at his guards. Bukarin rose from his chair with a frozen facial expression and clearly afraid, but trying his best not to show it as it is expected of a Kadikistani officer. Held directly responsible for Tsjekenko, Bukarin would suffer the same fate after a long, cold walk in the snowy wilderness one day, but not until the flag vote as he was also a People's Deputy from the Lubjia Oblast in the Tsjevernenka SR. For now he would receive a some modest torturing, withheld from all but the need-to-know operational meetings and put under close and constant observation and intimidation. Crnjanovic went on for another three hours explaining the details of Phase Two, the other high officers trying their best to stay concentrated on every word as the stench from the aftermath of the shooting became worse every passing minute, a constant reminder that would leave a mark on all of them.
     
    Last edited: Apr 13, 2018
    Merioneth, Polesia, Gunnland and 4 others like this.
  5. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    Spretska [Kadik Enclave]
    Socialist Republic of Spretska-Naritstok
    Kadikistani Union

    The history of Northern Kadikistan had been written in blood countless times. The Socialist Republic of Spretska-Naritstok, the second most desolate SR after Sjeverno-Zmljiste, had been settled by Yamalians, a generic term to describe various Permic language speaking tribes, as early as the 14th century. And while this was long before the first Kadiks arrived in the region in the early 18th century, the latter have held sway over the ethnic majority ever since 1700. Not long after the Greater Slavian Empire was established the Imperial Government of Czar Oleg II ordered the 'Kadikization' of all his territories. This mean that ethnic Kadiks were given a number of Imperial-funded incentives to settle in all corners of the Empire willingly in hopes of uniting it through ethnic domination. In certain cases, such as the heavily industrialized northern naval city of Naritstok, convicted Kadiks were forced to relocate from their heartland in the south as punishment for their petty crimes. Unlike Naritstok the Kadiks in Spretska were mostly descendent from voluntary immigrants, but nonetheless the relations with the original occupants of the enormous region remained strained throughout their history. In this first of many major territorial conquests the Kadiks preferred the use of the sword, and later the rifle, to deal with the Yamalians. This led to heavy ethnic-cultural tensions from day one, the severity of Kadik repression managing to unite the various Yamalian tribes in dozens of bloody conflicts through the ages. The region is largely regarded as the Czar's 'testing grounds' for later conquests in the East as the stiff resistance of the Yamalians taught the rulers of the Greater Slavian Empire and its successor, the Czardom of Kadikistan, that is was more effective to make deals with local elites and tribal elders than to go to war with every ethnic group that it encountered.

    Nonetheless divide-and-conquer tactics were never used on the Yamalians and it wouldn't be until the late 1960's before they got included in any form of government. The Marxist revolution of 1907 had brought little salvation for the Yamalians. First Comrade Andrej Rurik was known to be puzzled when dealing with the Kadikistani High North. He did plead for some form of federalization avant-la-lettre, which eventually was a deciding factor for the Clans to have him killed and take control over the revolution, but his pragmatic side knew that he would have lost the North if he didn't continue policy the way it was. Whenever the fate of the Yamalians and the Kadik enclaves were discussed Rurik kept postponing any real decision-making until his early death at the hands of the Leninov Clan. The limited freedoms that had been given to the Yamalians by Rurik were almost instantly revoked when the Clans hijacked the Communist Workers' Party. The only thing the Yamalians managed to keep after the death of the last Rurikist leader in 1930 was their Kadikistani citizenship. When Nikolai Leninov took power in 1938 after a short and bloody private war with the Tsjekovites he reinstated the Kadikization, but gave it a socialist ideological twist. Rather than Kadikization, which refers to the Kadik ethnic group specifically, Nikolai Leninov introduced 'Kadikistanization', which was a term used to include all Western Slavic groups within Kadikistan, the Polaski, the Ruska, the Krasnislavians and the Kadiks along with some heavily assimilated Turko groups. The name Kadikistan in itself a reference to the Kadiki River that separates the west of the nation from the east, but also units the various people's as they were all drawn to the river and its abundance of natural resources. Kadik nationalists, such as Nikolai Leninov and even Andrej Rurik managed to keep their ethnic name in the name of the country, but managed to explain the continuation of this 'non-socialist' ethnic approach, though with the inclusion of the various Western Slavs.

    Under Nikolai Leninov the Kadikistanization machinery was reignited and went full throttle. State incentives such as free housing, car, choice of jobs,... and various other perks were moderately successful in drawing more Slavs to the various corners of the massive nation, including Spretska and Naritstok. But despite the fact that the voluntary relocation quota's were never made the local politicians managed to resist the proposition of reinstating 'penal -or otherwise forced relocation' because they caused destabilization in their already fragile areas. No matter how much or how little Slavs eventually migrated this renewed kadikistanization made Nikolai Leninov enormously popular among what he described as 'his pioneers'. The inhabitants of the enclaves felt enforced and supported again after years of neglect and indecisiveness. This is why even after the death of Nikolai Leninov in 1957 and the subsequent coup by the reformist National Committee for Justice and the Rejuvenation of Socialism anti-revisionism was very popular in the enclaves. The latter largely remaining loyal to Nikolai's self-proclaimed heir Ratko Leninov and supporting him with fire in the Kadikistani Northern Civil War until the very end in 1965. When the Great Compromise was reached between the reformists and the anti-revisionists in 1965 most of the enclaves became bastions for the newly created Old Guards, enforced by the fact that the reformists abolished all relocation incentives and privileges and neglected the enclaves for decades to come. The trauma of the Civil War and the destruction it caused also played a large role in the anti-reformist sentiment. This did not only reinforce the anti-revisionists, but in their shadow also rejectionist hard-liners whom had always kept their presence in the enclaves and had been organizing and growing ever since.

    In 1968 the Yamalian Socialist Oblasts gained the same rights as any other Oblast and the first Yamalian People's Deputies entered the Supreme People's Assembly, much to the discontent of the deputies of the northern Oblasts dominated by the Slavs such as Spretska and Naritstok respectively. Even though the Oblasts were still those drawn by Nikolai Leninov, specifically shaped to ensure Kadik dominance in as many of them as possible, and the Yamalians, heavily damaged by the ethnic element of the civil war, largely grabbed this first opportunity in over 300 years with both hands. In the following years the number of Yamalian Deputies rose steadily and with it the Ultranationalist Brotherhood. The federalization of Kadikistan had some unexpected advantages for the Slavs in the newly created Spretska-Naritstok SR as the new federal electoral law put more emphasis on the amount of people living in the Oblasts, which still served as the base for the Electoral Districts, rather than on a mandatory delegation from each Oblast. Naritstok was the biggest Kadikistani northern port and home of the Northern Revolutionary Fleet. With roughly 550,000 inhabitants, 90% of which ethnic Slavs, Naritstok was the second biggest city in the region. With a population of roughly 670,000, 96% Slavic and 89% Kadik, Spretska surpassed its northern neighbour. Besides these two enclaves much of the SR is barely populated permafrost, the entire Yamalian population only barely surpassing that of the Slavs concentrated in the two main cities and their surrounding areas.

    The State-sponsored competition between the two northern enclaves to draw as much of the Slavic lies at the base of a friendly rivalry between the two major enclaves, along with a traditional arrogance coming from the Kadiks from Spretska whom look down upon the Kadiks from Naritstok because many of them decent from relocated criminals who were forced to work in the harbour or nearby metal mines. But at the end of the day both enclaves would always stand united, feeling increasingly surrounded by the 'vengeful' Yamalians. The latter were also forced into the factionalism of the Communist Workers' Party. In 1968 almost all of the Yamalian Deputies were relatively young as strong rumours existed and the tribal elders believed that this inclusive policy was all just another trick as they had been betrayed so many times before. But despite their youth these pioneer Yamalian deputies showed their gratitude to the National Committee through their loyalty. Until the late 1990's the Yamalian deputies formed one bloc with the reformists in the Supreme People's Assembly, but fuelled by increasing tensions with the enclaves, mostly concerning the fact that the Slavs controlled all of the richest lands and the fact that ethnic Yamalians were still systematically kept from high positions within the Kadik dominated military officers corps, a small number of Yamalian People's Deputies 'radicalized' and informally joined the Regionalist Faction.

    "We can't target the Separatists again. Our brothers in Sbrevika were much too careless. Taking out three regionalist deputies in one go while we have been liquidating them so carefully until now.", General Ranko Vlabonir said quietly, surrounded by a small number of trusted officers of his 2nd Motorized Division. The men were standing in an empty room of an unused administration building within the Spretska army base. The natural light coming from the small window was just enough to lighten the room, not that there was much to be seen besides grey concrete walls and army uniforms. "If they haven't already the regionalists will quickly discover what we have been doing. It might already be too late, but I suggest we lay the focus elsewhere for now. Petr Zurakev is a Radical Youth League member and Deputy from the Komi Oblast. Surely some of you know him for his provocative speeches in the Central Square. What he says is downright rejectionism, but the Old Guards leave him alone in order not to loose more of their radical wing to the Youth League. They would, however, not stand in the way if we were to remove him. That teenage scumbag already had the cheek to openly declare that he will vote in favour of an internationalist flag. If he is removed we can assure Crnjanovic that the Socialist Republic of Spretska-Naritstok is secured against the flag change as I have little doubt that the remaining Yamalian deputies will have the balls to stand in our way."

    Vlabonir continued to debrief his officers for another few minutes. He gave them detailed orders on how the assassination was supposed to happen. Vladonir would be taken on his way back from the Regional People's Assembly and taken to a remote location were he would be forcefully intoxicated and eventually stabbed to death at gunpoint by two unlucky Yamalian travellers. After a rushed investigation and an incredibly speedy trial the Yamalians would be executed for the murder of the deputy by the time the news reached Ivar. As a final insult the ultras wanted Zurakev to go down as a drunk who lost against a duo of Yamalian savages in a barfight and a became and embarrassing footnote in history. Things wouldn't turn out that way however, the Radical Youth League being far better informed than anybody had expected. Two days from now the ambitious Youth League would connect the dots, in the following week they would plan their retaliation, in two weeks the deadly letters would be sent off, not in the least to the Yugoskija Airbase.
     
    Last edited: Jun 4, 2018
    Eiffelland and Nitra like this.
  6. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    Yugoskija Air Base
    Socialist Republic of Belgarsk
    Kadikistani Union

    The otherwise confident General Lazar Crnjanovic was nervous, very nervous. Like his followers in the enclaves, bastions for the Ultranationalist Brotherhood, he feared that his operation had become too noticeable. Much too many deaths in too short of a timespan raised many questions, not in the least among the Regionalist Faction. But despite the Regionalists being the primary target for the Brotherhood's campaign, it wasn't them whom Crnjanovic feared the most. Propaganda to the contrary in vain, those with Regionalist sentiment remained in the margins of national politics and the military, the latter two heavily entwined in Kadikistan's 'Militarized Socialism'. This meant that while on the rise the Regionalist lacked the kind of power you needed to strike back in Kadikistani politics, not only through words, but also with blood. Not to mention that most of the Regionalists were still heavily traumatized by their respective history's of ruthless oppression. The knowledge that the Brotherhood could do more damage to the Regionalists and their cause than the other way around made the killings cause little alarm in Yugoskija, the unofficial headquarters for the Ultra's. It was what happened in Spretska which worried Crnjanovic.

    The murder of Petr Zurakev, a member of the Radical Youth League in the Socialist Republic of Yamalia, had caused some anxiety among the Ultranationalist ranks, especially in the South. Unlike in the Slav enclaves where they were above the law as long as they left the dominant Old Guards alone and happy, the Brotherhood was only a minor faction in the Kadik dominated South. In fact the southern Youth League was over three times as large as the Ultranationalist Brotherhood and also well-established in the higher echelons of the Party and the Military, especially among the ambitious younger officers. This was what made Crnjanovic nervous, "Fucking Vlabonir... He might have ended us, that cocky bastard.", Crnjanovic said to some of his trusted lieutenants while hurling some document towards the trash. His Adjutant started collecting the papers from the ground as Crnjanovic rose from his chair and slammed his fists into the table, bruising his knockles. "Fuck!", he yelled as the pain increased his anger to a level of rage and the first drops of blood came out of his fists. He couldn't help himself from kicking his bended Adjutant in the ribs, knocking him against the wall and eventually on the ground.

    "General, please..", one of Crnjanovic's Lieutenants pleaded before being 'saved' by the bell. A high female voice connected with the intercom in the General's fancy office, "Daily mail for Comrade General Crnjanovic.", she said. The sound of a female voice helped Crnjanovic calm down. In a matter of seconds he pulled himself together and reached out his hand to the paralysed Adjutant on the ground. "I apologize Sergej.", Crnjanovic said calmly and in a soft tone before returning to his straight face. "Go handle the mail while I clean up in the bathroom", he ordered his wounded aide before closing the door behind him to the bathroom where he started to clean his wounds. Among the mail was a package which was not unusual by itself, but this one had very specific instructions on it. Adjutant Sergej gave the package to a nearby Colonel whom frowned and spoke loud enough so the General could hear it in the other room. "The package states that it is for your eyes only, Comrade General. The package has the official army seal and instructs that you are to open it 'without delay' and with 'utter urgency'." The General sighted upon hearing his Colonel, still trying to remove some splinters from his fists from smashing into the table. This time he was determined not to let this slow and painful procedure overwhelm him and decided to illustrate his trust towards his men after illustrating his rage before. "Just open it and tell me what's inside, this will take a while."

    Less than 5 seconds passed before the eager Colonel opened the package. An explosion ensued that blew through the windows and turned the General's office into an inferno. Everyone and everything inside the office was torn apart and evaporated, all doors blowing out of their framing's. The thick oaken door separating the office from the bathroom catapulted Crnjanovic into the nearby bathtub and formed a shield around the General. The latter had remained conscience throughout the entire blast. A few broken bones and some heavy burn wounds didn't stop him from pushing the door away. His office and the adjacent rooms were still in flames, but the adrenaline got him far enough to be caught by his men and brought to the infirmary. Crnjanovic did not stay there very long. He had already concluded that the fact this package reached his office meant that his base security had been infiltrated by the unconfirmed enemy. By the time the military leader of the Ultranationalist Brotherhood was on a plane he had already received word from his members across the Kadikistani Union that similar attacks had been carried out simultaneously, killing a few dozen Ultra officers and even eight People's Deputies. The attack had Youth League written all over it, a retaliation that would show strength and ruthlessness.

    The perpetrators would soon become very public as the Radical Youth League announced another 'Great Purge' in their daily news. This 'Third Great Purge' was proclaimed to follow the first one in the 1930 were the Clans got rid of the 'common revolutionaries' and the second one in the late 1950's throughout the 1960's were the National Committee tried to clear the Kadikistani institutions from the deeply rooted Clan network. The Youth League independently founded Counter-Reactionary Committee's across the Union. The C-RC's would organize paramilitary units who's primary job was the arrest or even execution of the Ultra's in every corner of the massive nation. Volunteer C-RC members started rallying for a penal expedition into the enclaves. As General Crnjanovic flew off to the People's Socialist Republic of Calidia along with some loyalists he issued an order for those who remained to go underground and maintain the network until his return. He knew he had lost the momentum and rather than strike back with equal means, potentially destroying them before they could reach their goal, he decided it was best to cut his losses and reorganize. Not that Crnjanovic wasn't determined to go back as soon as possible, he wanted to do so in force. In Calidia he would seek an ancient cancer that has plagued the nation for the past four centuries, the Clans.
     
    Last edited: Jun 11, 2018
    Eiffelland, Polesia and Nitra like this.
  7. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    Spretska and Naritstok [Kadik Enclaves]
    Socialist Republic of Spretska-Naritstok
    Kadikistani Union

    The long dreaded day had arrived. The leadership of the Ultranationalist Brotherhood had fled to Calidia in hopes of contacting the slumbering remnants of the former 'Revolutionary Clans'. Many Ultras remained sceptical about the chances of success for such an endeavour. Calidia wasn't the Clan-bastion it was under Arvu Maimu and in fact the local Ivar-line reformists had been given every mean available to root out the Clans ever since the 1980s. Even the Calidian Red Guards weren't as loyal to the Clans as they once were, slowly shifting towards the Kadikistani Radical Youth League from the 1990s onwards. They did so out of consideration for their own future as the fate of the Clans remained uncertain while the Youth League was on the rise following the same sectarian political-ideological stream of Marxist-Leninovism. Other Ultras felt betrayed by General Crnjanovic and his entourage as they were left to fend for themselves, ready to be engulfed by the penal expeditions launched by the Anti-Reactionary Committee's. Only those lucky and smart enough to keep their membership or sympathy for the Brotherhood under the radar would stand a chance, but even these men didn't sleep well at night. Most of the men still followed the orders like good soldiers, anxiously waiting for good news coming from Crnjanovic and Calidia while hiding underground like rats. Those who refused to flee have been arrested, detained and sometimes tortured en mass ever since Vladonir ordered the assassination of a RYL member two weeks ago, gravely underestimating their strength and reach.

    General Ranko Vlabonir was an exception as he chose not to hide. Feeling strengthened by the large base for the Brotherhood in the two largest Northern Enclaves and confident that his friends in the Spretska-Naritstok Old Guard wouldn't betray him he flew the Ultranationalist banner high over the Spretska Revolutionary Military Base. This modern base hosted the Spretska City Garrison, substantial in numbers due to local circumstances and its officer corps heavily infiltrated by the Ultras, along with an airfield and a harbour that was empty for most of the year, but large enough to host the Northern Revolutionary Fleet if needed. Ranko Vlabonir had the strength to crown himself as the highest military commander and de facto leader of Spretska, the same could not be said for Naritstok. While the Brotherhood had significant strength in Naritstok the latter enclave was still firmly in control of Old Guard General Lev Niktov, son of the infamous Andrej Niktov. The latter was the son of a prestigious Kadikistani war hero that earned his stripes in the Virumaa Northern War 1956-1957 were he was praised by friend and foe for his superior strategy and tactics in lifting the siege of the Beckerist enclave and winning the hearts and minds of the Southern Viru along the way. Andrej Niktov joined the Northern Anti-Revisionist Civil War on the side of Ratko Leninov and Sergej Moravscik out of honour and blind loyalty, choosing to place his oath of allegiance to the Leninov Clan above his best personal interests. Unlike Moravscik who switched sides again as early as 1958 Lev's father fought in that conflict until the very end, waging a very successful insurrection against the National Committee for Justice and the Rejuvenation of Socialism until 1964. In that year Andrej Niktov was the last major commander fighting against the reformist New Order. Along with New Order strongmen Salatic, Suzerov and Cvetkovic, Andrej Niktov helped mastermind the Great Compromise of 1964 which saw a relative end to the Northern civil conflict and the split of the rejectionist faction from the anti-revisionists. The Great Compromise included amnesty for those who signed it and Andrej Niktov even managed to maintain his rank, Ivar considering his rebellion to have been 'respectable'. The Niktov name has continued to carry much weight in Kadikistani politics and Andrej was considered the political father of the Old Guard Special Group, his son Lev profiteering from this, but also determined to fill his father's shoes and maintain his legacy.

    General Ranko Vlabonir had just received word that a 4,000 men strong mechanized A-RC Unit had been dispatched to Spetska under the command of the RYL with authority given by the weak Central Committee. The latter feared the power of the Youth League, often reaching those within the Reformist mainstream and the Old Guard, and had quickly rallied behind their anti-reactionary cause. The Reformist Central Committee under Second Secretary Vujadin Mihajlovic decided that rather than make their own hand dirty and potentially escalate matters further they would allow the Youth League to for the A-RC's and let their rivals kill each other in a controlled environment. Upon receiving this news General Vladonir quickly assembled his military and political staff, and ordered them to mobilize all forces within the Socialist Republic of Spretska-Naritstok. Besides the Spretska Garrison the allegiance of the rest of the Northern Kadikistani Units remained uncertain. The 12th Mechanized, in charge of both defending and policing the Yamalian rural areas, was made up for 80% out of various Yamalian ethnicities and while almost all of the officers were Kadik Slavs, some even known Ultras, it remained to be seen if the Yamalians would fight to defend the Ultranationalist Kadiks. Nevertheless orders were given, except for General Lev Niktov in Naritstok, he deserved the respect of a personal call.

    From his Office in the Centre of Spretska Vlabonir had a direct line with the chain-of-command in Naritstok and it wasn't long before a weary Niktov was connected. "Comrade General Niktov, Lev my friend. At 0900 this morning we have received news of the imminent arrival of hostile identified Youth League force of 4,000 strong and mechanized. Our latest reports indicate that motorized units in similar strength are on route to Naritstok. We must...", Vladonir was interrupted by the low voice of Niktov on the other side of the line. "We are in compliance with the orders issued down from the Party HQ in Ivar, General Vlabonir.", Niktov said smoothly as he heard Vlabonir swallowing his breath, clearly not receiving the answer he was hopin for this early on. "Lev? What are you saying? I've already contacted our friends in Naritstok, Colonel Mradic will assist...", Vlabonir was interrupted by the calm and formal Niktov once more. "Colonel Mradic has been placed under arrest along with several other reactionary conspirators. We will assist the Anti-Reactionary Committee's wherever and in whatever manner we can to root out the nationalist poison for our glorious Union. Lay down your weapons Ranko, it's over". A clearly shocked Vlabonir hanged on the other side of the phone for several seconds, his dreams and what little hope remained shattered before him. "Your father would turn in his grave, you coward!", Vlabonir yelled in a fit of uncontrollable and irrational rage, before Niktov finished up calmly, "We are severing all communications effective immediately. Goodbye Ranko."

    General Niktov was committed not to repeat the mistakes of his father. As a child of war he had seen the horrors in the North when they dared stand against Ivar. But without the help of Naritstok Vlabonir feared that he wouldn't be able to hold of the Youth League long enough for Crnjanovic to return from Calidia. The Brotherhood would still try to sway Niktov, especially when the connection to the clans is established, but even if the Brotherhood would succeed in this it remained unclear if the General would follow the allegiance of his father or that of his own towards Ivar. Nevertheless Vlabonir stood alone as the first A-RC Units arrived at the old city gates, build in the 18th century to protect the early enclave from Yamalian raiders and expanded as the city grew. Receiving constant updates while travelling to the Garrison barracks he was told that the gate watchers had surrendered to the A-RC without a fight. Only after 1200 meters the A-RC encountered their first obstacle as an army checkpoint had been transformed into a roadblock with two heavy calibre weapons mounted on them. Easy work for the BTR-80's if it wasn't for the RPG squads hiding in the adjacent buildings, taking out the first and the last APC as the Garrison charged the trapped men from all sides, coming out of the nearby coal processing factory, houses and even the sewer. The fighting intensified and broadened to other parts of the city as the trapped unit was freed by reinforcements. In the neighbourhoods around the Garrison barracks the A-RC's fought for every building and every street, meeting fierce resistance at every corner. Isolated Garrison units in other parts of the city often surrendered when facing overwhelming odds in the initial phase, but this changed when the Cernaj A-RC Commander Abish Kusherbayev called in the assistance of the 12th, which had been purified by mutinous Yamalian grunts, most of the Ultranationalist officers beaten to death. Hundreds of armed Yamalians pouring into the city did not only strengthen the resolve of the Brotherhood and confirm that they are dying for the Kadik cause, but it also angered a large majority of the local population. The military trained civilians began a campaign of sabotage and harassment behind the lines which started slowing down the advance, but most just closed their windows and doors, hoping that the devastating bombardments of the 1950s wouldn't repeat themselves.
     
    Last edited: Jun 25, 2018
    Eiffelland, Polesia and Nitra like this.
  8. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    Palace of the People
    Ivar Capital District
    Kadikistani Union

    Second Secretary of the Central Committee Vujadin Mihajlovic was in over his head. He had risen to the top in the shadow of the currently comatose First Secretary Sergej Moravscik along with some of the Party leader's other protégées. He wasn't a war hero like his mentor, nor did he have any significant form of political or military talent that would put him before anyone else. Overall he was lucky that Moravscik's rise to power left a trail of empty positions in the higher echelons that he and his buddies could occupy. The most significant reason for him to be in the position that he was, was the fact that he had chosen to tie his political fate to that of the ever ambitious Sergej Moravscik back in the day. That was pretty much the only achievement he could take personal credit for. Under the custody of the Second Secretary, with the lack of a strong respectable leader, the Central Committee of the All-Union Kadikistani Communist Workers' Party was weaker than it ever was and knowingly blind to the internal struggles. More then once did Mihajlovic proclaim that there was no factionalism within the Party, even when the various factions started murdering their way in a ploy to achieve their equally various goals. And while it would have been normal for any Party leader to deny the fragmentation towards the outside world, Mihajlovic actually believed it. Either being not intelligent enough to witness what was happening to his Party or refusing to recognize the truth in an attempt to sleep at night and deny his own failure.

    The Central Committee run by Moravscik lackeys, but without Moravscik, was not strong enough to take a strong stance against the fragmentation of the Party. It lacked the leadership and determination to deal with the exposed Ultranationalist Brotherhood themselves and allowed the Radical Youth League to found a second official paramilitary organisation besides the Marxist-Leninovist Brigades, the Anti-Reactionary Committee's and their Red Guards. The latter was the first militia created outside of the Revolutionary Armed Forces since the Great Compromise in 1964 and posed a clear and present danger as it ranks quickly swelled, not in the least with ambitious, ideologically dedicated, young officers. But rather than oppose the RYL's power increase like they opposed the Ultras, what a strong Kadikistani leader would have done, the Central Committee chose sides and rallied behind the Youth League. Although the exact amount of Ultranationalist conspirators was unclear the RYL was surely bigger in numbers, closely connected to the Old Guard Special Political-Ideological Group, and seen as defenders of the acceptable anti-revisionist stream. For all his flaws Mihajlovic at least had the insight to realize the personal danger he would have been in if he went against the Youth League, unlike the Ultranationalist Brotherhood which was considered a problem of the far away Kadikistani High North and the enclaves the RYL had many people in Ivar. Mihajlovic realized that his position was only as strong as the number of Reformist military leaders that maintained their oath of allegiance to the bed-ridden Moravscik, he wanted to avoid being targetted by young ambitious officers even if that meant great problems on the long term.

    The Second Secretary was nervous, walking across his decadently decorated Office in the People's Palace as new reports came in every few minutes. The latest report included the cost of moving the 2nd Guards Tank Army to three distinct locations along the Kadiko-Trivodnian border. The tremendous cost of the previous partial mobilisation following the failed coup attempt in Crotobaltislavonia earlier this year had not yet been fully processed, yet another mobilisation was taking place. "That is what the war treasury is for, Vujadin. Our economy is designed to endure such things longer than our enemies. We will show the West the merits of militarized socialism.", Chairman of the National People's Congress Ivan Mladzic said calmly as he saw Mihajlovic watch the bill with a certain anger in his eyes. "I'll get the budgetary amendments through the Congress. The different pressure groups will use it as an opportunity to demonstrate their allegiance to the Union. I predict we will see a debate where the various strongmen try and outbid each other to relieve themselves of all suspicion.", Mladzic continued, effectively bringing some peace and tranquility to the otherwise constant tensions in the room. Mihajlovic pulled himself together, took a deep breath and responded to his clique, "At least this war will provide the people with a good distraction. While our forces in the West deal with the Trier incursions our troops in the North can deal with these reactionaries. We need to put a tight leach on these A-RC's, I seek to have them dismantled as soon as this 'Brotherhood' is purged out.". Mihajlovic continued optimistically. Most of the men in the room knew that the A-RC's were here to stay, but once again personal protection was put above the common good and the Second Secretary was left to his illusions.
     
  9. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    Spretska [Kadik Enclave]
    Socialist Republic of Spretska-Naritstok
    Kadikistani Union

    "I hear the Yamalians are really tearing shit up out there. Attacking isolated Kadik settlements, killing indiscriminately and without evidence.", Sergeant Petar Masurov said as he was re-calibrating his mortar station. The Ruskastani Masurov was Squad Leader of an A-RC mortar squad operating in the periphery of the city centre assisted by a gunner, an assistant gunner, and three ammunition men. For the occasion the Polani Platoon commander, Lech Varuzaj, had joined up with the squad as he rotated between his units. Another round was just launched in direction of the city centre as Varuzaj responded with a concerned voice. "I had preferred that Ivar had given in to the regionalist demand for separate Yamalian units. At least we would have had the luxury of distancing ourselves from such reckless acts of vengeance such as those in Volkn and Perestra. We will loose whatever trust of the Slavic people we still maintained because for all they are concerned there is no difference between us and the Yamalian executioners.". Varuzaj was referring to two isolated Kadik fishing settlements that had been completely wiped out by a Yamalian A-RC. An internal investigation had been ordered by Ivar to determine what had transpired in the two villages, because even with the capital's eyes fixed on the West they couldn't ignore something like this. Even with abandonment of Kadikization and with it the people of the enclaves, the millions of Slavs, predominantly Kadiks, living outside of their historic lands still remained a significant electoral base and more importantly allowed for the Kadik domination of the military throughout the Union.

    As the gunner continued firing under constant supervision by both Masurov and Varuzaj, much like the sound of gunfire and explosives was constant, Varuzaj continued his dangerously honest opinion. "We saw how the Yamalians behaved when we started sieging Spretska 21 days ago. Attacking like savages, killing those surrendering soldiers, butchering them like dogs. We should never have used Yamalian troops to take the city. By doing so we have given the reactionaries resolve and united the local population behind them. General Kusherbayev, for all his many merits, made an immense mistake which was driven to such lengths that even the withdrawal of the Yamalian Red Guards brought little consolation." Varuzaj stated, turning the heads of two ammunition men. In normal circumstances such remarks were kept private or remained unspoken, but in this dirty war in the Kadikistani High North nothing was normal. The Revolutionary Army played an active role in the conflict, but mostly support for the A-RC Red Guards. The latter had seemingly received carte blanche from an uninterested and weak Central Committee in Ivar. Kusherbayev had been very successful in forcing back the Brotherhood to the centre of the city without suffering too many losses, a week ago he had launched an attack on the harbour from two sides which had yet to cut off the city from the sea.

    The Ultra's had been defending the city for almost three weeks now. Given the large territorial concessions in the first phase of the Red Guards attack, many Brotherhood dominated neighbourhoods were taken in the initial confusion and because of the heavy desertions within the city Garrison, the forces of General Ranko Vlabonir still managed to control roughly 55% of the coastal city. Vlabonir's forces had been thinned out greatly, but those who remained were those most devoted to the cause. The General had even managed to swell his ranks by recruiting from the military trained local population, persuading them that the A-RC's were here to eradicate them, referring often to the rumours of genocide in the isolated settlements of the Spretska-Naritstok SR and to the brutality of the Yamalian Red Guards Units in the initial attack. Among his forces Vlabonir still counted a few hundred Yamalians, much to the resentment of their Yamalian opponents. Yamalians finding themselves fighting for the cause of Kadik supremacy in the Union was the result of decades of divide and conquer. Most of these Yamalians had collaborated heavily with the Slavs in exchange for various privileges, some had been doing this for several generations. But besides securing a brighter future for themselves and their direct families these Yamalian collaborators also earned the hatred of the regionalists and separatists. They fought not for the Brotherhood's dream of a Kadik dominated unitary state, but for their own survival.
     
    Last edited: Jul 16, 2018
    Serenierre and Nitra like this.
  10. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    Outskirts of Vselovsk
    Socialist Republic of Ocheyna
    Kadikistani Union

    "If ever there was a time to strike against the Slavs, it is now my brothers and sons. Inshallah, they are distracted by the war in the West.", Arslan Isayev said as he had gathered with leading figures of his Altaigesh tribe, most of them actually being either brothers or sons of the tribal patriarch. They had chosen their meeting place on the outskirts of the regional political capital of the Socialist Republic of Ocheyna, Vselovsk. The Isayev had often before held their commanding meetings right under the nose of their enemies. Not only because they figured they could hide in plain sight, but also because they were too proud to be hiding in caves or thick woods during their high profile meetings. As far as the Isayev were concerned this was all still their lands, contested by other tribes as it had been the last few centuries. Currently the Isayev had to acknowledge that the Suleimenov clan, backed by the Kadikistani Union State, held control over the cities and significant urban centres and roads. The Kadikistani war machine had always repelled past incursions into the urban centres, be they coming from the Isayev or another one of the warring tribal factions. The latter had been largely united under the Isayev banner, the charismatic Arslan almost always succeeding in either appeasing the smaller anti-Kadikistani tribes, convincing them of the need to unite or even downright intimidate them into submission. The Suleimenov's had united the pro-Kadikistani tribes through equal means, except that stories of 'glorious resistance' and 'freedom fighters' were exchanged for stories about 'stability', 'peace' and 'power'. Most of the times those belonging to the Suleimenov tribe wouldn't be the biggest Kadikophiles, in fact there was often a similar Altaia nationalist reflex that caused resentment for the Slavs, but they realised that their destiny was entwined with that of the Kadikistani Union State in their territory.

    "The Kadik eclaves in the high north are on fire. Our Yamalian brothers have made sure that the rift between their people and the Kadiks that occupy their lands is deep enough that it will never heal. None of the state outlets has spoken about it, but reliable reports have come in that both sides are showing genocidal tendencies. Just like Ivar has never truly pacified the North we can not bare this insult in the East any more either. With the full mobilization in effect we must act before our warriors are send to the other side of the Union to fight with the Western powers.", Arslan Isayev said with passion and determination. As he looked around he saw familiar faces he often knew from when they were still very young until the wrinkly, scarred faces he saw now. What he didn't see was a lack of determination. The Isayev had been quiet ever since the federalization took effect, much to the discontent of some of the more radical commanders and warriors. Arslan was about to appease the latter, "We have seen this federalization for what it truly is. Not the proclaimed ethnic emancipation that was promised by the weak Central Committee, but a whole new instrument of oppression. Meant to sabotage the endeavours toward true emancipation, meant to disrupt any claims of true independence".

    As he spoke those last words one of his lieutenants started clearing the commander table while another placed a map of the city on it along with some blueprints of major buildings and other infrastructure. "Vselovsk, my kin. Vselovsk we shall attack, Inshallah.". The capital of Ocheyna, home of the Kadik elites in the region, but also a historical home-base² for the Suleimenov tribe, had an enormous symbolical value. If the Isayev and all those who stood with them would succeed in taking a Kadik stronghold in the far east of the Union it would set a dangerous precedent. Ivar knew that the fall of a city like Vselovsk could cause a domino effect across the massive nation, enriched by hundreds of long-oppressed ethnicities. Arslan Isayev knew this too, that is why he considered it imperative that he would succeed in his mission. He would lead by example, not knowing how many would follow outside of Ocheyna, where his influence was very limited. He also took an enormous risk, the last no doubt of his old life. Unlike past guerilla actions this would require his warriors to become soldiers. Even if they take the city, there was little doubt that Ivar would send more than enough troops and equipment to take it back, especially given the high amount of Kadik residents. Without the hoped domino-effect the Isayev would be spending their last remaining resources on a suicide mission.

    Not that this potential suicide attack hadn't been planned out well. Already internally labelled as the Ten Martyrs of Altaitura, the historic Altaigesh name for Vselovsk, ten young man had been preparing to preform simultaneous suicide attacks in strategic locations across the city. These large explosions would target important fortified checkpoints, making sure these wouldn't stop the following ground attack, and the barracks of the RAF garrison. The fastest response time of the most nearby base was 5 hours even with the mobilisation, so the Isayev needed to move fast. At the same time Isayev attack squads would enter the city over land, but more importantly also using tunnels. The Isayev had tunnelled their war into the Vselovsk sewer system, making it possible for them to pop-up behind an enemy the one minute and attack him again from another side the next. The fate of the economically insignificant city with a major political role in the region would no doubt determine the future of the Union in the East.
     
    Tiburia, Gunnland, Bezonvaux and 4 others like this.
  11. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    House of the Chairman [Eastern Wing]
    All-Union Party Headquarters
    Ivar Capital District
    Kadikistani Union

    Despite the fact that the Kadikistani Union, spearheading the Rurikgrad Pact, had seemingly established itself as a dominant power in the world during and after the Six Days War, the latter would prove to have heavy and far-reaching consequences for the already overstretched socialist empire. Indeed the People's Federal Socialist Republic of Kadikistan was already the largest country in the world even before the war and the annexation of Trivodnian Krasnislavia. But along with landmass it also gained even more ethnicities. The latter being something that was looked at in fear by nationalist Kadiks and the other Slav groups that were manipulated in thinking that the ethnic diversification would mean the end of centuries of Slavic dominance over the vast territories belonging to the Union and an eventual collapse. These, however exaggerated, concerns weren't entirely unjustified. The Regionalist Faction, a significant conglomerate of ethnic minority People's Deputies focussing mainly on minority rights and the creation of a more inclusive Union, welcomed the idea of adding more non-Slavs into the Union in order to increase their own influence and leverage. But nothing ever truly changes in Kadikistan without blood being involved and months before war was declared against the Free State of Trivodnia the Ultranationalist Brotherhood had already unleashed its deadly campaign to demolish the Regionalist vote in the 'Flag Question' by any means necessary. Bribing, threatening and even killing those who would vote in favour of an inclusive flag, one that would show a socialist identity rather than an exclusively Slavic one.

    Years before the war started the Ultranationalist Brotherhood had their 'Grand March through the Institutions', gaining key positions in State, Military and Party. This made them one of the most dangerous of the no less than six factions within the All-Union Kadikistani Communist Workers' Party despite being the 2nd smallest. Unlike the larger Regionalist Faction, whose history of inclusion into the higher Kadikistani institutions was much more recent, the Ultra's were firmly entrenched. Above all while the Regionalist Faction could count on some modest support from the dominant Refomists, the Ultra's felt the often militant backing of the anti-revisionist Old Guards and even some segments of the rejectionist Radical Youth League. This all changed however when the Ultranationalist Spretska Chapter under Colonel Ranko Vlabomir ordered the assassination of Petr Zurakev, a prominent local member of the Radical Youth League and a promising People's Deputy from the Komi Oblast in Supreme People's Assembly. Colonel Vlabomir did so after a series of largely unnoticed attacks against People's Deputies from the Regionalist Faction, believing it would draw attention away from the Ultra's and potentially ignite a conflict between the ethnic minorities and the multi-ethnic RYL. A strategic error of great significance, so seemed in retrospect as Vlabomirs plans leaked to the Youth League. The latter started nothing short of a military campaign against the entrenched Brotherhood, pulling in all their strings connected to both the Old Guards and the Regionalist Faction.

    The self-proclaimed Anti-Reactionary Committee's, fuelled by the RYL, laid siege on the Kadik enclave of Spretska allowing themselves and their Yamalian allies to quench their thirst for vengeance against the Ultra's. But the slaughters they left in their wake inspired great fears in other Slavic enclaves. Active Kadikistanization and earlier Kadikization had died with Nikolai Leninov in 1957 and ever since that date tensions between the enclaves on one hand and Ivar on the other. The leaders of the enclaves saw their dominant positions in their respective region fade very slowly in favour of minorities and their security ultimately decreased. Ivar had an increasing influx of new ambitious young and/or minority politicians and military figures which saw the enclaves as an obstruction in the way of progress and an unwelcome remnant of past regimes with the sole purpose of maintaining Kadik-minority-rule. By the end of July civil unrest had broken out in several dozens of the hundreds of Slavic enclaves. Either it were regionalists, separatists, ultra's or even rejectionists who started the unrest depending on the specifics of the region it always ended with violence. In almost all of the cases where Slavs were the ones taking to the street the local army or militsiya sided with them, in some cases even actively helping them remove minorities from their periphery.

    This in exchange further inspired long oppressed minority groups throughout the Union. They saw the violence of the Ultra's and how far the Slavs would go to keep them under their heels. Within the legality of the Anti-Reactionary Committee's if they could bend it to their purpose, but often also with independent militias they fought back as the enclaves were kicking everything around them in fear. During the Six Days War the 'Army of the Isayev' declared war again the enclaves and the Kadikistani State, demanding independence for the Altaigeish in the North-East of the Union. Their example gathered a decent following in the High East with several other Turkic tribes starting their own conflicts throughout the following months. The Kadikistani military faced a battle of attrition. Besides from a dozen small to medium-sized insurgent groups increasing their attack rate noticeably and about twice as much new various insurgent groups announcing their existence, the North-East was largely spared and the heavy violence contained to the High East. Nonetheless there were more and more reports coming in from unrest breaking out here too. Unlike the High East these areas were highly populated and the buffer enclaves were not nearly as strong.

    "The war in the west has proven a decent distraction, Comrade Vice-Secretary.", Vice-Chairman Antonije Levsky told Vujadin Mihajlovic, Vice Secretary and fellow member of the Central Committee of the All-Union Kadikistani Communist Workers' Party. The men were sitting in the luxurious saloon of the private chamber of the Chairman of the Supreme People's Assembly. Besides the two mentioned six other members of the Central Committee joined the informal meeting, accompanied with Engellexian whiskey and Brecostan cigars. These eight men had formed the de facto leadership of the Kadikistani Union ever since First Secretary Sergej Moravscik went comatose six years ago. Their workings were widely recognized as those of the weakest Central Committee in Kadikistani State history without a strong leader that the Kadikistani's have grown accustomed too. Many favoured a strong leadership that would end the societal divides such as the extent of federalism, emancipation and solve symbolic societal rifts such as the 'Name Question' and the 'Flag Question' which both amount to questions of the identity of the Union and its various people's. Questions that when answered wrong would inevitably lead to collapse. Thus also questions that the Central Committee was too careful, or spinless as their enemies would brand it, to take.

    "Yes, Antonije.", the Vice-Secretary replied as he leaned back into his comfortable red flannel seat and raised the cigar in the direction of the Vice-Chairman before continuing, "But regardless of the latest operations against Yiddish insurgents this cloak won't last forever. We have lost control over most of the enclaves and the High East is on fire. The news spreading to the heartland is of no concern, but it must not be allowed to engulf the Northern-Eastern Republics." The Vice-Secretary, perhaps already somewhat drunk, was merely stating what every man in the room already knew. "The prospect of a united Siamak taking up arms against us is something that keeps a man up at night." The mood went darker as the Vice-Secretary took a more serious and decisive tone. "We have indulged the Youth League long enough. We must declare the reactionary forces defeated and disband the A-RCs before they grow and fortify themselves further.", it was hard enough that the Great Compromise of 1964 had forced them to accept an ideological militia operation besides the military and under strong influence of the anti-revisionist Old Guards, the threatened Central Committee didn't need another.

    People's Commissar for External Affairs Petar Kujundzic intervened after a few more minutes of Mihajlovic ranting on about the danger that the RYL posed to their leadership. "Perhaps it would be a wise choice to include a popular, yet bendable, member of the Youth League into the Central Committee. We can tame them by including them. Surely it will temper..", Kujundzic was interrupted by the First Secretary, "And threaten this group's integrity as it has stood for the past six years? The youth needs to see that we are not as weak as they say! They..", Mihajlovic himself was interrupted. This was something he hadn't often experienced and thus he watched with fiery eyes at his adjutant intruding by opening the large carved solid oaken door, but before he could threaten his Adjutant's existence the latter said the following words:

    "He is awake..."
    Cigars fell on the solid black marble floor accompanied by a couple of shattering whiskey glasses. After these sounds a stunned silence overtook the room.
     
    Gunnland, Tiburia, Eiffelland and 8 others like this.
  12. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    Chamber of the Central Committee [Western Wing]
    All-Union Party Headquarters
    Ivar Capital District
    Kadikistani Union

    International affairs and the various mandatory appearances had taken their toll on the 96 year old Supreme Leader of the Kadikistani Union. The past few weeks had seen Sergej Moravscik consume the last reserves of energy he still maintained. In a way he himself had realized this, reflecting on his exhaustive endeavour to make the Pax Germanica Conference a success and constitute a last legacy of peace that he could not hope would cloud his reign of violence. Moravscik was the First Secretary who rose to the ranks in the most unconventional manner in Kadikistani socialist history. It wasn't until his early 30s when the Kadiki man started gaining some national attention with his role as sole survivor of the 1955 Kadiko-Jurzani Border Skirmish. Lavished as a warrior-hero by state media and with the backing of the then influential Leninov Revolutionary Clan he climbed the ranks and was promoted as an example to follow. The fact that he was on an opium smuggling mission and survived by using one of his newest squad members as a human shield while leaving others he had commanded for years to die was knowledge that he would soon take to his grave. He further demonstrated his ruthlessness and distinguished himself during the Jurzani Relocation and Assimilation Program where the relatively young Moravscik was put in charge of pacifying the most populated Jurzani territories within the Lurcheniv Socialist Oblast. Internally the Colonel and future First Secretary caught the attention of friend and foe with his eagerness to double his quota's and vicious yet effective methods.

    While in the late 1950s he never left the national spotlight for more than a few days he didn't gain international notoriety until the Winter War from 1956 to 1957. Loyal and under protection of the Leninov Revolutionary Clan Moravscik started a private campaign against the Kern community in the Virumaa High North after one of their military leaders assassinated his military and political mentor, Marko Leninov. Committing a multitude of war crimes he returned home as a hero with an increasingly terrifying reputation. Moravscik didn't have much time to relax as around that same time the almost mythical leader of unitary Kadikistan, Nikolai Leninov, had been killed by his political rival through mercury poisoning. During the civil war that followed Moravscik remained loyal to his former benefactors until the very end. Being one of the most effective commanders during the 'First Reactionary Northern Insurgency (1957-1964)' and showing little more mercy to his countrymen then he did to the Kern or Jurzani's he was eventually approached by the reformist Putchists rather than defeated. Accepting the amnesty and agreeing to the 'Great Compromise' of 1964 Moravscik turned his men on the Rejectionists whom he had fought alongside with for many years. In fact he was essential to crippling the remaining Rejectionist infrastructure and eliminating their leadership.

    The latter was something that remained unforgiven in the slowly growing ranks of the officially illegal rejectionist segment within the All-Union Communist Workers' Party. This stream of Marxist-Leninovism was gaining significant popularity in the ranks of the Radical Youth League (RYL), rejecting the Great Compromise of 1964 and the reforms pushed through by the narrowly dominant Reformist Faction since 1957. The Second Reactionary Northern Insurgency started in the late Spring of 2018 and the region, while largely pacified, is still strongly influenced by its aftermath. Unlike the Northern Insurgency from 1957-1964 this rebellion wasn't fought against Leninovist fanatics, but against the Kadiki Ultranationalist Brotherhood which was plotting against the relatively recently federalized state. It also provided the Youth League with an opportunity to form their own paramilitary organisation under the guise of the Anti-Reactionary Committee's. While the A-RC platforms served as an all-encompassing counter against the Ultranationalist conspirators the most significant role was played by their armed wing, the Red Youth Guards. When the Revolutionary Army seemed indecisive under the weak Central Committee of the then comatose Moravscik the RYL took the initiative and controlled the military operations in the Kadikistani high north for the first few weeks, before the Central Committee eventually caught up and assumed control. It was popularly known however that it was the Youth League and not the regular military that crushed the Brotherhood in their traditional strongholds, the Kadikization legacy of enclaves.

    Before Moravscik woke up from his long sleep the unpopular and widely considered weak Central Committee had failed to disarm the Red Youth Guards after the Revolutionary Army and Special Branches took over operations in the High North. In fact the RYG often organized their own operations independently from the regular military. While not seeking to defy and overeagerly confront Ivar the Youth League danced on the balance between socialist patriotism and treason. Still dealing with the Brotherhood the Central Committee decided to appease the RYL in late 2018 and reluctantly approved their demand to make the RYG a Party and State sanctioned armed militia with a de facto independent command. Until then only one paramilitary militia had been allowed to exist outside of the regular military as a part of the 1964 Great Compromise. The increasingly malnourished Marxist-Leninovist Brigades of the anti-revisionist Old Guards faction. This made the RYL and its young multi-ethnic leadership in an increasingly powerful position, seemingly seeking other ways of social promotion rather than the traditional military path. Their way of conducting politics was unseen in reformist Kadikistan. Their latest openly anti-government march through the capital, carrying arms and purposely generating international media attention definitely broke with past style.

    While protesting the joint military efforts of the Rurikgrad Pact with former nemesis Eiffelland-Retalia within the frame of the Continental Protection Force the RYL also demonstrated its growing power not only for the Union, but indeed the world. The latter had shocked the Central Committee and the old man Moravscik who woke up several months ago only to deal with this. Many expected that Moravscik would crack down hard on the RYL and undo the officialization of the RYG by any means necessary. Unlike the grey apparatchiks surrounding him in the Central Committee he still fell in the category of warrior-leaders and while his fire was fading nobody doubted that he still had enough to destroy one last threat to the Party and State. Despite his cult personification he was only human, more so one that had never cared to much about living a healthy lifestyle and often indulged in smoking and drinking. Sparing no expense to extent his life for as long as possible, he just couldn't leave the bad stuff even if that was the thing that would aid the most.

    Today this would once again catch up with Moravscik as he was being informed about the movements of the CONPROFOR. Gathering with the Central Committee the daily administration of the Party was interrupted by a dispatch from the Rurikgrad Pact Unified Command. Vice-Secretary Vujadin Mihajlovic noticed Moravscik's wrinkly skin turning blue and his bald head sweating. Signalling the dispatch reports to hold Mihajlovic turned to his leader, "Are you feeling alright, Comrade First Secretary?" he enquired right before watching his personal mentor collapse his head on the table. "Get the physicians, now!", he yelled while rushing over to Moravscik and tilting his head, "Hold on, Sergej... Hold on old friend.", he whispered while holding the old man and before yelling orders, "Prepare his room immediately!". Given Moravscik's bad health the building was equipped with its own private hospital for occasions such as this. For most in the room it seemed clear that this would be Sergej's last dance with death. He only made it to the hallway when the doctors ordered the aides to put him on the ground for immediate defibrillation.

    Mihajlovic closed the door, the sounds from the hallways only partially blocked, and looked across the room to see a bunch of boring apparatchiks with terrified looks on their faces. All of them were there by the grace of Sergej Moravscik and already suffered one political defeat after the other during his comatose absence. As long as Moravscik was alive they were certain nobody would dare doubt their position or even touch them, but so their destinies became entwined. Prepared as they had this was still a hard blow, Mihajlovic following the pre-established protocol. "These events do not leave this Wing. We will continue with the daily reports on the First Secretary and continue with business as usual.", Mihajlovic said unable to hide his own nerves. He made a poor attempt to relax the other members of the Central Committee, "He may yet pull through."
     
    Tiburia, Natal, Lars and 2 others like this.
  13. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    Chamber of the Central Committee [Western Wing]
    All-Union Party Headquarters
    Ivar Capital District
    Kadikistani Union

    Although it was long expected the idea remained almost unthinkable. In the early morning of the 8th of September 2019 the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Workers' Party and Supreme Commander of the Revolutionary Armed Forces had died from complication of a cardiac arrest. Born in December 1926 Sergei Moravscik was already 30 years old when he gained national notoriety, but at that time none would have dared to predict that he would dominate Kadikistani politics for over half a century. Now just a few months before his 93th birthday, global conflict looming in the West, Moravscik exhaled his last breath with the help of a machine. The same breathing apparatus that had kept him alive only in the strict medical sense for the past few days. Fearing the disappearance of their benefactor and protector the other members of the Central Committee wanted to keep Moravscik's body alive for as long as possible, even when his mind was long dead. Sadly for them the physical presence of the First Secretary on this earth was all used up and not even the most modern technologies could stretch it out.

    The atmosphere was dark in the Chamber of the Central Committee as the eighteen remaining members had all been informed on the death of Moravscik. The death wasn't unexpected and protocols had been produced years ago to deal with this situation, but still there was much fear and uncertainty around the table. If it wasn't for the cigar and cigarette smoke and the open bottles of liquor the room would have probably smelled like the sweat of fearful, old, fat apparatchiks. Many of them realized that the end of Moravscik would mean the end of them. The end of their luxurious lives, their influence, their splendour and for some even their lives. With the annual Party Congress scheduled for the end of the year the new elections for the Central Committee were at the doorstep and for the first time since Moravscik's rise to power there were no certainties.

    Vice-Secretary Vujadin Mihajlovic, Chairman of the All-Union People's Assembly Ivan Mladzic and the People's Commissar for External Affairs Petar Kujundzic were the only three members of the Central Committee that had relatively strong profiles. In their respective positions they had managed to claim attention and significant allegiance of the public and more importantly the Party. But even they could not exactly predict how much of their support base would crumble upon the loss of Moravscik as a guardian angel. Safe for Mihajlovic none of them could compete with the extremely charismatic and strategical genius of their biggest rivals, the leading cadres of the Radical Youth League, Viktor Leninov and the prestigious Old Guard Section and the conglomerate of the Regionalist Faction led by Cernajan Arslan Zarkayev, Siamak Mirza Bazargan and Krasnislavian Siamion Pronopovich. Not to mention that many within the Central Commitee's own reformist faction had ambitions of their own and even more considered that a changing of the guard was increasingly needed to solve societal rifts and at least end the symbolical issues that partly produce them such as the 'Flag Question' and the 'Name Question'.

    Mihajlovic was already pouring down his third scotch by the time the clock hit noon, his sweaty hand firmly keeping its grip over the glass. If he would have been half the statesmen of the 'Kadikistani Great's' like Andrej Rurik, Ivan Tsjekova, Nikolai Leninov of Ratko Salatic, he would have already taken action. Now he was sitting there like the other members of Moravscik's gerontocracy, getting drunk and wallowing in self-pity. He looked around the room, a truly depressing sight, and mumbled: "Nobody can know about this. " earning the gaze of most of the others. He continued while his tongue seemed to get thicker every passing word, "We will continue like when he was comatose. The situation is no different. Report on his daily activities, make public appearances of his doubles rare." Most other members in the room were still sober enough to know that this approach was merely postponing the execution , but they all wanted to believe that it would somehow work. Mihajlovic continues while already sounding very much defeated; "If we can keep this news from public and Party for another three months we will ensure our formation. Next legislature we can consolidate this Committee further, maybe even avoid new election."

    Several people at the table frowned upon hearing the words of the Vice-Secretary. It was clear to all that he seemed to propose some sort of political coup that would establish the dictatorship of an unchangeable Central Committee. Some went along with it, grasping anything they could to avoid the seemingly inevitable demise. Most knew in their mind that these were dreams of a hopeless drunkard with no future. "Why wait?", Ivan Mladzic spoke with alcohol-induced determination, "Why not sieze power now? Eliminate our rivals. They would do the same to us! They will if we don't make the first move.", determination turning into an obvious display of fear. An increasing number of members was feeling uncomfortable, feeling like they were sitting in a room full of dead people. The near future would show if the Vice-Secretary would be able to at least keep Moravscik's inner circle from falling apart, let alone the nation.
     
  14. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,626
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    House of the Pioneers
    Ivar Capital District
    Kadikistani Union

    Petar Kujundzic stood alone in an isolated room aluminated only by a singular light fixture. The room was located on the first floor of the brutalist designed 20 stories tall House of the Pioneers. On a regular day the building would host the youngest of the youth organisations under the umbrella of the All-Union Communist Workers' Party, the All-Union Pioneers. The latter was an organization for children from 3 - 12 years old which besides indoctrinating the teachings of Marx, Rurik, Leninov and Salatic into them from a very early age, also trained in responsible citizenship, various educational programs, character development and discipline, and self-reliance through participation in a wide variety of outdoor activities and, at older age levels, career-oriented programs in partnership with party, state and not in the least the military. While not mandatory any parent wanting their child to be able to climb the social ladder would send them off to the Pioneers for the weekend as was illustrated by the fact that besides the rare exception all of the current leaders of the Kadikistani Union were in this organization at some point in their lives.

    In the absence of a strong Central Committee the influence of the Rejectionist Section of Marxist-Leninovism over the Pioneers had been allowed to expand without much opposition. This was not because of some directorate from Ivar, but because the openly Anti-Revisionist and covertly Rejectionist Radical Youth League traditionally held key leadership positions in the Pioneers. That is why a dark room in the House of the Pioneers was chosen by RYL leading cadres after being approached by the People's Commissar for External Affairs, Petar Kujundzic. The latter was a member of the Central Committee and for the first time in over two decades he no longer found himself under the protection of the late Sergej Moravscik. Kujundzic was unconvinced of Vice-Secretary Mihajlovic's ability to maintain the cohesion of the quietly panicking Central Committee and much less maintain the lie that Moravscik was still alive.

    With this in mind Kujundzic had also reluctantly accepted that the tide had been turning and convinced himself that after the All-Union Party Congress in January the Reformist Faction would no longer maintain the already very narrow majority in the government that it had today. The People's Commissar for External Affairs would seek to abandon the sinking ship before it was too late. His membership of the Salaticist Reformist Faction had caused him to burn all bridges with the Old Guards over the course of his career, while also being a proud Kadiki with nationalist sentiments which prevented him from joining the Regionalist Section. With the severely weakened remnants of the Ultranationalist Brotherhood driven underground the increasingly popular RYL seemed to be the most opportune trajectory to preserve his power and influence. He could offer them his experience in leading the massive country and ensure a feeling of continuity for the people's of the All-Union. Or so he told himself.

    Kujundzic was starting to form a concentrated pile of cigarettes outside, smoking several and then dropping them out the window. An ashtray had been provided on a table in the centre of the room, but Kujundzic knew the game very well. If he had allowed himself to put out his cigarettes in the ashtray these would have betrayed his nerves to the young men who were about to enter. For appearance and avoid suspicion he extinguished his last cigarette in the ashtray, mere seconds after which two men entered the room. The oldest of the two was 30-year-old Marko Kerovski immediately followed by his 27-year-old second Hongma Zhu. Both were leading figures within the Youth league and their relative youth stood in sharp contrast with old man Kujundzic, painfully reflecting the generational conflict between the ambitious youngsters on the one hand and the thinning gerontocracy desperately clinging on to power on the other hand. A difference in style also became abundantly clear at the first glance as Kujundzic was wearing his civilian suit and tie while both RYL leaders just wore long pants and a nicely fitting shirt.

    Kujundzic stood up and reached his hand out to greet his hosts, but the atmosphere immediately turned darker as Kerovsky and Zhu refused him the courtesy of a handshake. Zhu, the youngest of the two, was an increasingly popular politician from the Xinhai Socialist Republic in the Eastern part of the All-Union. He owed much of his fame to his father, General Zhu Rongli, who had gained a strong reputation across the Rurikgrad Pact and beyond for his command during the 7 Days War and more specifically the Siege of Kretyn. Not even bothering to sit down Zhu spoke without hiding his Xinhaiese accent. "Is it true?", Zhu enquired from an increasingly uncomposed Kujundzic, the latter thrown off by the highly unusual lack of respect and directness of his counterpart. "The death of the First Secretary, is it true?", Zhu enquired again with a slightly stronger and impatient tone. Kujundzic grabbed a cigarette to buy himself some time and tried to put himself back on the rails.

    "Before we discuss such matters, you understand that I need some assurances first, Comrades?", Kujundzic said while his age made it harder for his voice to hide emotions. He addressed Zhu with his hands open, but was replied by an even sturdier Kerovski, "Tell us if it is true, Comrade Commissar." A shocked Kujundzic felt his options being swiped from the table and acted desperately, "Yes.", he said with his nervousness now very clear to all. "Now can I have a place in the new Union?", he followed up quickly out of desperation while the two RYL leaders looked at each other, smirked and turned around to leave the room. "Wait!", the old man called before Zhu turned around to give the man at least a small courtesy, "Your era is over, Comrade Commissar. You have been the face of revisionist policies both within the All-Union and abroad. There is no place for you in the Union that we will build." Kerovski opened the door again while looking at Zhu and tilting his head once towards Kujundzic. "Keep working with us over the following months and we will see to it that the transition will not discomfort you too much.", Zhu stated before both men left the room and shut the door behind them.

    Kujundzic, formerly considered the third most influential Kadikistani leader, was left shocked and appalled. He could think of nothing better than to smoke another cigarette and let it all sink in.
     
    Tiburia and Kir Chares like this.

Share This Page