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Pax Germanica

Kadikistani Union

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Nov 2, 2006
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Belgium
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Ivar
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Spelev
PAX GERMANICA
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All-People's Palace
Belgarsk
Socialist Oblast of Vretsk
Socialist Republic of Belgarsk

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In diplomatic circles people often used the phrasing 'historic meeting' or 'historic agreement' when referring to their respective bilateral or multilateral relations with other nations. While those same diplomats could definitely formulate several arguments that made such statements truthful, today's meeting was of a different calibre. Today was the first day in centuries that almost all Germanian countries came together during peace-time with a joint goal of establishing lasting stability and find consensual solutions to the mutual problems they faced. During peace-time because during that same amount of centuries many wars were waged between various nations on Germanian soil. The same soil that was often one of the only common denominators that could be found between the various regional rivals and their equally various political and economic systems.

The Kadikistani government hoped that their counterparts shared their belief that while war was sometimes an inevitable necessity, one had to exploit every possible alternative before engaging in one. Even more preferable was to create some sort of mechanism between the different Germanian nations that would serve to prevent wars, at least between the participating nations. Given the happenings in Germania the last few years some would argue that such a mechanism was a naive dream conjured up by an entity with no historical knowledge of the subcontinent. Nonetheless the representatives for the Kadikistani Union would not have taken this financially costly initiative if it didn't truly believe that it might bring concrete solutions to the shared geopolitical questions. Pragmatically speaking this initiative was also an opportunity for the Kadikistani Union to gain international prestige and part ways with their externally given identity of war-mongers, replacing it with a more peaceful profile.

A profile they themselves felt was very much deserved seeing as they hadn't been the aggressors in any conflict since the days of Nikolai Leninov (1939-1957), at least not from the official Kadikistani perspective. Other delegations arriving in Belgarsk would naturally see things differently as they didn't agree to the perspective that defensive wars are waged in other peripheral countries or through defending established socialism when it is under treat. The many battlefields that Germania had known has left scars that permanently affected the relations between the involved nations. For example less than a month ago there were huge festivities in the member states of the Rurikgrad Pact and Crotobaltislavonia to celebrate the first anniversary of the socialist victory in the Seven Days War. No such celebrations took place in Eiffelland-Retalia or most of Burgundy for obvious reasons.

In fact in a well-meant attempt not to damage the peace initiative all evidence of these celebrations were removed from the airport, streets and squares where their counterparts would arrive. The Kadikistani government wouldn't want the Eiffellandians passing by a monument or wall paintings that would reopen the scars of war. While the delegations of nations like Ostmark and Polesia were greeted as returning old friends with a bit more warm embraces and informal banter, regional partners such as Gunnland but also old nemesis like Eiffelland-Retalia were welcomed with the utmost respect. They would share in the same luxury as those that had stood by the Kadikistani Union for decades. The respect shown was genuine, even for those who stood on the other side during the Seven Days War, Kadikistani culture holding warrior ethics in high regard and thus treating both the victor and the defeated with deference.

The various delegations from Germania started arriving around noon as the sun gently began elevating itself to its highest point. Each plane was greeted with an honorary military line and the local army orchestra playing the various national anthems. Luxury cars with elite motorcycle escorts securing front and rear would bring the delegations to the grand socialist classicist All-People's Palace in the centre of Belgarsk. The latter was the third largest city of the Kadikistani Union chosen for its western location and infrastructure. Ivar while geographically still in Germania deemed too far East and the second city Rurikgrad having a much too negative connotation with many of the guests as it was the city that named the notorious Marxist-Leninovist military alliance. For the Ostmarkian delegation it must have felt like déja vu meeting with the All-Union leadership in exactly the same place only several weeks earlier. The only notable absentee was the Grand Duchy of Lars, refusing to take part in this conference due to the Revolutionary Armed Forces recently putting it's external assets on high alert following Larsian acceptance of Cussian and Anti-State military bases on their territory. In the opinion of the latter Lars had shown itself as spineless, preferring to hide behind foreign armies rather than constructively facing its fellow Germanians and working towards a durable stability in the subcontinent frequently plagued by war. While regrettable to a certain extent, the Kadikistani's were known to turn such situations into opportunities.

The Kadikistani delegation would be headed by the Vice-Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Kadikistani Communist Workers' Party, Vujadin Mihajlovic. He was the one who welcomed the delegations at the airport and guided them inside the All-People's Palace were they would shake hands with First Secretary Sergei Moravscik under heavy media coverage. Not only All-Union State media was allowed to capture these momentous occasions, sanctioned foreign media was also allowed as long as they followed the established protocols. The All-People's Palace was an architectural pearl that the Kadikistani Union liked to show. It had only recently been renovated to accommodate the Ostmarkian delegations several weeks ago in a meeting that led to the Belgarsk Pact, a bilateral agreement on close cooperation between both nations. The All-People's Palace was one of Nikolai Leninov's many prestige projects where the costs rose disastrously high compared to the return. Most other prestige projects had been cancelled or repurposed more rationally after 1957 given its negative rentability, but it was hoped that for such goals it could still serve a purpose. The goal of reaching an understanding that all participants could feel comfortable with.

Despite different perspectives all nations of the world could objectively agree that the Kadikistani Union and its unitary socialist predecessor had never broken a treaty, it would honour the decisions made today similarly.
 
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Polesia

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Nov 25, 2006
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Amstov
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Norse
The All People's Palace was far grander than anything that currently stood in Amstov. In fact, it was far grander than anything that had probably ever been built in the city. An imposing blend of neoclassical architecture and brutalist modernism, the complex was also far larger than anything that currently stood in Belgarsk too, or indeed, probably anything that had ever been built there either.

Yet to Yaakov Zilberfarb, the diminutive firebrand Jew and lifelong ideologue who was now de facto leader of the Polesian People's Republic, even if the increasingly decrepit Meier Lauterpacht was still technically President, there was something weirdly comforting about the grandiose pomposity of the building. After all, before returning to former Trivodnia to help create a new socialist state on the shores of the Polesian Sea, he had spent a lot of his life going in and out of the Palace, meeting various apparatchiks planning for a moment he thought would never come, until the Seven Day War broke out and the Rurikgrad Pact smashed both Trivodnia and its allies in the Trier Concord.

Ever eager to please, Zilberfarb and his entourage were the first to arrive to the so called Pax Germanica summit being hosted at the Palace. The Kadikistanis had recently upped the amount of aid given to Polesia under the Western Economic Recovery Programme and Zilberfarb needed to show gratitude, even if part of the reason the funds had been reallocated was due to Crotobaltislavonian disloyalty rather than genuine generosity. That and the fact illegal drugs, copycat Eiffellander cars, rip-off Retalian goods and other contraband didn't form a stable base for long-term economic growth, something that was needed if Polesia was ever going to be anything other than a black hole of Kadikistani cash.

Zilberfarb's hosts greeted him with all the kindness of true friends, even if they were really his masters. The Ostmarkians were much the same, if on a similar level to him, both living in the shadow of the Red Tsardom.

The awkwardness came when the other representatives arrived. Few saw Zilberfarb as a legitimate head of government, let alone a serious statesman, so largely ignored him. Not that it mattered too much, he was just there to repeat Ivar's talking points anyway.
 
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Ostmark

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The second delegation to reach the All-People's Palace was the one presided by People's Chancellor Horst Grasser, the flambolyant Wise Leader who represented the People's Republic of Ostmark. The trip from Wien to Belgarsk really felt like a Deja Vù of the meeting that had occured only a few week earlier and that streghtened the relationship between the small south-eastern National-Syndicalist nation and its neighboring eastern giant.

In the past weeks People's Chancellor Horst Grasser aligned the foreign policy of the People's Republic of Ostmark with the Kadikistani Union, and praised the latter for its commitment to peace and its vigilance on the affairs of Germania. All heads of state and government in Germania and Gallia are well aware of Horst's hostility towards post-delegationism, ideologically speaking, and diplomatic entourages in Wien are also aware of Ostmark's paranoia over the presence of post-delegationist military forces in the heart of Germania itself.

In many of his propaganda speeches broadcasted on Ostmark's state tv, Horst described Post-Delegationism as the ultimate manifestation of financial capitalism, or "globalist, internationalist turbo-capitalism", as he often defined it. The latter is also blamed, by the National-Syndicalist People's Party and its supporters, for all the went wrong in Ostmark since the very early days of the 2013 debt crisis and the prolonged state of poverty and malnourishment endured by the south-eastern german nation and its almost six million inhabitants.

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Grasser greeted the delegation of the Kadikistani Union at Belgarsk's international airport and the All-People's Palace, allowing national and international media outlets to capture the moment and testify before the eyes of Europe the solid friendship that has been forged between the two nations. As opposed to the rest of the delegations representing the socialist world, Horst Grasser did not feel subservient to the Kadikistan Union on a political or military ground. In a 2015 interview, during the early days of the National-Syndicalist People's Party, he stated that his syncretic ideology was openly inspired by the works of Andrej Rurik, in which he often identified given the common background as factory worker. The Kadikistani Union had no role in the rise of the National-Syndicalist regime that spontaneously formed after the general elections of October 2018. For this reason, Horst Grasser and his supporters did not perceive Kadikistan as a master, or the People's Republic of Ostmark as some sort of satellite state.

Horst considered the partnership between his nation and his eastern neighbor as a genuine proletarian alliance in the interest of his people, in the face of international pressure and increased isolation. Even tho the Ministry of Education and People's Enlightenment constantly describes the National-Syndicalist rise to power as a revolution, Horst Grasser's climb to the office of the chancellorship was the result of general elections deemed free and fair by international organizations, although fueled by populist propaganda and deeply influenced by the abysmal conditions of the national economy after the debt crisis and the default of the national economy in early 2014.

Despite his often unnecessary animosity, his extremely nationalist and radical views, Horst has always portrayed himself as a man of peace. Ostmark peacefully coexisted in its neighbors for over five hundred centuries, with the only exception being a brief skirmish with the Kingdom of Eiffelland in the mid 19th century. Even so, Ostmark has so far maintained neutral and positive diplomatic relations with the overwhelming majority of the nations of Gallia-Germania and Europe and actively promoted peace by either holding talks with foreign leaders or expressing his strong anti-war views on Die Volksrepublik, the newspaper of the National-Syndicalist People's Party.
 

Gunnland

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Virginia, USA
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Windhaven, Gunnland
All People's Palace
Belgarsk​

Two weeks earlier, Queen Julian had called him a "demiburgundian" in "ridiculous pantaloons." Now his Elbener staff called Anthony Gunn MacPherson the "Reichsminister des Auswärtigen." It was something novel, to see a Gunnish diplomat's trouser leg stepping out of a limousine. A Gunnishman in a business suit, of all things. At least the Kadikis were still driving ZR-5s.

Appointing a Gunnish imperial minister was intended to signal that the Empire would deal with the Union on terms long set in Windhaven from the reign of King Josias. Initial negotiations towards a new status quo treaty with the new imperial ambassador to Ivar, Queen Julian's close friend Madeleine mD. MacNicholls, had been promising. The old SQT renewed, and a focus on extra-continental threats.

Metaxy, Anthony remembered from Plato, being between. Even lawyers took enough four years of philosophy at the Marian. Here he was, between the communists and the Eiffelloretalians. And back home, between cautious Elbeners and the honor of Queen Julian. She had staked it long ago, in a risky January 2018 diplomatic cable, upon the man whose hand the hook-nosed diplomat was shaking.

Cameras clicked and flashed, freezing what is between past and future.
 

Elben

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Nov 1, 2006
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Iowa, USA
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Malat
Erich followed along behind his Gunnish superior with due deference. The foreign service officer of Elben had risen in the ranks after his exemplary performance handling the Justosian ambassador when the crypto-Catholic prince had visited Elben. Now the professional diplomat was Elben's senior non-political representative in the new order.

The advice given by his former boss Count von Schlabrendorff had been simple: keep his mouth shut, his eyes open, and anticipate Anthony Gunn MacPherson's needs. Now as he followed behind the Gunnishman, looking unfazed by the lights and flashes, Erich saw to all the little details, interfacing with his mid-level opposites on the Kadiki side of things, as the conference gathered.
 

Rheinbund

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Rotterdam, Netherlands
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Fehrbellin
Gianluigi di Gravesano-Carone, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Eiffelland-Retalia, stepped out of the EKW E8 of the Eiffelloretalian embassy in Kadikistan. He waited until his aides had stepped out of the limousine and were standing behind him. Then they walked up the stairs of the All-People's Palace in Belgarsk.
 

Kadikistani Union

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Belgium
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Ivar
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Spelev
The mass of people that had been rallied by the All-Union Communist Workers' Party along the route between the Belgarsk commercial airport and the All-People's Palace to cheer for the respective delegations were told to return to their homes or work in an orderly fashion. Only a few hundred were kept around in the street in front of the main entrance of the palace for the sake of appearance. The State provided incentives towards its citizens for attending such rallies and concentrations or even 'spontaneous' demonstrations. One was temporarily released from work, travel expenses paid, meals provided depending on the duration, could earn special ribbons and in some cases even medals issued by the Party that looks good on the individual records and more unofficially you had a chance of getting new clothing for free if you looked too unsanitary or impoverished. Despite all this there was a clear decline in participants compared to the previous decades and the Central Committee of the Party was already contemplating increasing the incentives with a financial bonus, deemed essential by some and desirable yet overly expensive by others.

Such discussions had little relevance today, the gathered crowd was more then sufficient to fill the pavements along the route. Different then with other diplomatic meetings the Party machine had not distributed little flags to the spectators. Those bringing their own, mostly Union flags and some Ostmarkian flags from the meeting between Horst Grasser and Sergei Moravscik several weeks earlier, were told to keep them out of sight. The government had deemed it best to show no preferential treatment, determined to treat all participants with the same amount of respect. That meant either flags from all participating nations or none and the latter was preferred as Kadikistani's waving the Eiffelloretalian flags was deemed problematic so soon after the 7 Days War. The equal approach was continued inside as the leading diplomats of each delegation was offered a small gift upon entry as was a Kadiki custom that became a Kadikistani tradition.

The first delegation that entered was greeted by a warm hug and brotherly kiss. Yaakov Zilberfarb from the Polesian People's Republic was greeted as a member of the family and given a cartridge case of an artillery shell used in the 7 Days War engraved with a message of solidarity and a warning for the reactionaries. The second delegation was headed by no other than Horst Grasser from the People's Republic of Ostmark who was rapidly becoming a close personal friend of Sergei Moravscik. Knowing his affinity for the Union's 'First Revolutionary', Grasser was given a bundled collection of Andrej Rurik's handwritten correspondence with fellow revolutionaries during the early days of the 1907 revolution. After the Ostmarkians the delegation from the Holy Tiburan Empire arrived led by the Gunnish Anthony Gunn MacPherson who was given jewellery formerly belonging to the patrimony of the Tsarist House Buganov-Swartzhafen. A token that was meant to show recognition and willingness to cooperate with the newly founded Empire, under the right conditions.

The Eiffelloretalian Minister of Foreign Affairs Gianluigi di Gravesano-Carone was given a golden forged olive branch as a symbol for peace, with the added symbolism of the materials being exploited and processed by Masscher Goldschmiede GmbH. in the Svrljitki Timok River Delta Economic Zone. Before, during and after the 7 Days War Eiffelloretalian companies remained active within the Union's Economic Free Zones which was in itself a sign that pragmatism could prevail over ideology. Last but not least were was the delegation of the Free Canton of Crotobaltislavonia, Ivar's most shaky ally. The leader of the Slavonian delegation was given a book with both the Union and Crotobaltislavonian flag on the cover and within the names of all fallen soldiers from their side. It was a long list and a sign of mutual resilience, but also a reminder of the hardships that were suffered together.

The various delegations took their respective seats at the round solid oaken table in one of the Palace's most decadent rooms. The chandeliers were subtly dimmed and by the time every leading diplomat except First Secretary Moravscik had sat down the Union's leader welcomed his guests and stated his hope for concrete and durable results. The formalities over and done the historic conference could finally begin. The first topic was selected because the Central Committee deemed it one that all the participants were almost equally worried about and more importantly it took place in Gallia rather than Germania despite Chagny-Burgundy being represented here by the 'Reichsminister des Auswärtigen'.

"If you allow me I would like to begin this already historic conference with an issue that disturbs us all deeply. We are all witnessing the onslaught in what once was the Grand Duchy of Burgundy. The Engellkin Domain has entered Gallia manu militari in order to determine something that should be left to the Burgundians themselves, the future of their country. The aggression from Westernesse is unseen in recent history and will drastically shift the balance of power in the wider Gallo-Germanian region if left unchecked. It is my sincere belief that not only each nation represented here, but also the Burgundian people would benefit from a united Germanian standpoint in this matter. A joint condemnation of the events would send a strong message, a united front government even better...", Moravscik took a small break to hydrate his old throat with some water, "We are of course open to concrete solutions even if it needs some mutual compromising." The First Secretary allowed his guests to voice their opinion while he further polluted his one remaining lung by lighting a cigarette, the ventilation system automatically and silently activating upon detection of the smoke.
 

Salen

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Heerndal
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Salen
At the conference table the Salian delegation, headed by Foreign Secretary Peter Alsaeles, almost sat straight across the charismatic Sergei Marovscik. The Kadikistani leader at the other end of the table however, did not glance at the Salian diplomats during his speech. Only after he took a drag of his cigarette, Sergei looked Peter straight in the eye. Smoke blown in his direction, blurring the view. The three diplomats were all intrigued and somewhat repulsed at the same time.
xxxxxTo their left sat the Imperial Delegation, now speaking on behalf of Bourgogne, Elben and Gunnland. Economically and politically, the founding of this renewed Holy Tiburan Empire was both a blessing and a curse to the United Salian States. Geopolitically, both parties much rely on each other and wish to maintain the existing alliance and friendship. On their right was the delegation from Eiffelland-Retalia, also positioned somewhat across the Kadikistani host. Eiffelland is considered to be Salen's Germanic nephew in the south, or so they perceive it to be. Further round were the Polesians, Slavonians and Ostmarks. Since the late 50's, Salen has had no embassy in Ostmark - and Kadikistan.

"Though Marovscik is right on the Burgundian issue, especially concerning the Engellkin interference, dragging in the Kadikistanis is the last thing we wish for", thought Peter Alsaeles. "We all know these communists have a different agenda when it comes to Gallia and Germania; we'll be facing their armed men and puppets both west and east of our borders...". The Salians, Eiffelo-Retalians and Imperial Governments probably have a different definition of what such 'Germanian standpoint' may include, let alone a 'united front government'... At the same time the Salians do fear a further rising influence of both Post-Delegationists and Engellkin in respectively Gallia-Germania and the Engellsea may be a threat to sea commerce and quintessentially Salian interests.

 
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Gunnland

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Virginia, USA
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Windhaven, Gunnland
As they walked in, MacPherson made sure to grab the arm of his counterpart foreign secretary from Salen, Alsaeles. He whispered, "The news will be made official soon, but Salen has been officially invited to become a member of the Council of the North and send a councilor to Windhaven." Depending on how things went at the conference, he realized, the Salians might not want to cast their lot in with the Empire and its Scanian and Germanian allies.

The Imperial minister stood, and nodded to the marshal. He briefly glanced at Gravesano-Carone. Rumor had it that the Elbener ambassador had turned him a cold shoulder in Trier over the Bourgogne question.

"Nobody is more concerned about Bourgogne than we are, of course. First came the Pillau rebellion that took advantage of the death of the late grand duke, and now some faction of the Serazinist rebels has apparently invited the Domain onto the continent. Mark my words, this is a disaster for Gallogermanian security. Despite our differences, we continentals respect international law, we all understand the dire consequences of war in our common home. And it is more important than ever that we respect international law. The flag of the Grand Duchy of Bourgogne will fly over Ouistreham once again, and if the empire has to put millions in the field, or fight for seven times seventy-seven years, then it will be so."

The hook-nosed Gunnish diplomat banged his hand on the table, surprised at how angry he had made himself.

"I understand the confusion of the past several months has complicated the status quo from many points of view, but everyone who stands with the Empire in the west, the Empire will stand with them to the south and the east, where it appears that the Domain and the turbo-capitalists are establishing a beachhead. It the season for ultimata. And combined action."
 

Thaumantica

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Grasstown ND
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Caitekurke
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Nilshanks
Chuck Weaver of Vesper 24 was locked out from this conference outside by multiple rings of armed security, ornate doors, and painted walls. Burning up in his bright blue suit, and with nothing at all to report on, Chuck and his cameraman left the impossible main entrance to find shade a long walk away to barter for kvass, enjoy ice cream they would never find on their side of the world, and enjoy the flow of an alternative civilization.

“We need to get one of them on the way out,” Chuck mused aloud, his cameraman Galloslav raised his eyebrows excitedly, “a fight?”.

“Close, we need to pin one down and spill their guts on what was said in there. Can you ask around for alternative exits?” Chuck asked in Engellsh, hoping his second generation Engellachian coworker with deep Kadiki roots could charm or commiserate with a merchant babushka.

The old ladies stood out there in the heat stocked up with country cheese or pickled everything. Chuck hopes that one could potentially tip them off on where a tunnel or side door might reveal a foreign dignitary. “That or we get arrested,” Galloslav shrugged, “I hope you have friends in Cussian places.”
 

Ostmark

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Wien
The Volkskanzler took a seat in correspondence with the small flag of the People's Republic of Ostmark and opened his carrying case. Grasser is known to carry documents to the meetings or the talks he participates to. From the suitcase, he pulled out reports and pictures which he carefully placed before him and slowly stood up from his chair after carefully listening to the words of the Gunnish Imperial Minister.

After clearing his throat, Grasser fixed his reading glasses and began his speech "Esteemed representatives of the nations of Germania, if we are gathered here today in the city of Belgarsk is to evaluate the current geopolitical situation of the region. That, of course, also includes Gallia as His Excellency the Imperial Minister rightfully noted" the People's Chancellor cleared his throat, again, in an attempt to fix his involuntary high pitches in speech "It isn't a mistery to anyone in this room that my government, the legitimate People's Government of Ostmark, has strongly criticized the involvement of foreign, extra-continental forces in the affairs of Gallo-Germanian countries. However, we must ask ourselves, with a great sense of pragmatism and responsibility, how much we are responsible for the tragedy that is taking place in the lands formerly belonging to the Grand Duchy of Bourgogne. I believe the innocent victims of this tragedy, of this unnecessary and absoloutely unjustified bloodshed, deserve to become the first subject i bring up at this table"

Grasser took another pause and grabbed several pictures, allowing all the participants to see them. They were depictions of the damages of the civil war taking place in Burgundy. Some of them portrayed injured children, civilians, damaged infrastructures and military personnel standing among the ruins of residential buildings "The Empire can commit its entire military apparatus to fight this war, or even allow it to evolve into a global war between Gallo-Germania and Thaumantic nations. It might even become a global war that history books will teach to our children, and our children's children for the decades, centuries to come. Provided they will survive. But we must first admit, in sincerety, that none of the people in this room, including myself, will ever endure the suffering endured by the innocent victims depicted in these images."

The People's Chancellor dropped the pictures on the table. For those who know his oratory strategies and tactics, it almost seemed as if the Volkskanzler dropped them out of anger as a way to remark his widely known anti-war opinions "These are burgundian women and children, but where these women and children are from is absoloutely irrelevant. They could be from Trier, or Belgarsk, or Wien, or Banja Luka, or Amstov. What would the difference be? The only difference would consist in the flags carried or displayed by the military forces seeking to annihilate their enemies, while annihilating the hopes and lives of those innocents trapped between the rapidly shifting frontlines. How can anyone affirm to be ready to fight a decades long war to restore a nation that has already failed to withstand the challenges of history?"

Grasser looked in the direction of the Gunnish Imperial Minister "Your Excellency, this is neither a personal attack or an hostile endeavour against the Empire. We both know the centuries old historical and cultural ties that will forever bind Ostmarkians and Elbeners, and we both know that ideological and political differences do not necessarily lead to war and death, unless both parties really want it. But what i am trying to say is that while i do understand the deep differences between all the parties involved in the conflict, and the ideological, ethnic and political implications that revolve around it, we must step down the stages of propaganda and national pride to realize that innocent people are suffering and dieing due to the collapse of a political entity, the Grand Duchy of Bourgogne, that will soon disappear from geographical maps to be replaced with the rump states born from its collapse."

"There will be no real winners in this war" continued Horst "and our official position is that no solution other than an immediate cease fire followed by a peace conference will truly be in the interest of the women and the children of Burgundy, who more than anyone else are suffering the violence and the terror ravaging their land. A ceasefire must be enforced immediatly, even by forming an international peacekeeping force, if necessary. This war cannot go on forever and Gallo-Germanian nations must realizes a multi-states solution is better than hundred thousands dead. Efforts are required to ensure the distribution of food, medicines, blankets to the displaced, the hungry and the sick. Schools must be reopened and allow pupils to get an education that will enable them to bring about the moral and material progress of their country, be it Neustria or the Burgundian People's Republic. Hospitals must return to operational status as soon as possible to guarantee medical care for those affected by chronical illnesses. Burgundians, whatever their political creed or allegiance stands to, deserve to thrive and prosper, in peace and labor, in their native homelands."

"There is no alternative to peace, Mr MacPherson." said Horst during one of his many strategically emotional pauses "Other than certain death and suffering for the innocent". Grasser suddenly interrupted his speech and quickly sat back on his chair, adding no other words.
 

Gunnland

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Virginia, USA
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Windhaven, Gunnland
"Perhaps we should not look too closely at the question of who bears responsibility for rebellion, civil war, and now foreign invasion, lest you do not like what you see. We have some disturbing information about that, but as I said, perhaps there was a confusion. Most important now is that everyone recognize that international law, and the respect for sovereignty and borders, is the cornerstone of peace. Without justice, there is no peace. Allow Bourgogne to fail? Bourgogne! A unified Bourgogne has existed since the seventh century...!"

MacPherson glared at the balding bespectacled Grasser over his hooked nose, and pushed his greasy black hair back.

"...More than a thousand years. Failed the test of history? I represent an thousand-year-old Empire that is being resurrected after centuries to come to the rescue of the Franks. Perhaps we think in decades and centuries. What are the relevant intervals of historical time in Ostmark? You, Mr. Grasser, have been in office for how long? Erich...?

He turned to his Elbener associate, who might have been little surprised and embarrassed at the Gunnishman's pugnacious style (it was hard to tell from his expression), and pretended to confer with him. MacPherson was speaking quickly, his jesting tone might remind you of Donna Trumm, if you followed the affairs of the Engellkin of the periphery. He was feeling testy now.

"...oh, I see, ten months. Perhaps you think in minutes and hours! But I will send you a card when the People's Republic of Ostmark turns one! One year! So let me explain something to you Mr. Grasser, and any other of you jackals licking your lips, while you watch the predators tear the Burgundian corpse apart. A unified Bourgogne is the ballast that keeps the continent stable. Allow Bourgogne to fail, and there will be nothing but war. Then pictures of dead children will mean nothing to your children. Killing children will mean nothing to your grandchildren. But don't worry, the Empire is going to restore its territorial integrity. The Domain is on our soil. Our soil. Killing our people. Our people. What do you think we are going to do, recognize the rule of chaos and anarchy?"

He chuckled darkly. Really he was enjoying himself. He forgot about placating the Elbeners' diplomatic sensibilities, the head-shakes one received in Eschenbach for the Gunnish flair. He forgot about waiting to listen to the Eiffellandians, and cajoling them into a closer relationship with the Empire. In fact, he had forgotten these things so completely, and gotten so worked up, that he decided on the spur of the moment to end his little tirade with a callback to deus vult.

"Letting Bourgogne fail. A five-hundred-year war would be a mercy in comparison. Not that that matters to us, if God commands it."
 

Kadikistani Union

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Belgium
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Ivar
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One thing that united the Kadikistani's of various ethnicities was the strong belief in the idea that men showing emotions in such a context were trying to hide weakness. A smile in the right situation could be a demonstration of power, but in a different setting it could be a sign of fear. It was the same for demonstrations of anger as this conference had already witnessed by the rhetoric coming from MacPherson. The words coming from the wired up Gunn seemed to belong more in a speech made to his supporters back home than a phrasing one would use against fellow leaders. The passion and determination in which MacPherson seemed to be going at Grasser's throat might earn him strong points back home, but the Kadikistani leaders only saw fear. The Union leaders at the table would keep their Slavic faces emotionless, their voice and gestures moderated as not to allow their counterparts to make a similar analysis on them. They would make their point, calmly, confident and without the need for theatrics

"Esteemed gentlemen, we have come here to find common ground in a constructive manner that would ensure our future and that of our children.", Moravscik said in the most neutral tone he could muster before turning to Grasser, "Sadly and not by our hand war is already upon us, my friend. All we can do now is contain the violence.", Moravscik turned back to the rest of the round table, "While our common ground might not be found on irrelevant discussions concerning the merits of war, it is found on our joint condemnation of the Engellkin Domain invading Gallia. I suggest we focus on finding a joint approach here. For this we have several suggestions that I hope you will all find satisfactory. But before we unravel said suggestions, I would like to hear the opinion of our esteemd colleagues from Eiffelland-Retalia."
 

Rheinbund

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This was a difficult topic to Minister Di Gravesano-Carone. In fact, Eiffelland-Retalia did not consider the Westernessian intervention in Burgundy bad, because it had the impression that The Domain would also block the Serenien influence in Burgundy.

Despite an agreement on the Retalian Sea, despite a non-aggression treaty, there was only one kind of people that could turn an Eiffelloretalian into blind rage, and that was a Serenien. Exactly that was the reason why the pupils of the two higher secondary school levels massively dropped French as school exam subject when they had to choose their subjects for the last two years of secondary school. This went even so far that last Christmas the highly popular Christmas song Minuit Chrétien wasn't sung in the original French version any more, but in a translated German version. Serenien imports to Eiffelland-Retalia had diminished to close to zero, not because of massive government-imposed boycotts, but because the Eiffelloretalians didn't want to buy Serenien products any more.

Apart from that, Di Gravesano-Carone considered Serenierre a bigger risk to the stability of Gallia than the Cussians. He shared the opinion of 99.999999999999999% of the Eiffelloretalians that Serenierre was governed by a bunch of psychopaths.

But how to phrase something positive about the Westernessian intervention in Former Burgundy?

"Gentlemen, to be honest, I think that Volkskanzler Grasser is right with his aversion to war. He is right: It leads to a massive amount of suffering, and only feeds feelings of hostility. Therefore, we should avoid war as much as possible, and try to end wars as soon after their start as possible. Eiffelland-Retalia is currently setting up a humanitary mission for Burgundy, and is preparing to take up Burgundian refugees. However, we have to face one fact as well. After the death of the Grand-Duke, God have his soul, Burgundy fell into a very unstable state. As Minister MacPherson described, the Pillau uprise occurred, and there are quite a lot more things happening. I totally understand why Minister MacPherson and First Secretary Moravscik are concerned about the deployment of Westernessian troops in Burgundy, but let's also try to investigate the point of view of Engellex and Westernesse in this. I think it would be good to find out whether they consider this a conquest or an intervention. Do they want to turn Burgundy into a puppet, or do they want to stabilise the situation? I think we need to get an answer to that question."
 

Gunnland

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MacPherson raised an eyebrow at Di Gravesano-Carone. His words were politic, but broached the possibility that Domain troops on Gallic soil was a felicitous "intervention." The Eiffellandian abhorrence of Serenniere was well known, but there was the mystery about why Villesen had been so slow to respond to the Domain aggression, and the possibility that the Eiffellandians lived in fear of a paper tiger.

He scratched his head. The Gunnish were not a diplomatic people, but the bastard Engellkin of the continent (though you wouldn't want to tell one), a people who drank heavily, hollered at one another, fought with one another. It was widely rumored that the Gunnish were spoiling for a fight in the Seven Days' War, even after the Burgundian collapse began, and the cooler head of Queen Julian (something of a Kadikophile) prevailed. There were many rumors about that war. But in fact it was true that the 15AR actively tried to convince the Eiffellandians to invade neutrals and fight a proper war. Not a diplomatic people.

Even if MacPherson was not wearing a kilt, to the great consternation of his queen, he was still a Gunnishman. He considered, inwardly, that the Retalian had not grasped the seriousness of the situation. Thinking in the crude terms of racial biology, he considered that the vitality had run out of the Eiffellandians. Did it matter if they did not see eye-to-eye with the Union and the Empire on the threat posed by the Domain? These little countries and their petty ambitions..., MacPherson thought, feeling big in his novel britches, ...this should be a trilateral conference, where the Domain, the Empire, and the Union agree to a stable tripartition of Gallo-Germania
 

Rheinbund

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Minister Di Gravesano-Carone knew that he had said something controversial. However, he had the feeling that the instability in Burgundy was not the only reason why The Domain invaded. Serenierre's attempts to spread its power in Gallogermania may be a factor as well. From that point of view, The Domain's invasion/intervention was a blessing. Martinique's charm tour through Europe had earned her some friends. Di Gravesano-Carone feared that the Eiffelloretalians were the only ones who understood the real characters of the people in charge in Serenierre, but now the Cussians and Engellexians may be looking through Marinique's charming mask. Di Gravesano-Carone considered that a blessing. The non-aggression pact blocked Eiffelland-Retalia from curbing Serenierre's ambitions, the armed forces of Gunnland and Elben would probably not be enough to kick Serenierre out of Former Burgundy, and it remained to be seen on which side Kadikistan would stand.

Apart from that, the government of Eiffelland-Retalia had quite an aversion against the Kadikistani tendency to divide the world in "spheres of influence". Di Gravesano-Carone himself understood how the Kadikistani thought. The easiest way to deal with the Kadikistani would be to talk in terms of spheres of influence as well, but that had complications. Lars felt threatened, by Serenierre in the west and Kadikistan in the east. It was not for nothing that it invited the Cussian and Postdelegationist armed forces into the country. Treating Lars as "part of Eiffelland-Retalia's sphere of infuence" would only alieniate Lars from Eiffelland-Retalia.

And for forming a tripartition of Gallo-Germania, recognising Gunnland and Elben together as the Holy Tiburan Empire had its complications. Eiffelland-Retalia didn't want to alieniate itself from Pelasgia. Apart from that, it was considered not a good idea to turn The Domain into an enemy.
 

Ostmark

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The Volkskanzler decided to let the Gunnish reaction fade off, purposedly avoiding to bring back the subject for the sake of the conference. What mattered to him was the projection of the People's Republic of Ostmark as a country firmly anchored to the principle of armed pacifism, something that the Eiffellandoretalian minister quickly recognized. Grasser nodded most of the times as the representative of his western neighbors expressed his opinions and concerns, but looked a little bit perplexed when he asked to understand the motives behind the involvement of Domain military forces in the wide Gallo-Germanian political theatre.

After having patiently waited for his turn, he stood up from his chair and fixed his jacket as he cleared his throat "We have already experienced the point of view of western and zionist capitalist lobbies in the past. What cannot be secured by means of financial imperialism and the vile debt system, must be obtained by the means of force and military intervention. Both cases lead to certain suffering, be it by hunger and poverty or bombs. The outcome is absoloutely similar in every aspect. A divided and fractured nation, such as Burgundy, quickly becomes an easy target for those who are seeking to expand their influence in areas where they have been forced out from for decades, if not centuries. When certain international cliques, notably banks multinationals and loan sharks, which by the way are also the sponsors of this globalist and anti-gallogermanian political agenda, cannot secure their holdings in a country and forces its government to uphold their agenda, then a military intervention is usually the only viable option to subdue an entire people. If the over-ocean forces will triumph, foreign labels and supermarkets, banks and companies will claim their shares of the crop before the political class that will emerge from this conflict can even talk about reconstruction efforts. In between the formation of a new, or multiple new governments and the establishment of a new political order, or multiple political orders, the people of Burgundy will be strangled in a deadly bite. They, workers and ordinary citizens, will be the sole victims should the forces of globalist turbocapitalism win this war."

Horst took a short pause due to a deja vù. He remembers when in a very similar meeting he had warned Eiffelland-Retalia, among other nations, about the true intentions of the Anti-State, or the 'stateless entities of the far east and the far north', as he often labels them "When i say 'share of the crops' i mean footholds, economic and military ones, very similar to those gained by the no less than the Anti-State in the Grand Duchy of Lars, in the very heart of Germania. It is a very similar situation in which once again i ask German nations to react as one against an ever-increasing intromission of foreign, international forces in the affairs of our nations. Their intention is to undermind our countries' national sovereignty, which i suppose all of us consider to be a fundamental prerequisite for the very existance of our nations and the governments that represent them. If this means a reconciliation between two or more countries, then i believe it is a fair price to pay to preserve our sovereignty in the short them, and our identities which in many cases have solid common cultural and ethnic backgrounds, in the long term".

The People's Chancellor sat down and patiently waited for Kadikistan's feedback.
 

Kadikistani Union

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'Leave it to Eiffelland to put a spoke in the wheels of progress.', Moravscik thought to himself as the Eiffelloretalians positioned themselves as the sole defenders of the Engellkin invasion of Burgundy on this table. The First Secretary and his entourage had hoped that all parties involved could at least agree on some sort of joint condemnation, but it seemed that Trier much rather rolled down the welcome banner. Curious from a Kadikistani perspective and indeed most perspectives sitting around this table, but even for this there was a back-up plan. Old man Moravscik listened carefully to Grasser, occasionally nodding in agreement. When his Ostmarkian friend was done he would make another effort to come to a joint arrangement that might be acceptable for even the most naive delegations.

"One does not 'stabilise' a situation by unilaterally declaring war on a nation such as Burgundy and going about it in the most brutish fashion the Domain can muster without even consulting potential regional partners that are directly affected by this.", Moravscik would refrain from scolding the Eiffelloretalians too much not to sabotage the other points that were left to be discussed during this conference. "We were under the impression that Eiffelland-Retalia had a long historical connection to Burgundy and its people, not only the late Grand Duke. We are faced with the extinction of Burgundian culture, the loss of Burgundy as a potential economic and military powerhouse and the dominance of the already extremely powerful Domain. I would hope that these insights can at least inspire some notion of worry with our esteemed Eiffelloretalian counterparts." It remained a difficult task for Moravscik not to call them like he saw them.

"It is in that mindset and out of appeasement for Trier that we want to suggest the establishment of a joint Germanian peacekeeper force. A force that does not need to cross the Thaumatic to bring 'stability' to Burgundy. Such a force can be deployed for as long as it takes and under the close view of some sort of joint body were no nation is more dominant then the other. As the honourable Minister Di Gravesano-Carone stated it will be important that we relay this to the Engellkin involved in the invasion. If their objective is truly stability than surely they would accept such a force and cease their effort to burn and kill Burgundians. If they do not than it will reveal their more sinister agenda which is sadly what we and most others around this table expect." Moravscik wrinkled old hands reached for another cigarette as one of his adjutants brought up a lighter. After his first inhale he looked the Eiffelloretalians straight in the eyes as he exhaled. "If such a plan is unacceptable for whatever reason, we are open to suggestions."
 
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Rheinbund

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Coming from a country with one of the most stringent anti-smoking laws in the world, a country where smoking was extremely frowned upon, the Eiffelloretalian delegation was not happy with Moravscik's cigarette smoke. Di Gravesano-Carone had chosen aides without lung or heart diseases, but he himself had hyperreactive asthma. Thanks to inhaled corticosteroids, sympaticomimetics and parasympaticolytics, he could live an almost normal life. Well, as long as nobody smoked in his presence.
Especially not the Kadikistani cigarettes. According to the Eiffelloretalian delegation, they didn't contain tobacco, but oak tree bark that had been harvested together with the mosses and a bunch of oak processionary caterpillars, mixed with crude oil, and then compressed.
Aware of the kind of cigarettes the Kadikistani smoked, Di Gravesano-Carone had contacted his pulmonologist, who had prescribed a seven days cure with prednisone orally as a prophylaxis. Hopefully that would prevent the worst symptoms of an asthma exacerbation.

For now, the problems remained limited to coughing.

"Apologies. I'm allergic to cigarette smoke," Di Gravesano-Carone said. "I consider it better to avoid war with the Domain, because that will be a long-lasting and devastating war, costing the lives of millions of people. If indeed the intentions of Beautancus, Engellachia and Engellex are good, they will accept the formation of a peace keeping force consisting of Germanian troops under the supervision of a joint committee of representants of the countries with an interest in the situation. Your Excellency First Secretary Moravscik, I agree with your suggestion."
 

Gunnland

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Since vodka is tasteless in every sense of the world, there was nothing from the East that the Gunnish liked quite so much as black-market Zolotaya cigarettes. MacPherson took the cue from the marshal to light one of his own. He needed one: the idea of Eiffellandians and Kadikistanis agreeing to form a joint peacekeeping force had been a little shock. It was difficult to imagine them fighting side by side.

The Gunnish people were divided on war in Burgundy, the old-guard Kilts were opposed, while MacPherson's Trousers were more hawkish imperialists. Surprisingly, given what was at stake for their king, the Elbeners were generally more cautious.

"A Pan-Germanian peacekeeping force would be preferable to Domain occupation. The Empire will certainly contribute troops if it is made clear that the peacekeepers have accepted an imperial invitation. Otherwise the matter becomes legally complicated, for our perspective, and I would have no right to make that offer."
 
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