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Corrientes

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EHTO nations reaffirm their support for the alliance

Camp Hill, PAHINA - Coming together at a summit in the capital of the Federation of Natal, the nations of the sub-continent of Eastern Himyar have reaffirmed their support of the Eastern Himyari Treaty Organisation, an alliance created to combat non-state actors pushing for violent constitutional and regime changes in the region. Originally started by the Federation of Natal in cooperation with the government in Maseru of the United Republic of Loago to combat the rebels attacking the country, mainly the Loagan League of Communist and their allies, the Rhinos, and the RANU, who were hoping to take over Natal and Port Stanley respectively, the alliance in time ended up to include Port Stanley as a full member and the Empires of Azraq and Pelasgia as associate members.

The EHTO Summit 2020 in Camp Hill, the 2nd yearly summit since the alliance was created, was at first intended to include only full members of the alliance, but with the Azraqi aspiration of joining as a full member, it was invited too to the capital of the Federation of Natal.

At the summit, the nations of EHTO have reaffirmed their support for their alliance and intra-Himyari cooperation, solidarity and collaboration. For this, it has been voted unanimously for the alliance to be first and foremost renamed from the Eastern Himyari Treaty Organisation into the Himyari Forum for Cooperation (HiFo-Coop), a change initiated by Mwene Kanyembo Ntemena, Mwene of the Lunda people and Prime Minister of the Federal Republic of Loago and was unanimously approved by the votes of the Natalian and Stanleyan representatives. The secondd vote of the meeting regarded the ascension of the Empire of Azraq as a full member of the alliance, which was again, fully supported by all the members of the HiFo-Coop.

The resurgence of the Forum as an institution comes after the recent attacks in the Dune Sea, which is in a peculiar position. While there have been critics in Camp Hill, Maseru, Chidne but also Jugol about de-colonisation and the Commonwealth's vote to become a dominion of the Nedernesian Crown, the fact that the country is under a state of siege by the HAMES terrorist group is not denied by the Forum's members, which are concerned as they feel they see a resurgence of the same episode they saw in Loago 60 years ago when the League of Communists was first created.

The conflict in Nzadiland has taken some of the attention of the Forum at the summit too, not so much for Nzadiland itself, whose geographical positioning on the western bank of the Northcott Channel is outside the influence of the alliance, but rather because the societal collapse and generalised anarchy seen in Nzadiland has transformed the ex-Dual Monarchy colony into a safe haven for the HPU, the Himyari People's Union, and the sub-units of the group which call for a violent revolution in Natal, Azraq, Nzadiland and the Far South.

The name change is believed to be a part of the old alliance to encompass the whole of Himyar, as the revolutionary wave that hit Eastern Himyar two years ago seems to have moved to the west banks of the Northcott Channel. Currently, in the Western half of the continent, only Pelasgia is an associate member of the Forum.
 

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Fears grow Azraqi Emperor will not give up Ivory Throne

Jugol, PAHINA - The Empire of Azraq's opposition parties, Dawamali nobility and even members of the ruling Pan-Hasremotic People's League share a growing fear: the Emperor will not handover the Ivory Throne to his agreed successor, sparking a major constitutional crisis and potentially even civil war.

The current Emperor, styled locally as Tiirka Illah (Pillar of God), has made several controversial interventions into Azraqi domestic politics, and more recently taken a proactive lead on foreign policy.

While the High and Supreme Courts of Azraq have found all of the Emperor's actions to be constitutional, they have drawn strong criticism from politicians across the political spectrum and saw the sovereign summoned by the Imperial Convention, the body that represents Azraq's ruling families.

Emperor Tiirka Illah has made his priorities clear: new transport infrastructure, military modernisation and higher economic growth.

After overseeing three indecisive elections, the Emperor played a key role in creating the now ruling party the Pan-Hasremotic People's Party, which merged the bulk of the long-dominant Party of Principles with a number of smaller parties that had previously been coalition partners with the Principlists.

Yet critics of the Emperor dismiss the PHPL as a "sham" and a "front" for the monarch. Local journalists have noted the relative low profile of government ministers, with major announcements typically made by ministerial spokespeople or the Emperor himself.

"I'm can't even remember the name of our current prime minister," admits one Azraqi reporter.

The Emperor's regular media appearances and clear desire to drive through his domestic and foreign policy agendas have led many to believe he intends to stay on past his alloted time.

"These are not the actions of a constitutional monarch," says a seasoned Ivory Throne watcher.

The Ivory Throne, named after its ornate elephant tusk design, is shared by the seven Dawamali dynasties that ruled the League of the Green Crescent Coast, the predecessor to the first Azraqi Empire. This system of rotational monarchy is unique in the world.

Emperor Tiirka Illah hails from the Gabood dynasty, the richest of them all thanks to their strong commercial interests in Gabood, a major port city handling trade to and from Toyou and Implaria.

The Haradhera dynasty was due to ascend the Ivory Throne after Emperor Tiirka Illah's seven-year rein came to end. However the Haradheras main candidate for Emperor - who must be approved by the Imperial Convention - is now married to a Gunnish Catholic noblewoman, his faith ambiguous. Only Muslims can sit on the Ivory Throne.

Sources close to the Emperor deny he will look to extend his rule, but many note with no clear Haradhera nominee, the case for him staying on the Ivory Throne is stronger. Economic and diplomatic wins will make the case further.

The Imperial Convention can vote to extend the reining Emperor's tenure if the proposal had unanimous support. Yet commentators say that is unlikely. "Too much bad blood," says an Azraqi historian.

If Emperor Tiirka Illah refuses to cede the Ivory Throne, it would trigger a major constitutional crisis. Some even predict civil war. "The Shamo, the other Dawamali dynasties... They would not stand for such an action," fears a lawmaker in the PHPL, which has close ties to the Emperor and shares many of his policy goals.

Some suspect the Emperor's push for greater defence spending is to build a loyal following in the Azraqi military, which had previously been distrusted by the Azraqi elite after several failed coup attempts in the 20th century.

Most of the PHPL will also back the Emperor, and if his ambitious programme of reform, investment and more muscular foreign policy succeeds, many of the public will too.

"The question of the next Azraqi Emperor will not be opened for a another few years but reports elements of the Azraqi nobility, the opposition parties and even members of the governing party are fearing a potentially cataclysmic constitutional showdown shows many see it coming," reads a briefing note from the Institute of Himyari Security Studies, a Natalian think-tank.

"Whether an unusual alliance of left-wing nationalist parties and Azraqi aristocrats succeed in preserving the Empire's relatively liberal parliamentary democracy is not certain... The current Emperor has proven a formidable operator and may enjoy deeper support than many think," the briefing continues.
 

Pelasgia

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Pelasgian government responds to mass protests against Treaty of Spesse with anti-opposition crackdown
Propontis, PAHINA - Tensions between the Liberal Constitutionalist opposition and the Absolutist government seem to be approaching a boiling point in Pelasgia, as the Absolutist regime seeks to reassert control following a mass protest movement organised by opposition parties and media. On Friday, nearly four hundred thousand Pelasgians gathered outside the Grand Palace of Propontis to demand that the Emperor dissolve the Chamber of Deputies and call an election, and that he refuse to ratify the Treaty of Spesse signed by the Prime Minister and two other ministers. Protestors also called for the resignation of Prime Minister Thrasyvoulos Platanias, following his excommunication by the Ecumenical Patriarchate for a foreign policy that drew Pelasgia too close to Communist countries. Added to these demands was general popular dissatisfaction with the country's overall direction, as numerous rearmament projects, overseas colonial conflicts, and aggressive grandstanding have seen Pelasgians increasingly taxed and impoverished, all the while the country's economic and trade links with major partners have become strained. The downgrading of Pelasgia's credit rating earlier this week seemed to be the boiling point for overarching concerns in Himyar's largest economy, which has stagnated in the latter half of the 2010s.
Though many hoped the protests would lead the Absolutist government to adopt a more conciliatory stance, these hopes were shattered by the actual government response on Saturday morning. The State Council for Communications and Information Systems, Pelasgia's new internet, IT and mass media watchdog, banned the online version of Propontios Logothetis and imposed crippling fines and online publication bans on the newspaper and its parent company. Propontios Logothetis, Pelasgia's most important newspaper, is known for its pro-Liberal Constitutionalist leanings and published a widely-read editorial by vice-president of the Liberal Constitutionalist Party, Deputy Ioannes Kravatas-Apostolakis of Therisus, on Wednesday. The editorial criticised Pelasgia's imperialistic policy and called for protests outside the Grand Palace until the Throne called an election. Pelasgia's General Directorate of Imperial Police then attempted to arrest prominent Liberal Constitutionalist Deputies, such as Ioannes Kravatas-Apostolakis and Philippos Merkoures, for their leading role in the protests, citing Pelasgia's anti-insurrection and anti-regime change attempt laws, along with Penal Code articles against inciting public unrest and illegal assemblies. However, Mr. Merkoures and Mr. Kravatas-Apostolakis were protected by groups of protesters who had been standing guard outside their Propontis residences. Both Deputies refused calls to claim asylum at foreign embassies, stating that they would remain with the protestors "to the bitter end." Though Imperial Police and Gendarmerie were present in great force and sometimes used moderate force to keep protestors back from the Grand Palace, they have so far remained largely passive.
Moreover, Pelasgians have begun using online forums as a means of gathering information on Pelasgia from outside sources, while also using virtual private network systems (VPNs) to circumvent Pelasgia's region-lock internet restrictions. This, coupled with the hesitance of the government to use force against the already considerable crowds of protestors to disperse them, has led to a stalemate between loyalist and opposition forces in Propontis. Already, reports of protests in other Pelasgian cities, including one of up to 60,000 protestors in Thermi, the Empire's second largest city, have caused alarm among the Empire's government circles. Unconfirmed leaks from within the Governing Senate, Pelasgia's de facto highest organ of government, report division between the members of the Absolutist administration. The moderate faction led by the Finance Minister has called for appeasement of the protestors and the opposition, while the hardliner faction, led mainly by the Procurator General, has called for a harsher crackdown. As the Emperor appears to have yet to take a side, rumours of the Prime Minister's impending resignation, especially following his highly embarassing excommunication, have been gaining steam. A source within the Imperial Prinery leaked a document regarding preliminary orders of ballots, leading to excited speculation about a coming general election.
 

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Central Himyar calls for emergency Himyari summit as tensions escalate

Camp Hill, PAHINA - State President Liam Savage, together with Chief Minister Bradley Ross have called for an emergency summit of the Himyari Cooperation Forum, inviting representatives from the Commonwealth of Port Stanley, the Republic of Loago, the Empire of Azraq, as full members, and even of the Pelasgian Empire as observer members to Camp Hill, to discuss the recent erruption in revolutionary activity in the continent. The intense escalation of violence comes after the heightened tensions between the ODS and the Rurikgrad Pact nations have brought an end to the Long Sea Status Quo Treaty between Propontis and Ivar, which in turn evolved into the full on revolt of the DKKP in Pelasgia.
The meeting comes after heavy fights have been reported in Pelasgia proper, and in Voukellarion region, where the DKKP guerrillas have already been pushed out of the cities and into rural guerrilla and resistance in the mountains. Other problems have appeared as tensions between the reactionary, traditionalist and conservative region of Memphis is turning against the more liberal and constitutionalist Propontis, with the tensions between the two being contained only by the existence of the DKKP as a common enemy, but should they not be labelled a threat anymore, an even worse civil war can be observed fermenting, In the far west of Pelasgia, the Urudoah are fighting a full on Intifada against Jewish and Pelasgian authorities, as local authorities see themselves forgotten by the central government which has bigger fish to fry.
The rise of Marxism-Leninovism in the whole of Himyar comes after the SQT was broken, with many reverting to their revolutionary ideals, and tensions have been heightened in Central Himyar, but also in Loago. In Central Himyar, the Pelasgian ambassador and his security guards have been killed in an assassinate which is currently thought to have been either perpetrated by the DKKP itself or done by the local ML groups, such as the Central Himyari Communist Workers' Party, CHCWP, nicknamed the Ferrets. Something similar has been observed in Loago, as the Loagan League of Communists has launched a series of raids out of the Alfajiri mountains on checkpoints manned by the Loagan National Defence Force.
"The events of the last week have been quite spectacular and it is sometimes so very hard to follow. We have observed how the whole world system of the SQTs built by Ivar and Propontis has broken down, but that has empowered the RYL in Kadikistan and has activated the Marxist-Leninovist groups in Himyar. This is very problematic as the DKKP is pretty much a state within the state in Pelagia, Masimba and the Loagan League of Communists are still at large in Loago, the CHCWP, or the Ferrets are sitting on our backs and can acts hostile to the authorities too and in Nzadiland, the largest national movement there is socialist too. The H3 must come together and bring all the Himyari family of nations to Camp Hill and discuss a next move into the world of tomorrow which has tensions reach the upper limits of the late 50s," stated Chief Minister Bradley Ross.
Central Himyaris from both sides have started moving to Pelasgia to fight for their ideals, as it has been reported that the Green Legion, a mercenary company formed during the Natalian Emergency back in the 50s to fight the Marxist-Leninovist insurgency is moving from Loago to Pelasgia, while the CHCWP's press bureau has stated that a volunteer group called the "People's Lions", are armed and ready and are even now crossing the Sea of Buto to aid their MList comrades in the Pelasgian region of Voukellarion. The Ministry of the Interior has put the INTAF and the Directorate of External Reconnaissance on high alert, while the Ministry of Military Affairs has risen the alert levels of the Union Defence Force from level 4 (peacetime - low tensions) to level 3 (peacetime - moderate alert).
 

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Dune Sea Authority

It is concerning that the government of Central Himyar does not consider inviting the government of the Dune Sea or Nedernesia to such an emergency conference, especially considering the unrest in the Dune Sea. Himyar is in flames and all parties must come together to find a way to work together towards a lasting pan-Himyari peace.
 

Azraq

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Wasaarada Arimaha Dibada
الخارجية‎ وزارة
Ministry of Foreign Affairs


The Empire of Azraq will send an appropriate level representative to the emergency summit of the Himyari Cooperation Forum in Camp Hill.

Given the extraordinary nature of the crisis emerging in the Pelasgian Empire we are not opposed to the Dune Sea Authority attending in an observer capacity.
 

Azraq

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Ministry of Foreign Affairs


TOP SECRET - HIGHLY CLASSIFIED

His Imperial Majesty Boqor Tiirka Illah also suggests parallel bilateral discussions between the Empire of Azraq and Central Himyari Union to discuss a coordinated response to the unfolding crisis in Pelasgia.

While Port Stanley, Loago and the Dune Sea Authority are part of the east Himyari family of nations they do not possess the same strength of diplomacy, military power or even sovereignty that our nations do.

It is the view of the Emperor and His Imperial Majesty's government these discussions are kept highly confidential and happen in a discreet manner.
 

Pelasgia

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PELASGIAN EMPIRE
GOVERNMENT OF PELASGIA
HIM FOREIGN MINISTRY

Propontis, 10 July 2020 | Public Statement

To whom it may concern,

Pelasgia is shocked and appalled at the murder of Ambassador Margarites and his guards, as well as the cowardly attack against the Pelasgian Embassy in Camp Hill. We are confident and hopeful that the authorities of @Central Himyar will bring the perpetrators of these atrocities to justice. HIM Own Secret Service stands ready to assist them in any way possible.

HIM Government agrees on the necessity of an immediate summit of the Himyari States to coordinate our response to this wave of international Communist terror, and to respond to it by any means necessary. We are not opposed to an observer role for the Dune Sea Authority at the moment. Regarding the so-called "People's Lions," they shall find that landing in Memphis is probably the worst strategic decision they could have made.

Signed and sealed,

Nikolaos Margarites
HIM Foreign Minister
 

Azraq

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Azraq sends military westwards as fear of Pelasgian-style civil war grows

Jugol, PAHINA - The Ministry of War and Defence has confirmed additional units from the Azraqi Imperial Army and Imperial Gendarmerie have been deployed to the Empire's westernmost territories to deter any ethnic, religious or political-inspired uprisings that are currently gripping Pelasgia.

Unlike the rest of Azraq, which is predominantly Nethian (black Himyari), the Empire's western provinces are overwhelmingly Urodoah, with a small Kyphtic population too. The region was the last to be integrated into the Empire and has a history of instability, driven either by opposition to rule from Jugol, or sectarian and tribal differences, with feuds and grudges stretching back centuries.

With Urodoah and Kyphtic nationalists currently battling Pelasgian government forces alongside Kadikistani-aligned communist rebels, Azraqi authorities fear the violence may spread across the Sea of Buto to Azraq.

Already hundreds of political activists and sitting lawmakers have been arrested in Azraq for having suspected ties to violent revolutionary or secessionist groups.

No fighting has been reported in Azraq yet, and Azraqi government insiders say soldiers and gendarmes deployed to the western parts of the Empire are under strict orders not to enflame tensions and act with restraint. "The Emperor wants to be seen as a benevolent ruler, not a tyrant," claims one Azraqi civil servant.

Azraqi sources also deny the deployments are a prelude to intervening in Pelasgia's internal conflicts. "This is purely about preserving the Empire's stability," says an Azraqi diplomat.

Azraq is due to attend emergency talks in the Central Himyari Union's capital Camp Hill in response to the Pelasgian crisis alongside representatives from Loago, Port Stanley and Pelasgia itself. The Dune Sea Authority has also requested to attend.

However if Azraq ends up with its own troubles to deal with, Pelasgia's problems may soon become all of Himyar's to face.
 

Azraq

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Opinion: An uprising in western Azraq was never likely

Troop deployments to Urodoah-majority provinces in the Empire of Azraq were an exercise in imperial authority not internal security

The Pelasgian Empire's civil war may be over as soon as it started, with a new constitutional convention opening up the possibility of a peaceful settlement end, although low-level fighting continues in some regions.

The internal conflict immediately prompted a major clampdown in the Empire of Azraq, with hundreds of political activists and dozens of sitting lawmakers. The Azraqi Imperial Army and Imperial Gendermarie also deployed additional units to the Empire's Urodoah-majority western regions to prevent any ethnic, religious or political upbringing inspired by events in Pelasgia.

Both Pelasgia and Azraq have large Urodoah and Kyphtic communities, with the two countries separated by only the narrow Wadjet Channel that leads to the Sea if Buto.

Urodoah and Kyphtic nationalists are two of the major armed factions in Pelasgia and the Azraqi establishment, dominated by the Dawamali nobility, feared similar armed groups ermergng in western Azraq. Yet tribal and sectarian differences meant Azraqi Urodoah and Kyphtic communities were unlikely to take up arms for their cousins across the water.

Divided not only by geography, Pelasgian and Azraqi Urodoah are also divided by religion, dialect, kinship and historic rivalries. Same for Kyphts.

Nor Azraq's Urodoah alone in the western provinces. Minority communities like the Cabaonians, Saba and Zigwa among others.

The Imperial government knew all this and still pressed ahead with military deployments to the Empire's western regions. But that is because the aim of the movements was not to protect national security but display imperial power.

Azraq's Emperor Tiirka Illah has been one of the most politically and diplomatically active monarchs in a long time. After disbanding Azraq's first left-wing Shamo-led government for dysfunctionality and jeopardising national security, the Emperor oversaw three indecisive elections before forging s new single ruling party, the Pan Hasremotic People's League.

On foreign policy, he brokered peace between the Continental Empire of Justosia and Democratic Defence Initiative, has allowed Nedernesian forces to pass through Azraqi territory on the way to the Dune Sea Domain and signed Azraq up as a full member to the East Himyari Treaty Organisation, now known as the Himyari Forum for Cooperation.

Many fear the Emperor is preparing to refuse giving up the Ivory Throne. Azraq operates a unique rotational monarchy where the title of Emperor is shared between seven Dawamalian dynasties. To date no Emperor has refused to stand down after their six year reign.

But the military deployments were not the prelude to an imperial coup either. "This was a hearts and minds mission," says one imperial advisor.

With four years still left in his reign, Emperor Tiirka Illah has given no hint about his plans.

Some doubt he would want to risk imperial stability - the overriding objective of his aim - by sparking a major constitutional crisis or worse, a civil war.

However others in the Jugol establishment believe if I can deliver even on just most of his promises, he may see see growing support amomg the nobility for an extension of his reign, which would be an unprecedented but not unconstitutional move, and would require the support of the Imperial Convention, which represents Azraq's rulimg families.
 

Pelasgia

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Pelasgian Empire's Successor States Begin Uneasy Transitional Period

Propontis, PAHINA - To the sound of the Pelasgian Imperial March, thousands of spectators watched in person and millions more on TV or online, as the Imperial Banenr of the Pelasgian Empire, a black double-headed eagle on a golden field, was lowered from the flagpole of the Grand Palace of Propontis for the last time. All remained silent, a pensive, profound atmosphere dominating the grounds outside the Palace. As the band of the Imperial Guard continued playing the same March, the new flag of the State Union of the Empire of Pelasgia and the Kingdom of Memphis, a green-blue cross on a wider white cross on a blue field, was raised above the Palace. Applause followed, though the heavy atmosphere of the evening had clearly not evaporated. Across Pelasgia, institutions of the old Imperial Government were busy changing their symbols; all those dealing with defence, foreign relations, and currency, which fall under the Union Government of the State Union, raised the same cross flag. Other government institutions in Pelasgia and Memphis raised their respective flags; Pelasgia has retained the Laskarid Double Headed Eagle Flag, for now, while Memphis simply uses a green-blue cross on a white field. Further to the east, in Philistaea, the new Commonwealth of Philistaea-Judaea is busy celebrating its independence, amid an uneasy transition to the new authority, and concerns for the future of the multi-ethnic society.

The process of population exchange is already in full force in that part of the former Empire. Millions of Urudoah and Jews from the rest of the Empire have begun the trip to Philistaea-Judaea, to their respective ethnic state, supervised and aided by Pelasgo-Memphian authorities, such as the Imperial and Royal Gendarmerie. Population movements are also occuring within Philistaea, as Jews move to the east, and Urudoah to the west. Ethnic Pelasgians and other minorities in Philistaea-Judaea have also started their own Odyssey back to their new Nation State. The Holy City of Hierosolyma, the capital of the new Commonwealth and an autonomous state largely dominated by the Pelasgian Orthodox Patriarchate of Hierosolyma, has been exempted from the population exchange, much to the relief of the locals. "My wife is Jewish," said Tiberius Al-Botrus, "but I am Urudoah and Pelasgian Orthodox. Thankfully, we are from Hierosolyma so we can stay here. But my wife's cousin, who is married to an ethnic Pelasgian diplomat, has to choose between her husband's career and staying in Tiberias, in eastern Judaea. To be honest, I miss the multi-ethnic aspect of the Empire; as long as we paid taxes, we could live wherever we wanted. We are told that ethnic cohesion is necessary for the new Nation States to function democratically... we shall see." Mr Al-Botrus is relatively lucky; while he can remain put, others, such as his wife's cousin, have six months to choose their future state of residence. Others have to move regardless of whether they want to, as they are from a non-mixed ethnic minority family of a group which now has its own ethnic state. Losing their property, employment, and nationality in their region of origin, they are promised compensation, abode, and citizenship in their new country; many are unsure whether the trade-off is worth it.

The unease also exists among government circles. Lt. Colonel Petros Kalogeros spoke with PAHINA regarding the transition from the Imperial Pelasgian Navy to the Imperial and Royal Navy: "Changing ensigns and jacks is the least of our concerns. We have entire bases in Philistaea that we need to clear our. It's almost a miracle that most of our fleet was deployed to the high seas when the breakup happened. That way, it will pass to the Propontine Admiralty rather smoothly. But those munitions warehouses and radio stations in western Philistaea? It will take months for us to clear it all out, while working with the new government in Hierosolyma. As for the men... Though most sailors come from northern Pelasgia, a few come from Philistaea. One of my subordinates has an Urudoah cousin in Cape Saint Nicholas. In six months, the poor boy will be out of a job and he will be forced to relocate to Philistaea. He wanted to rise up to a petty officer on an aircraft carrier. Now, he'll be a sailor in an overglorified coast guard, at best. His wife has to start preparations to move without him, while we're trying to see how we'll get him to Sidon. The Navy is not exactly glad to use its funds to ship off discharged non-nationals to what is now a foreign country, so he'll have to go on a warehouse-clearing convoy." Cape Saint Nicholas, a Pelasgian Sovereign Base Area in the former Exacarchate of Zarakas, is one of the former Empire's largest overseas military bases. Despite its strategic importance, it is now unclear whether the Union Government will retain it, or cede it to Azraq. While anti-Kadikistan hawks have called for the base to be maintained, many of those who supported ending the Empire are unsure of the base's necessity to the new State Union, saying Propontis's doctrine should now focus on defence within Himyar.

Abroad, the Imperial and Royal Diplomatic Service has had an equal challenging time. The Imperial Embassy to Trier, one of the Jewels of Pelasgian foreign service appointments, awoke to a new flag and a new plaque, featuring the Seal of the Union Government, as the Embassy renewed its accreditation under the Sovereign of Pelasgia and Memphis. The transitional governments in Propontis and Cassandris have established Ministries of International Relations and Trade to represent their interests in areas outside the Union Government's competence abroad, such as commercial relations, immigration, and cultural exchanges, and Pelasgia has already repurposed the old Trade Delegation in Trier for its purposes. Lines of Urudoah and Jewish expatriates, as well as expatriates belonging to other ethnic groups, were noted outside the Imperial and Royal Embassies and Consulates. Many of those assembled had questions regarding the transition, wanted to claim new passports, or were trying to inquire as to the status of their property and/or family back home. "We have set up an online FAQ and other tools to help ease these lines," said Tiverios Laskarides, Vice-Head of Mission; "Citizens are not the only people asking us questions. Foreign companies also want to make sure their supply lines will not be interrupted, and foreign governments want to make sure their oil shipments will keep coming, and that Long Sea trade will continue without much trouble. I even had a question-I cannot tell you from whom-regarding Imperial WMDs in Philistaea. Needless to say, all sensitive materiel is being transferred to Pelasgia under tight supervision. The point of the Convention was to make state transition as smooth as possible."

This uneasiness and malaise has translated clearly in polls for the upcoming general elections in Pelasgia and Memphis, as well as their Union Parliament. The Liberal Union, once the main promoter of reform, has seen its support shrink, along with a clean divorce with the conservative Constitutionalist Party, leading to the dissolution of the Liberal Constitutionalist Party that dominated the Constitutional Convention. The Constitutionalists, led by Philippos Merkoures, have allied with the moderated remnants of the Absolutist Party of Pelasgia, forming the National Rally. This is akin to the pre-Convention coalition that had governed Pelasgia for decades, with the exception that the Constitutionalists are now the senior partner. The National Rally is also favoured by the new Pelasgian electoral system, which retains first-past-the-post for rural regions, to ensure their adequate representation, while using proportional representation for cities. As rural electors are more conservative by nature, the National Rally is assured a solid majority according to most polls. Over in Memphis, the Absolutists are guaranteed to win, given that the Kingdom still uses qualified suffrage, limiting the electorate to classes more likely to support continued rule by the largely Pelasgian aristocracy of Memphis. Joined by the Memphian Constitutionalists as a junior partner, the Memphian Absolutists will rule for a long time. A victory for the Constitutionalist-Absolutist coalition in both National parliaments guarantees that the Union Government's Parliament, Council, and Cabinet will be filled with more conservative politicians, combining a pro-ODS and anti-Kadikistan foreign policy, with freer trade, fiscal liberalism, and social conservatism. Nationalism is also growing among the Pelasgian electorate, whereas the endorsement of the right by the Orthodox Church, which played a key role in the regime change and still dominates Pelasgo-Memphian public life, is a further boost to the National Rally's popularity among electors. The clear loser of the coming elections will be the Pelasgian left, which finds itself decimated and unrepresented after the failed DKKP rising, and tightly monitored due to the DKKP's continued low-level insurgency in the south. The Christian Syndicalists seem to be the only representatives of the labour movement in Pelasgia with any meaningful public support following the DKKP crisis.
 
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