Behind the Banner II Ours is the Fury Vselovsk Regional Party Headquarter Socialist Republic of Ocheyna Kadikistani Union Things had been hectic in the Regional Party Headquarters in Vselovsk the last few months. The highly contested federalisation of the state structures had brought about an extensive paper-mill that would take several months more to process. While the old Socialist Oblasts were maintained with each their own jurisdictions and leadership they know found themselves not only answering to the central government in Ivar, but also the Regional Governments of the autonomous Socialist Republics to which they were appointed. These dependent republics were largely divided according to ethnicity in a ploy by the reformist Central Committee of the Kadikistani Communist Workers' Party to ease or even halt ethnic tensions throughout the massive nation. Until the 1st of January Kadikistan was a unitary state with even the furthest corners of the socialist realm under direct rule by Kadik-dominated Ivar. The latter had imposed what western political scientists called 'Kadikistanisation' upon the diverse people's for nearly a century, meaning that they were to assimilate Kadiki culture, customs and linguistics while the government took active steps to destroy their respective regional/national heritage. The National Committee for Justice and the Rejuvenation of Socialism was convinced that a continuation of this policy would have turned nation into a ticking time-bomb, with past rebellions fading in comparison to what was about to come. Despite this knowledge it took them over 60 years to enact the federalization with a narrow majority, the action still being seen by many within the higher echelons as highly dangerous and even as a desecration of the Leninovist heritage by the influential ideological fanatics. The Party evolved together with the State and also experienced a level of federalization. Regional Party Headquarters, such as the one in Vselovsk, were formed. Usually the strongest Oblast with the most populated cities and industrial concentrations were selected to serve as capital. The Socialist Republic of Ocheyna was an exception on this field. Vselovsk was a much smaller city than many of the other regional capitals or even other cities within the republic. In the south was a much more heavily industrialized city called Kajund and in the east were several larger border cities that had grown greatly by thriving on the extensive Kadiko-Xinhaiese trade. The Socialist Republic of Ocheyna was very wealthy and controlled the only stretch of border the Union had with their allies in Xinhai, but the latter is not where the local elites gained the majority of their wealth. The border with the People's Republic of Xinhai was one of the main arteries for drugs trafficking with thousands of tons of unprocessed opium crossing the border annually. It was a well-known secret in Ocheyna that elements within the army facilitated and in some cases even processed the drugs while making sure they reached the distribution centres in Sbrevika from where they would be brought to the 'Eight Gates', Rurikgrad, Zarkazeni, Belgarsk, Krachno, Olrusk, Vartenik, Klinsk and Naritstok. And while the drug line from Xinhai wasn't as big as the two coming from Kashtan and Chernovy respectively, it had made sure that the party functionaries and military commanders, often the same men, could lay all political power in Vselovsk. Unlike most of the cities in the Kadikistani Union, Vselovsk wasn't a grey brutalist city with a skyline of well-organized apartment blocs. Architecturally it resembled a well-maintained rural Eiffellandian town, the people mostly living in their own separate houses, often renovated old farms and newly constructed mansions using imported western architects. Despite the majority of the people in Ocheyna belonging to the Altaigesh about 80% of those living in Vselovsk were ethnic Kadiks or Kadikistani's who had some sort of role in the local or regional administration, party or military. With about 90,000 inhabitants Vselovsk was in fact a Kadik enclave within the Socialist Republic of Ocheyna and while modest rapprochements were made towards the Altaigesh the Kadiks remained in control over it. Like most of the remaining Turkic groups the Altaigesh maintained their old tribal structure, which the Regional Party exploited greatly. Under the leadership of Regional Secretary Alek Abykayev, a prime example of a Kadikistani with a Kadik mother and a 'Kadikistanized' father with Turkic Chernayan roots, the Party promoted a tactic of divide and conquer to keep the Altaigesh from uniting their respective militias against the order of things as they had done so during countles rebellions in the past. The Suleimenov Tribe was elevated to a high status and was allowed certain political and social privileges while getting a modest slice of the drugs trade. In exchange they collaborated greatly with the Party and the Military, the militia often serving as protection or reinforcements for the illegal transactions, especially when the transports needed to cross lands claimed by rival tribes. The most influential of these rival tribes were the Isayev under the charismatic leadership of Arslan Isayev, a man committed to continue the fight for an independent Altaia like his forefathers before him, the Isayev tribe being responsible for most of the past rebellions and still waging an insurrection although no attacks have been conducted after the 1st of January so far. A part of the federalization, fiercely opposed by the ultra-nationalist and anti-revisionist factions within the central government, was the renewal of peace talks with the various insurgent groups spread throughout the country and mainly in the north-east. Under moderation of a mutually respected tribe a delegation of the Isayev had come to Vselovsk to talk with representatives of both the Central and the Regional governments. Not much had been accomplished during these talks, disarmament of the militia being the main stumbling block. Arslan knew that without weapons the Kadikistani's could not be trusted to honour their offers of amnesty and inclusion of the militia into a special branch of the regular army, like the Suleimenov militia. The Isayev demanded strategic seats in the Ocheyna Political Bureau, presence in the Regional People's Assembly, similar privileges as the Suleimenov's and the right to maintain the militia independently. And while the renewed peace talks were a success in certain republic of the union there was little doubt that the situation in Ocheyna would change with neither side of the table willing to compromise. Nevertheless this moment of peace allowed for the drug trade to flourish, security could be eased to a level in which the highest threats were suicidal local bandits. There were no losses of cargo as long as the Isayev honoured the temporary cease-fire.