Pelasgian News

Rheinbund · Sep 21, 2022

11SEP2022
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Hofburg Bichl
Neckarbrück, Tirolstein, Rheinbund

It fills us with sadness to hear about His Imperial Majesty Emperor Theodore VIII Vatatzes's death. The Sovereign Family of Tirolstein mourns with my sister's family-in-law. The flags at Hofburg Bichl will be flown half-mast with a black banner until the day after the funeral.

Also on behalf of Fürst Karl IX von Görisburg and Crown-Prince Pippin von Görisburg,

Prince Karl von Görisburg, Regent of Tirolstein

Rheinbund · Sep 21, 2022

16SEP2022
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Bund der rheinischen Fürstentümer und Bürgerschaften
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Schloss Schöneweide
Kanzleramt
Fehrbellin, Rheinbund

We are happy to see that the dispute regarding the succession to the Pelasgian Throne has been settled in a peaceful manner. May His Imperial Majesty Alexios VII Vatatzes's reign be prosperous. We look forward to a successful cooperation between Pelasgia and the Rheinbund.

On behalf of all the sovereign families of the Rheinbund, its national government and national parliament, the governments and parliaments of its memberstates, and its people,

Philipp von Homburg-Gosta, König des Rheinbundes
Hans-Georg Lauritzen, Chancellor

Pelasgia · Sep 21, 2022

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Emperor appoints coalition gov't, nullifying left-wing electoral victory
Propontis, 21 September 2022 | The Editorial Board

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The Throne Room of the Great Palace, where new premiers are typically received
Source: Propontis News Agency

In one of his first acts as Pelasgia's new Emperor, His Imperial Majesty Alexios VII Vatatzes demonstrated how much power the Sublime Throne still wields within the country's constitutional monarchic system of government. Following the death of the previous monarch, H.M. Emperor Theodore VIII Vatatzes, the Boule of Representatives was dissolved for a snap election, as required by long-established precedent. This was also admittedly required by the enactment of a series of constitutional reforms touching upon the legislature (particularly the Senate) on Friday, as part of the agreement that preceded the Emperor's accession to the Throne, which had been previously stalled by the Senate through its ancient power of validating imperial enthronements. In the election that followed, the left, led by the big-tent coalition party that is the Socialist Workers' Party of Pelasgia (SEKP) obtained the largest percentage, at around 32.7% of ballots cast. [...]

However, the Sublime Throne declined to consider SEKP's bid for the premiership, instead turning to a coalition of the three runner-up parties from that election: the national conservative National and Imperial Party (KEB, with 31.7%), the Christian-democratic Popular Orthodox Party (LOK, with 12.9%) and the conservative-liberal National Liberal Union (EEF, with 9.8%). [...] Together, the three parties hold 326 seats, giving them a slight buffer just above the 301 threshold needed for a majority in the 600-seat Boule of Representatives. These three parties, whose coalition has been dubbed the National Coalition, are the successors of the main old right-wing parties (the KSD and the IKN), as well as, to a lesser extent, the moderate liberal NPK. Setting aside their differences, the trio have agreed to collaborate to keep radical liberals and the socialist left out of power. Notably, it was not KEB leader and former PM Philippos Andreades whom the parties chose as their PM, but his former Justice Minister and current LOK leader, Mr. Kontantinos E. Raptis, leaving the vice-premiership and Foreign Ministry to Mr. Andreades. [...]

This development represents a shift in the Pelasgian political landscape, as the centre and the right have now come together to hold back the left, instead of the an all-out conflict between the three, which was the previous historical norm. This, in part, represents the openness of the right, and its main political backer, the Throne, to gradual liberal reform to accomodate the commercial and political interests of an increasingly ascendant bourgeoisie, as well as the growing electoral, economic and social power and influence of the urban populace, as Pelasgia continues on its path toward full urbanisation and modernisation. [...] The three parties' joint platform statement arguably represents of a recognition of this reality, as the trio aim to reform the Empire's system so as to provide a greater role for the State, alongside the Church, in the provision of social services to disadvantaged urban social layers, all the while ensuring the economic and social development occur along lines that do not radically depart from traditional social norms and culture. [...]

New Senate holds first session following major reform
Propontis, 21 September 2022 | Odysseus Deliborias

In a historic first session, the Senators of the newly reformed upper house of the Pelasgian Koinoboule (parliament), gradually came to grips with their new, expanded tasks, following the first major change to the makeup and the function of their body in centuries. Jointly supervised by Empress-Consort Hildegard and the infant Grand Despot Theodore due to the Emperor's being occupied with government formation talks, the new Presiding Magistrate of the Senate, former long-time Foreign Minister Count Theophrastos Palaiologos, presided over the session, swearing in a total number of Senators more than double that of the chamber's pre-reform size. [...]

Apart from the traditional constituencies that have historically made up the Senate—that is, the nobility, the high clergy and a host of senior civil and military officials of government (usually but not always retired), who hold their seats either by descent or ex officio—several new groups were now present in the expanded upper house. Among these, one could find delegates dispatched by the administrations of Pelasgia's Themes (that is, the highest-level administrative regions of the country), as well as elected representatives of various functional constituencies, such as major industrial and business sectors, as well as labour, social classes and a plethora of other segments of society. [...] The Senate's ranks have swollen so much as a result of this reform that the body now has to sit in the large chamber typically reserved for special, ceremonial sessions such as the Enthronement of a new Sovereign, reserving its old chamber for committee functions. [...]

Previous government's police, nationality law reforms adopted
Propontis, 21 September 2022 | Tiverios Roussopoulos

The newly sworn in government of Prime Minister Konstantinos E. Raptis has elected to adopt the reforms of the policing system and the nationality law previously proposed by the government of Mr. Philippos Andreades. The two comprehensive reform acts had been approved by the Boule but remained in limbo following the death of the late Emperor, which forced the legislature to dissolve itself while awaiting the enthronement of a new Emperor. Following the investiture of Emperor Alexios VII Vatatzes, the reconvened lower house of the Koinoboule, the Empire's bicameral legislature, was faced with the dilemma of readopting the two bills within a period of thirty days or allowing them to lapse. Under the direction of the PM, the house majority of the National Coalition chose to re-adopt the two bills, forwarding to the Senate for amendment proposals and approval, with an eventual clear path to the desk of the Emperor for assent. [...]

The Law respecting Policing (C. 285 of the Imperial Code) has been amended to clearly delineate the duties of the Imperial Police, Gendarmerie and Harbour Corps (coastguard). Per this reform, the Imperial Police would handle almost all day-to-day policing across the country, abolishing the Gendarmerie's jurisdiction over rural areas and small towns. [...] The Gendarmerie would instead take over more dangerous internal security and specialised policing duties, such as counter-terrorism, gang crime, border security and riot control, in addition to supporting the Imperial Police where and as required. [...] Finally, the Harbour Corps would retain its exclusive jurisdiction over maritime policing and coast guard duties, but it would hold concurrent jurisdiction over ports themselves with the Police and Gendarmerie. To enable cross-branch cooperation, a joint headquarters is to be established under the Interior Ministry's auspices, similar to the Joint General Staff of the Defence Ministry.

With respect to Law respecting Nationality (C. 106 of the Imperial Code), the government has enacted two major reforms: first, the requirement for new citizens to adopt the state religion has been abolished, explicitly guaranteeing freedom of religion for new Pelasgians. Second, the naturalisation process has been clarified, specifying a clear residency or national service period, along with criteria for new citizens. [...] This is in addition to codifying several sparse reforms enacted over the years, such as the ban on dual citizenship, and the special regime of diaspora Pelasgians abroad. [...]
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Pelasgia · Sep 23, 2022

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Government unveils educational, healthcare reform proposals
Propontis, 24 September 2022 | The Editorial Board

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The Imperial School of Jurisprudence within the Propontis University campus
Source: Propontis News Agency

Less than a week after being sworn in, the conservative coalition government of Prime Minister Konstantinos E. Raptes has unveiled its much-anticipated reform programme, with a view to securing a state takeover of major social services from the Church and other non-governmental institutions. Chief among these reform proposals are the twin bills tabled before the Koinoboule, Pelasgia's bicameral legislature, on Friday. According to these bills, the government seeks to take over primary, secondary and tertiary education, leaving the Church only a secondary role through participation on the National Educational Committee, which, among other things, draft's the country's curriculum. Moreover, the government will determine the curriculum of all schools, including private, minority and ecclesiastical schools, in order to ensure common standards. Schools will be divided into general schools (i.e., those whose graduates aim to take the National University Admission Exam), and specialised schools, such as art, music, gymnastics, trade, military and other such purpose-run educational institutions. General schools themselves will be further divided into grammar schools (for more academically gifted students) and intermediate schools. [...] Whereas the distinction between boys' and girl's schools will be retained, the government will experiment with gender-integrated schooling through several pilot initiatives. [...]

With regard to healthcare and other social services, the government seeks likewise to wrestle control away from the religious ecclesiarchy and into the hands of state institutions. Most hospitals will be taken over by the government, and the national health insurance plan will be expanded to cover the general population. Private hospitals and private health insurance will both be allowed, but the government-run alternatives will remain available to those who cannot afford or do not wish to pay for the private options. Among these private institutions will be select religious hospitals and certain minority institutions (such as the Jewish General Hospital of Hierosolyma). Furthermore, as with education, the Church will retain a certain role in the formulation of policy and the provision of services, but overall administration and the regulatory framework governing healthcare and social services will lie with the state. [...] Apart from healthcare, other social services contemplated to be transferred to government control include the operation of orphanages, welfare centres, homeless shelters, rehabilitation clinics, food banks and foster homes, to name a few. Notably, whereas private charitable institutions of these kinds will be allowed to persist, the state will take over primary provision of these services, in addition to funding and regulating private institutions. [...]

The proposals have caused wide debate, with supporters championing them as a necessary step to bring Pelasgia into modernity and to reform the Imperial system so that it might be preserved. Conversely, detractors either paint the reforms as not thorough enough or as too radical—and while many religious groups and minority organisations have voiced backlash against the government's proposals, the official Church hierarchy has notably been largely silent on the matter. Many analysts perceive this as a sign that the Orthodox Church might have understood the necessity of reform in order to avoid total revolution, given the impasse at which the provision of social services currently lies in Pelasgia, compared to other countries of such size. [...]

Central Himyari President thanks Pelasgia after truce with Reds
Kalamba City, 24 September 2022 | Themistokles Akribos (International Correspondent)

Central Himyari President Andrew Kinuani made a public statement thanking the Empire for its contribution to peace, stability and development in the country, following the conclusion of a peace agreement between the Communist Party of Central Himyar (CPCH) and the Government of Central Himyar. The CPCH had been engaged in a decades-long insurgency against the authorities of the Central Himyari Republic, a conflict which had seen many atrocities and much destruction caused by both rebel forces and the troops of the official government, particularly under the dictatorship of the late President Joseph Kisani. Following Mr. Kisani's ouster by an abortive coup elements within the military, the new, democratically-elected government of Central Himyar initiated talks with the CPCH, with the help of Pelasgian mediators. [...]

Despite the evidently great role played by negotiating teams and good will on both sides, Mr. Kinuani's success was to a great part owed to the support of Propontis, a fact which he did not neglect to mention in his message. As Himyar's largest economy, Pelasgia comfortably sent billions in aid to the war-torn, impoverished nation, kick-starting economic development and rapid growth that gave the new democratic regime much-needed popular support. Additionally, the Empire maintained a 6,000-strong peacekeeping force in Central Himyar, training local police and military troops (often themselves equipped with Pelasgian materiel). Though never formally acknowledged by Propontis, it is widely speculated that this force and its commander, General Leontios Sideris, effectively "run" the Central Himyar counter-insurgency campaign for the better part of two years, scoring some important victories against the CPCH and forcing its leadership to negotiate in good faith. [...]

General Sideris himself was invited back to Propontis, where he is to be decorated by the Emperor himself, to replace the aging Sebastokrator Ioulios Laskaris as the Marshal of Pelasgia. [...]

General Free Trade Agreement with the Rheinbund concluded
Propontis, 24 September 2022 | Ioannes Hagiogeorgites (via Propontis News Agency)

Pelasgia and the @Rheinbund have concluded a General Free Trade Agreement, according an joint statement released by the two countries' Foreign Ministries. Foreign Minister Philippos Andreades, who replaced Count Theophrastos Palaiologos in his long-time role, visited Fehrbellin earlier this week in his first trip outside Pelasgia in his new capacity. The visit was seen by many as a way of showing thanks for the great outpouring of support offered by the Rheinish authorities and people following the death of the late Pelasgian Sovereign and the interregnum that followed, in addition to underscoring the close historical and current links between the two countries, including the near-decade long marriage of new Emperor Alexios VII Vatatzes to the Rheinish noblewoman and Pelasgian Empress Consort Hildegard von Görisburg, a native of Tirolstein. [...]

According to the agreement, the two countries have agreed to waive most tariff and non-tariff trade barriers between them, with specific provisions for certain goods, services and industries. [...] As part of this agreement, the Rheinbund will now have access to Pelasgian oil at a premium, sub-market price (due to the waiving of various duties and taxes, as well as administrative costs), while the Pelasgians will benefit from the construction of a microchip industry in Pelasgia as a joint project between Rathenau Gruppe and the Pegasus Conglomerate. [...] Additional provisions within the agreement provide for cultural exchanges between the two countries to boost cultural links, which are already strong given that pupils in the two nations learn each other's official language in school. [...]
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Pelasgia · Sep 28, 2022

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Emperor announces Govt's federation proposal in Hierosolyma speech

Editorial Board | 28/09, 10:30 | Upd: 15 minutes ago
Tags: [Featured] [News] [Politics] [Monarchy]

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The imperial residence (formerly High Commission) in Hierosolyma

Speaking to a crowd of local officials and notables, His Imperial Majesty Emperor Alexios VII Vatatzes, unveiled a proposal by the Government of Pelasgia to federalise the Empire. Specifically, the Basileus' speech outlined an asymmetrical approach to federalism, whereby different entities within the Empire would be granted varying levels of autonomy based on their specific circumstances and their distance from the metropolitan core. As such, the two Exarchates, Tephanon and the Far Southern Territories, would be given broad autonomy, including an elected assembly and officials with power over such important areas as education, healthcare and social services. By contrast, the Themes of Pelasgia would be granted more limited competencies, specifically over planning and zoning codes, regional economy and infrastructure, utilities, nature protection, hunting, fishing, farming, youth protection, certain issues of public health and welfare, cultural infrastructure and preservation, and the right to levy certain taxes. The Metropolitan Prefecture of Propontis is set to have the least amount of powers, being more closely controlled by the national government as a federal city, whose organs hold their power only by delegation.

This plan, which was reportedly in the works by at least two successive cabinets, aims to resolve growing tensions between metropolitan Pelasgia and the faraway Exarchates, in addition to setting a basis for individual parts of Pelasgia to govern themselves in a way that respects the country's demographic and cultural diversity. This divergence is particularly acute between the urban coastal regions and the rural inland, while recent exarcebations of religious differences between the Pelasgian Orthodox majority and various minorities are another stress point. By enacting such change, the Government hopes to address long-standing and ever more vocal concerns about these differences, in keeping with its broader policy of "reform to conserve". Nevertheless, due to Pelasgia's long history as a centralised, unitary State and suspicion of regionalism, the plan includes certain safeguards, such as the exceptional power of the national government to override local administrations where it deems it necessary, or where local laws or ordinances contravene national legislation. Moreover, the new plan makes it explicitly clear that the Constitutional ban on separatism and identitarian political movements will be maintained, so as to safeguard national unity.

Announcing the Government's policies is one of the Basileus' major roles, though His Imperial Majesty is traditionally spared criticism for those policies' content, given that the Great Palace does not necessarily agree with or formulate them. Nonetheless, many in Philistaea, the Empire's most diverse and most recently added region, reacted strongly to the proposed measure, lambasting the lack of provision for minority groups and the limited powers given to their and other Themes' authorities per the proposed amendments. Advocates of the Pelasgian majority and nationalistic groups have responded with strong support for the proposal, while calmer voices have noted that this is an experimental first step, and that critics should focus on ensuring its success, if they wish to see further devolution in the future. Politically, the conservative tripartite coalition government is solidly behind the plan, though criticism of its going either too far or not far enough abound from the left. The centre has been more measured in its response, reflecting its own internal divisions on the matter, as well as its openness to compromise.

| ΔΕΙΤΕ ΕΠΙΣΗΣ
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- Attaleia, Tephanon next on Emperor's trip - Visit to Far South by summer 2023, according to Great Palace

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Pelasgia · Oct 2, 2022

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Attempt on Emperor's life begets crackdown, charm offensive
Propontis, 2 October 2022 | The Editorial Board

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Imperial Gendarmerie officers at a roadblock in the outskirts of Hierosolyma
Source: Propontis News Agency

On Wednesday, while on a formal visit to the model planned settlement of Theodoropolis, in the outskirts of Hierosolyma, Emperor Alexios VII Vatatzes and Empress-Consort Hildegard were attacked by a lone Zionist radical. Though the Imperial Couple were saved by the quick intervention of surrounding officers, the attacker's use of explosives resulted in his own death, as well as that of Lt. General Mardochaios Costis, a senior military officer who was accompanying the Emperor during his visit. Additionally, according to a statement by the Great Palace, the attack resulted in the miscarriage of the Empress, who was with pregnant with the imperial couple's fourth child—a daughter. The news resulted in an outpouring of public support, particularly toward the Empress, who has otherwise been regarded with relatively cold feelings by Pelasgians due to her foreign origin and comportment. This wave of public support has been reinforced by a coordinated campaign by the authorities to promote the monarchy as a symbol of national unity—including portraits of the monarch in many public areas and institutions, along with an increased media presence. [...]

In response to the symbolic attack in Hierosolyma, the Government in Propontis has launched a counteroffensive against those that it deems a threat to the country's constitution. For one, on Tuesday, the Supreme Court finally ruled that it is unlawful for a political party to advocate the overturning of the country's monarchy, as it lies within the entrenched articles of the Constitution, which are normally non-amendable—and, therefore, the party would be advocating an illegal modification of the country's political system, making it ineligible for registration with electoral authorities. This ruling was followed up by the tabling of a bill by government lawmakers on Thursday, which would criminalise public calls to overturn the monarchy as the felony of "constructive treason", hereforeto unknown to Pelasgian law but historically used in @Great Engellex under the Treason Felony Act. [...] These legal initiatives were coupled with amendments to bills already underway in Parliament regarding education and social services, with a view to ensuring further national unity and uniformity. Under new law, all schools in Pelasgia will be required to conduct primary instruction exclusively in Pelasgian outside of foreign language courses, while minority religious and cultural curricula will be abolished—students in these schools will be given the option to either follow the general curriculum of public schools, or to not take certain courses, such as theology. [...] One notable progressive measure brought about by these measures is the adoption of Modern Pelasgian (rather than Ancient Pelasgian) as the primary language of instruction for all schools.

Authorities also went beyond mere legislative changes in their response to the attack on the Imperial Couple's life. In Philistaea, police raided the offices of several local separatist organisations, which were supressed via Decrees of Proscription under the Delictum Sui Generis Law, as well as existing bans on separatist, sectarian or extremist organizations. Likewise, elsewhere in the country, law enforcement and security services engaged in coordinated operations against groups deemed to be working to overturn to Constitution, shutting down almost a hundred groups and filing indictments against several hundred individuals. [...] Civil rights groups, such as the Pelasgian Human Rights Federation, have vowed to challenge these initiatives, though the success of their challenges remains unclear, given the country's strict public order laws and the general conservative attitude of the Pelasgian judiciary. [...] Philistaea, deemed to be the epicentre of threats to the country’s constitutional system and unity, has been the subject of particular scrutiny. […]

Government to move forward with federation policy
Propontis, 2 October 2022 | Alexios Petropoulos

Prime Minister Konstantinos E. Raptes has signalled his government’s unwavering resolve to go ahead with the plan to federate the Empire, devolving significant powers to newly created legislative bodies for the Exarchates of Tephanon and the Far Southern Territories, as well as more limited powers for the Themes of metropolitan Pelasgia. [...]

In order to validly enact the constitutional amendments contemplated in its proposal, the Government would require the support of two thirds of the Boule of Representatives, as well as an equal majority of Senators. […] Moreover, the legality of the proposed changes would have to be verified by the Council of State both before and after being voted upon, in addition to being signed into law by the Emperor, who holds veto power over all legislation. […]

The Prime Minister has affirmed that his proposal has the requisite backing to succeed, having worked with centrist and liberal opposition members to garner support for his decentralization initiatives. […] Moreover, the attack on the Emperor while he was on a tour of the country to promote the new policy gas galvanized public opinion in favour of the government’s position. […] Nevertheless, a persistent debate exists between supporters and opponents of federalization in the legal world, concerning the amendments’ purported constitutionality. […] The ruling of the Council of State is therefore highly anticipated. […]

Central Himyar: Potential corporate war by proxy draws attention
Kalamba City, 2 October 2022 | Elena Nomikou (International Correspondent)

A mere couple of weeks prior, Pelasgian private military contractors (PMCs) were hailed as heroes in Central Himyar, being rewarded with handsome pay, police training contracts, decorations and wide popularity by local authorities and the populace alike. Since the end of the communist insurgency in the poor Southern Himyari country, however, many mercenaries have found themselves lacking work. Two of the largest PMC groups employed in Central Himyar, General Security S.A. (or “GenSec”) and Aegis Defence Solutions Ltd., have found themselves a new—and hughly controversial—source of employment: corporate warfare.

Belonging to the rival corporate giants of the Pegasus Conglomerate and the Koressios Conglomerate, the duo are among the largest and best equipped PMC firms in all of Europe, being employed by companies and governments the world over. [...] In Central Hinyar, following the end of the insurgency, Pelasgian firms have found fertile ground for large-scale investments in resource extraction and infrastructure projects; and while these prove both lucrative and beneficial for all parties involved, this has led to steep competition. Koressios and Pegasus, two of the largest homiloi, as Pelasgia’s massive multi-sector corporate conglomerates are known, have been particularly active and cutthroat in their pursuit of such contracts. […]

Until recently, the two conglomerates limited their competition to legal avenues, with the occasional corporate espionage and corruption; however, as the stakes have grown, so has the severity of competition. Since last week, reports have emerged of GenSec and Aegis engaging in minor skirmishes—as well as being used in the role of private police to “discipline” strikers and uncooperative local leaders. […] This has caused apprehension in Kalamba City, but also in Propontis, where politicians and civil society have called for an inquiry into the matter. That being said, the close links of the Pelasgian government (especially the permanent bureaucracy and the Krypteia) to the two firms, especially in Central Himyar, will likely shield the PMCs from open scrutiny for the time being. […]
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Rheinbund · Oct 3, 2022

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Bund der rheinischen Fürstentümer und Bürgerschaften
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Schloss Schöneweide
Kanzleramt
Fehrbellin, Rheinbund

We are utterly shocked by this cowardly attack on the Imperial Couple, and by the fact that this attack was pointed against a pregnant woman. We offer our assistance in investigating this attack further.

Antistategos Mardochaios Costis was a hero who sacrificed his life for the Emperor and Empress. On behalf of the Rheinian people, he will be posthumously knighted in the rank of Grand-Officer in the Ritterorden des rheinischen Adlers for extreme courage.

Philipp von Homburg-Gosta, König des Rheinbundes
Hans-Georg Lauritzen, Chancellor

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Hofburg Bichl
Neckarbrück, Rheinbund

We are completely shocked by this heinous attack on our granddaughter, daughter and sister, Her Imperial Majesty Hildegard Vatatzes. The person who committed this deed will be considered an eternal enemy of Haus Görisburg. We extend our eternal thanks to Antistategos Mardochaios Costis, who gave his most precious possession to protect the Imperial Family: His life. On behalf of Haus Görisburg, we knight him and take him up in the Hausorden der Ritter des Hauses Görisburg, in the rank of Grand-Officer.

On behalf of Karl XXIX, Sovereign of Tirolstein,

Karl von Görisburg, Regent of Tirolstein

Pelasgia · Oct 3, 2022

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Government takes hard stance against separatism, extremism
Propontis, 4 October 2022 | The Editorial Board

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Imperial Gendarmes conducting anti-terror patrols on the Philistaea-Pelagonia border
Source: Propontis News Agency

Despite calls for caution from both opposition parties and civil rights groups, the Government has persisted in its crackdown against separatist and other extremist groups, following the assassination attempt by a Zionist radical in Theodoropolis, Philistaea last week. The administration of Prime Minister Konstantinos E. Raptes has invoked the rarely used Delictum Sui Generis Law, which criminalises organised attempts to overturn the Constitution, in order to proscribe several groups and organisations by way of Imperial Decree, deeming them a danger to public order and national security. Among the outlawed groups are the National Ethnic and Religious Minority Rights League, a largely Jewish minority group which has often called for the autonomy of Philistaea, as well as the Pan-Pelasgian Melingian Congress, a group representing the Melingian minority across Pelasgia. Both groups were noted for their connections to and seeking of funding from diaspora populations. […] Under the newly published decrees, merely associating with the proscribed entities could land one in hot waters, giving the authorities great leeway to detain anyone whom they deem to stand in the way of their crackdown. [...]

Additionally, the Government has advised the Sublime Throne to invoke special emergency provisions under the State of Emergency Law (c. 172 of the Imperial Code), in order to suspend several legal protections in Philistaea and certain regions bordering it. This will enable security forces and law enforcement to dispense with ordinary procedure regard arrest, detention and prosecution in many regards, while also relaxing their rules of engagement. [...] The paramilitary Imperial Gendarmerie has been deployed to the affected regions in force, while local military units have reportedly been notified to be on hold for potential domestic deployment, should the situation escalate further. [...] These measures have drawn the ire of civil rights groups and minority rights associations, as well as several high-profile opposition figures, leading to intense debate in the Boule of Representatives regarding the wisdom and legality of the government's approach. Speaking before the Senate, high-profile Senator Stephanos Deliborias decried the government's approach as "alienating both the general public and law-abiding majority of minority populations, while doing little to actively combat the unverlying causes of extremism". [...]

Anti-censorship protests grow after court order against two opposition parties
Kalamba City, 4 October 2022 | Maria Makrinou

A District Court in Propontis has ordered two opposition parties to amend their founding documents and platforms to remove any mention of abolishing Pelasgia's monarchy, greatly outraging their supporters and further fueling ongoing protests against perceived government censorship and authoritarianism. According to the judgment, which was published earlier today, the two parties have until the end of the month to amend the offending provisions, failing which they will both be de-registered from eleectoral lists and dissolved as illegal associations. The two parties in question are the centre-left (by Pelasgian standards) Radical Liberal Party (KRF), a liberal party that advocates a parliamentary republic, and the Socialist Workers' Party of Pelasgia (SEKP), Pelasgia's big-tent mainstream left-wing party, which is also the official opposition and the largest single party in the Boule of Representatives. […]

The court's decision led to public outcry, with thousands of supporters of the two parties (predominantly young, working and lower-middle class urban voters) joining ongoing protests against what they consider to be an attack on opposition and dissent by the Government. Public opposition is particularly steep in the working class areas of Propontis and Thermi, the nation's two largest cities, where the twin anti-monarchist parties get most of their votes. [...] Protests and marches are already underway in many Pelasgian cities in response to legislation previously introduced by the Government to ban public calls for the abolition of the monarchy, including such steep penalties as internal relocation accompanied by penal labour. Constitutional law experts have decried this measure as highly authoritarian and completely unbecoming of a modern, democratic society, such as the one Pelasgia has evolved into over the last few decades. [...]

Despite an initial uptick in support for the conservative governing coalition in the wake of the attempt on the Imperial Couple's life, public sentiment has slowly been turning, with many Pelasgians seeing the Government's new initiatives as a power grab, especially where existing legislation is sufficient to resolve threats to public order and constitutional stability. [...] Ironically, many Pelasgians hope that the Emperor himself will block the Government's policy, both legislative and judicial—according to some reports, the Imperial Chancellery has been inundated with petitions to that effect in the last few days. [...]

Jewish Officer who sacrificed self to save Imperials honoured with public funeral
Hierosolyma, 4 October 2022 | Stylianos Georgiades

Antistategos (Lt. Gen.) Mardochaios Costis, the commander of the Eastern Military District who gave his life to save the Imperial Couple from the attack on them last week, will be afforded the honour of a public funeral, according to a statement released by the Great Palace. In Pelasgia, a public funeral is distinguished from a state funeral in that it lacks many of the trappings of the latter, but it is still paid for by the Imperial Chancellery, attended by dignitaries, and is more elevated than an ordinary private funeral. […] According to reports, both the Emperor and Empress-Consort will attend the funeral, in order to confer upon the late officer the rank of full general and the decoration of the Silver Cross of the Imperial and Military Order of Saint Tiberius the Great, Pelasgia's highest decoration. The decoration, along with the new rank insignia, will be given to Lt. Gen. Costis' son and heir, Colonel Ioseph Costis, as well as his elderly father, the Rabbi Ioseph Costis. Dignitaries from the @Rheinbund are also alleged to potentially be among the attendees, given that the late Lt. General was posthumously knighted by both the King of the Rheinbund and the Sovereign of Tirolstein for saving the Empress-Consort's life. [...]

In addition to the honour of a public funeral, Lt. Gen. Costis will be honoured with a statue in his native city of Basilica, in the Theme of Lycaonia, and another one in Propontis, while the square where the Lt. General died will be renamed with his honour. The City of Hierosolyma has also voted to rename one of its own squares after the dead officer, and to erect a plaque commemorating his sacrifice. The square was previously named after an important administrator during Hierosolyma's period under an E.F. Mandate. [...] The Pelasgian Jewish community has embraced the deceased officer as a symbol of its loyalty and patriotism, renaming several community centres in his honour and inviting his son to go on a tour of synagogues across the Empire to give speeches on reconciling one's Jewish faith and identity with patriotic sentiment. The Defence Ministry has supported this initiative, giving Colonel Costis leave for the duration of the tour. While the country's traditional Jewish community, the Tibouriots as they call themselves, are generally sympathetic to this message, newer Jewish citizens who arrived in Philistaea under the E.F. Mandate are more skeptical, due to their general identification with the international Zionist movement. [...]
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Pelasgia · Oct 6, 2022

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Op-Ed: Pelasgia is not legally a monarchy, nor should it be
Propontis, 6 October 2022 | Dr. Nikolaos Psaltides*

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(Photo from the Imperial Household Agency): The antechamber to the Throne Room of the Great Palace of Propontis

*Dr. Nikolaos Psaltides is a native of Nymphaion in the Theme of Lycaonia. He is a full Professor of Constitutional Law at the Imperial School of Jurisprudence, in Propontis, as well as a full member of the Imperial Academy of Pelasgia at the Magnaura. Dr. Psaltides moved to Propontis in 1980 for his doctoral studies, and he has lived in the suburban district of Kosmidion, to the east of the city centre, ever since.

The Historical (and Historically Illiterate) Evolution of the Emperorship

Judging by the nomenclature, ceremonies and regalia often associated with the Pelasgian Emperorship, one would take it to be akin to the barbarian monarchies that ruled much of Gallo-Germania following the Fall of Tibur, or perhaps a hold-out Pelasgistic Kingship of the Cassandrian Successor States that somehow survived the onslaught of the Tiburan Republic. "Sublime Throme", golden crowns, talks of "Imperial Majesty" and "Most Pious and Majestic Sovereigns", "Imperial" Police and Armed Forces and the like would appear to be the sort of terms one would associated with—say—the Holy Frankish Empire, and not the lawful successor of the Tiburan Republic. Indeed, since the Tiburan Empire never stopped claiming to be the Republic, and since the Pelasgian Emperors never abandoned their legitimate claim to being Emperors of Tibur (at least its southern half), one has to wonder where these trappings of monarchy came from. For, throughout its legal history, the office of Emperor (and it is an office, or, rather, a combination of offices—not a title) has been neither hereditary nor monarchic.

As one might expect, these trappings of kingship all started to appear with the medieval period, when Southern Tibur came to be surrounded by barbarian kingdoms which were ruled either by elected or by hereditary kings. One of them even went so far as to seek enthronement as "Holy" Emperor by the Pope of Tibur, misunderstanding that the Emperorship is an office (not a monarchic title) and that it can thus only be bestowed by the Senate (which still sits in New Tibur, as Propontis was first called, to this day). The conflation of the titles of Emperor (Autokrator in Pelasgo-Carian, Imperator in Latin) with the royal Basileus (meaning King or Sovereign, roughly) only served to strengthen this erroneous impression. Certainly, however, the last nail in the coffin of general understanding of this crucial distinction did not come until the Great Himyari Crusade. Whereas the gradual establishment of a quasi-feudal nobility (the Dynatoi) during the later pre-Crusade period had certainly added to the monarchic character of the State, it was still clearly understood that the Pelasgian Emperorship was not hereditary, and that it popular acclamation was a substantive requirement.

The gradual erosion of the Tiburan institutions and the near-extinction of the Senate in the aftermath of the Crusade and the wars to recapture Propontis and the rest of the Empire led to popular support for a western-like monarchy, where popular acclamation and senatorial approval were seen as mere formalities, and where the Emperor was the source of all law and justice. The Laskarid Emperors ruled and reigned as true monarchs, even having "succession disputes" and heraldry (whence the current flag of Pelasgia originates). With the increasing influence of foreign powers (first @Radilo, then @Great Engellex and finally the Crown of Caria during the near two-century-long period where the Kings of Caria occupied the "Sublime Throne" of Propontis), monarchic lingo and legal fictions began to abound, with whatever foreign power was dominating Pelasgia at that moment seeking to expand the powers of the Emperorship, if only to use it as a vehicle for its own arbitrary domination of the country. The Carians are the gravest offenders in this regard, having conflated the Emperorship with their own, western-style kingship, and having invented such terms as the "Sublime Throne", "Imperial Majesty", "Imperial Constabulary" and having even put a crown on the Pelasgian Coat of Arms (itself a product of the Crusade).

The Legal Reality of the Emperorship
The Constitution of Pelasgia never actually defines the country as a monarchy; instead, it merely states that "Pelasgia is a unitary and indivisible State, whose government is conferred to an Emperor" (art. 1). Not even the Carians, in their flagrant disregard for Pelasgian institutional tradition and history, went so far as to pretend otherwise; and this is because Pelasgia is not a monarchy. The "Emperor" is in fact just that: an Imperator, a civic office. More specifically, the Pelasgian Emperor holds a bandle of civic offices, the most renowned of which is that of Imperator (or Autokrator in Pelasgian, roughly meaning "Commander in Chief"); other offices such as head of the State Religion and Chief Justicial Officer come together to form the collective known to us simply as Basileus or "Sovereign". These are the offices conferred upon each new Emperor upon his accession or "enthronement" (another heritage of the Carians) by the Senate and the People, the latter being represented by the traditional crowd acclaiming the Emperor outside the Great Palace of Propontis. It is here that we must once again note that the Pelasgian Emperorship is not inherited; indeed, the norm in Pelasgia has been non-hereditary succession (usually of a relative or outright usurper), to the point that an Emperor who was the son of a previous Emperor (such as the incumbent Alexios VII Vatatzes) is known by the special term porphyrogenitus or "born to the [Imperial] purple". In so far as the law is concerned, an incumbent Emperor may name his preferred successor, whom the Senate and People are free to accept and reject as they see fit (art. 32 of the Constitution).

A growing group of legal scholars (among whose ranks I am often counted) are pointing out this legal reality to both detractors and supporters of the Pelasgian "monarchy". We "Neo-Classical Scholars", as we are often called, are tasked with reminding both sides of the debate that, regardless of the pretenses of our political class or even our Constitution to the contrary, the Senate may not be bound from amending traditional offices of state as it pleases; it is a well-known and millennia-old principle of our Constitution that sovereignty lies with the Senate and the People, who may not bind their successors from altering state offices by "entrenching" articles of a written constitutional document. Our Constitution is greater than the sum of its parts, and certainly greater than a single, isolated document—and this is not a novel theory, but a fact of Tiburan law known since its most ancient days. The Senate and the People may choose to add more offices to the bundle of the Emperorship—or they may choose to do away with the bundle altogether, should they be pleased to do so. No kind of "Imperial Assent" is needed for either act, though a veto may be used by the Emperor, provided that the Senate and the People do not then use the procedures already included in our Constitution to override it.

The Current and Future Role of the Emperorship
Whenever a Pelasgian receives a new passport or a license plate, they often notice that the item in question is not marked with the Coat of Arms of Pelasgia, but with the simpler (and, in my opinion, more elegant) Government Emblem. This is because, in our law, certain major government functions lie outside the powers of the Emperor (outside his "bundle of offices", that is), and they are therefore carried out by the government in its own capacity, making them ineligible for use of the Coat of Arms. In most monarchies, both the issuance of passports and the issuance of permits fall squarely within the so-called royal prerogative; but in Pelasgia, to suggest that either does would be laughable. That, in itself, is proof that the role of our current Emperorship is not nearly as monarchic as some would have it be. Instead, for all intents and purposes, the Emperor is more of a figurehead meant to ensure that the parts of the government that actually run its politics work well and in concordance, rather than a direct ruler. In this way, he is more like a ceremonial president than even the monarchs of Europe's various constitutional monarchies.

Nonetheless, the erroneous baggage carried over from the medieval and pre-modern periods continue to disturb this role of the Emperorship. Presently, the Koinoboule and the courts are grappling with attempts to outlaw peaceful calls for the abolition of the "monarchy", monstrous infringements of our ancient rights that would have made any Tiburan or Pelasgian of old laugh out loud (even Augustus or Tiberius the Great would have refused to believe in the existence of such laws). Likewise, legal and political analysts are holding their breath, waiting to see whether the "Sovereign" will take upon himself to overrule the Council of State, which has itself invoked the ludicrous "entrenched" articles of the Constitution establishing our unalterable "unitary constitutional monarchy" to strike down federalisation reforms—reforms that the Senate and the People are well within their right to enact at any time, any legally illiterate provisions to the contrary be damned.

In my opinion, and the opinion of many of my colleagues, what is needed is for the office of Emperor to be clarified in such a way as to make its essentially civic, non-monarchic and non-hereditary character apparent yet again. Do away with all the mentions of "Imperial" agencies or offices, or of "His Majesty's" this and that; remove the atrocious "Coat of Arms" from any public function or document, and simply use neutral, non-dynastic symbolism, such as the Government Emblem; clearly delineate the powers of the chief magistrate of the State in a specific article of the main constitutional document by Senatus consultum; require fully binding and non-ceremonial votes of the Senate and People for the chief magistrate in question to be appointed into office, in order to do away with fantasies of inherited office; and, last but certainly not least, clarify the terminology of the Emperorship so that its monarchic connotations are done away with (the term "Emperor" itself having been warped beyond redemption, I would instead recommend the more neutral "Sebastokrator", which is a good translation of the Tiburan Augustus and which more accurately matches the office's role of "Ruling by Respect", or standing above and beyond politics).

With these changes, the fruitless, senseless debate over Pelasgia's "monarchy" could be done away with, and our new, federal Sympoliteia (or "Union", as some call the newly federated Res Publica or Politeia) would be free to focus on the issues of a modern, 21st-century State. If nothing else, we owe it to our Pelasgo-Tiburan ancestors to live as free men, rather than bowing down to nonexistent kings like the barbarians they so mocked.
Tags: politics, monarchy, constitution, reform

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Body of missing journalist found in Central Himyar: The body of missing Pelasgian investigative journalist Elena Nomikou was discovered by Central Himyari police following a large national search effort, according to a report transmitted to the Pelasgian Embassy by the local Interior Minister. Ms. Nomikou was in the Republic of Central Himyar to investigate the abuses of corporate conglomerates in the Southern Himyari country, including alleged private wars and human rights violations, but she had been asked to return to Pelasgia by her employer, O Propontios Logothetis, to cover political developments at home. The incinerated remains of the young woman were found near an industrial waste pipe in the poor outskirts of Kalina City, one of Central Himyar's largest urban centres, after she was reported missing by her employer earlier this week. The Pelasgian and Central Himyari authorities have promised a full investigation of the incident.
Varangians look back home, as @Skånskelag unravels: Following the announcement by the authorities of the Scanlaw that the federal union of Scanian states is set to dissolve over irreconcilable differences, many Varangian Guards in the service of the Pelasgian Emperor are looking anxiously back home. The Great Palace has clarified that, regardless of changes in citizenship, all the Guards will be allowed to remain in Pelasgia with their families, and that the option to become Pelasgian citizens will remain open to them, as it always has. Nevertheless, the rift has caused some issues within the ranks of Corps, with some Varangians supporting the Scanlaw's breakup and the minority candidate endorsed by the breakaway states, and other lambasting this development and instead supporting the majority presidential candidate.
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Pelasgia · Oct 7, 2022

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Op-Ed: Pelasgia is and has been a monarchy for aeons—except for the willfully blind
Propontis, 7 October 2022 | Count Antonios Gonemes*

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(Photo from the Imperial Household Agency): The Grand Despot's Palace within the Great Palace complex

*Count Antonios Gonemes is a medical doctor and lawyer from the island of Chelonis, in the Archipelago. He is the Vice-President of the Propontis Bar Association, as well as a senator ex officio, former Minister of State, and diplomat in the Pelasgian Delegation to the European Forum. Having moved to Propontis to pursue university studies in 1997, his primary residence is still located in the city, near the Senatorial District.

Note: This article is a response to the

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titled "Pelasgia is not legally a monarchy, nor should it be", which was published by the Propontis Tribune on Oct. 6, 2022.

The historical evolution of the Constitution of Pelasgia

As any student of Pelasgian history should know, the history of the modern Pelasgian State can be ultimately traced to the definitive and final partition of the Tiburan Empire into northern and southern halves in 395 AD. From that point on, there exists in history a distinct Southern Tiburan State, whose sole legitimate and remaining heir is the Pelasgian State—our State. In this regard at least, the learned professor and I are in agreement; however, as any student of history will equally know, the Southern Tiburan State was a monarchy, as the Tiburan State as a whole had been for centuries by that point. That there is no specific time in which a kingship was proclaimed is immaterial; no such event can be noted in the histories of many of the world's other states. The fact of the matter is that a state, like a living organism, grows, changes and evolves—and the Pelasgian State, too, has greatly evolved since its Tiburan days, a fact which the change in nomenclature should clearly allude to. For centuries now, no one has seriously spoken of the Res Publica Tiburana Australis—only of the Basileia ton Pelasgon.

As Dr. Psaltides indeed notes, the definitive crystalisation of Pelasgia into a monarchy can be traced to the aftermath of the Great Himyari Crusade, when the people of the Empire finally acquiesced to the hereditary and plenipotentiary character of their de facto monarchy, transforming it into a proper monarchy. That this was the result of centuries of hardship wrought by internal strife and ensuing foreign invasion is immaterial—all historical changes have causes after all—what matters is that this change occured. Following such a transformation, no one can speak of a Republic (be it Res Publica or Politeia) of the Pelasgians any longer; Pelasgia is an empire, a monarchy. That Pelasgia is a Constitutional monarchy and always has been is not up to question; the traditions of popular acclamation and senatorial confirmation that precede an Emperor's enthronement, which the learned professor does not fail to mention several times, are proofs of this limited character of our monarchy.

But a constitutional monarchy is still a monarchy, as all but the most rabid absolutists will readily tell you. I do not enjoy being the bearer of bad and yet obvious news, but I feel that I must state that which is evident and yet so-thickly obscured behind the Emperor's long and frankly convoluted dive into our country's constitutional history: changes to a constitution are perfectly legitimate. Simply because our present concept of the Emperorship was influenced by foreign powers and historical forces unlike those of ancient Tibur does not make it any less legitimate; our object and function as people is not to live up to the imaginary standards of a long-dead civilisation, but to maintain and improve our own civilisation. To argue that the Emperorship is inefficient or outdated is a valid (if, in my view, erroneous argument); to argue that it should be abolished merely because it did not exist in its current form two thousand years ago is nonsensical.

The legality of the Pelasgian Emperorship
It is true that, as Dr. Psaltides points out, the Constitution does not actually designate Pelasgia as a constitutional monarchy—that is to say, however, that the written Constitution does not explicitly do so, not the Constitution as a whole. Pelasgia's Constitution, as the product of two millennia of evolution and reform, is more than a single document—a distinction that the learned professor does not fail to make later in his text, where it suits his argument. Thus, dare I say, while the constitutional document of 1983 does not state that the Empire is a constitutional monarchy, long-established precedent and underlying constitutional principles do; after all, the Constitution confers the government of the Empire to an Emperor, and the professor himself has admitted that the title of Emperor has, by this point, acquired an ordinary grammatical meaning of "monarch". There is no reason to assume that any other meaning is intended in Article 1, or any other article dealing with the Emperorship.

Some might say that to base our whole form of government on an unwritten principle is too much of a stretch—but then, the article I am responding to does claim that we can do away with the whole amending formula contained within the written constitution based on an equally vague principle. And, besides, if Pelasgia is not a constitutional monarchy, how does the rest of our constitution make any sense? Is a system designed to be presided over by a lifelong, quasi-hereditary Head of State, while day-to-day politics are seen to by elected politicians in a parliamentary assembly not the quintessential definition of a constitutional monarchy? Is this not evidence enough of what the intent behind our constitutional documents is? Or must we pretend that our ancestors and foreign observers viewing out country over the last two thousand years have erred in defining it as a monarchy?

The fact of the matter is the Emperorship, in its current, monarchic function and configuration, carries with it the legitimacy of several centuries of constitutional precedent, along with popular support for much of that time. Up until very recently, when the "Neo-Classical" Legal Scholars started to import novel ideas into our thought, it was clearly assumed by all that Pelasgia was nothing but a monarchy. Here, I am not merely referencing general popular opinion; I instead point to literal centuries' worth of jurisprudence and juristic doctrinal writings which confirm the same thing. The Neo-Classicals can invent as many sophistic arguments for denying reality as they like; in the meantime, all legitimate legal authorities of the realm (all the way to the Supreme Court in its most recent triad of decisions regarding the monarchy) affirm that which we all already know: that the Pelasgian Empire is a constitutional monarchy reigned over by an Emperor, whose primary title is Basileus, meaning "King" or "Sovereign" (notably, this is also the origin of the word Basileia, which we use to mean "Empire" but more accurately means "Realm" or "Kingship").

The true future of our constitutional system
Much as I dislike to dispel Professor Psaltides' vision of a quick constitutional transformation unencumbered by such things as the legal requirements of the written Constitution, I must nevertheless point out the obvious (yet again): Pelasgia cannot lawfully be transformed into anything that it currently is not absent a legislative enactment respecting the constitutional amendment formula or a revolution (whether peaceful or violent). The Empire could be made into a Republic or even a Post-Delegationist commune, both of which would clearly violate the entrenched articles of our Constitution; but that would be a revolution, even if no blood was shed and all that was required was a pair of plebiscites and a few proclamations, following by general popular support. I do not wish to pretend here that, should the Senate and the People of Pelasgia choose to do away with their monarch, the heavens would come crushing down on them; I only wish to state that, should they do so, they would be carrying out a revolution, which is, by its very nature, illegal under the laws of the regime it seeks to abolish, as the preceding regime would be illegal under the laws of the new one.

Ultimately, all forms of government in the world, be they autocratic or democratic in the extreme, require the support of those that they rule. Even the Propontine Sovereigns, God's Viceroys on Europe, cannot reign without the consent of the governed. Therefore, I am not here to argue that our people cannot abolish the Empire; I am here to argue that they should not do so. It is my contention that, for the centuries of its existence, and particularly the last four decades under its current dynasty, the Empire has provided Pelasgians with rising material and moral conditions, stability and peace at home and abroad, and growing liberty and democratic representation; it is a rare system in all of Europe that can boast such achievements, even if its head of state be elected. Conversely, Pelasgia has enjoyed these fruits for so long that some, such as the learned professor, have started to take them for granted.

If Pelasgians do decide to maintain their monarchy, they are not obligated to keep it frozen as is—nor, in my opinion, should they. It is indeed incumbent upon us to codify the powers and role of the Emperor, and to ensure that they are no greater than need be for a constitutional monarchy in our circumstances and with our peculiarities to function. Pelasgia, it seems, wishes for a leader who is neither a tyrant nor a mere figurehead; she wishes for a head of state who goes beyond merely occupying a piece on the chessboard so that others cannot traverse it on the way to absolute power, without going so far as to wield such power himself; she wishes for an Emperor who reigns more than he rules, without hesitating to step in when absolutely necessary. Dare I say, the latest political crisis surrounding the future of crucial federalism reforms to ensure the survival and modernisation of our Empire is a perfect example of the Emperor's use of an otherwise scarcely-used power to break political deadlock.

If Pelasgia is to continue on its path of peaceful reform over radical, revolutionary change, such interventions will from time to time be both necessary and indispensable. If one has a better system to propose, let them do so openly, rather than by appealing to an inaccurate version of the distant past.
Tags: politics, monarchy, constitution, reform

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Bank of Cyparissus bought out: The Bank of Cyparissus, one of Pelasgia's oldest commercial banks, is no more, following its acquisition by two competing financial services companies. Embattered and facing financial problems for several years now, the Bank was finally sold after a lengthy review process by anti-trust and financial regulators, as well as a complicated court challenge by dissenting shareholders. Thus, the majority of the Bank's assets and shares has been bought by the Bank of the Archipelago, forming the new Bank of the Archipelago and Cyparissus, to be headquarted in Propontis and largely dominated by the acquiring company. In addition to this new bank, which will operate under the initials TAK, the remainder of the Bank of Cyparissus was bought out by the Popular Bank of Lycaonia—propelling the formerly secondary bank to systemic importance, per the Central Bank of Pelasgia.
Coast Guard arrests anti-whaling activists: The Imperial Harbour Corps, Pelasgia's coastguard, has arrested a crew of twelve anti-whaling activists off the Far Southern Territories, according an Interior Ministry report. The activists, who are all citizens of @Natal, were arrested by the HIPMC Neolkis, a large, open-sea cutter (sometimes classified as a light frigate), which had been deployed to the area to protect Pelasgian whaling crews. The Neolcis came to the area after an SOS-call by the whaling ship Ariadne III, which was being harassed by the activists' vessel, the Narwhal. According to the Interior Ministry, the offending vessel's transponder had been illegally disabled, and its crew failed to respond to commands, only stopping after warning shots were fired by the Neolkis. Aboard the vessel, Harbour Corps officers found harpoons and other dangerous objects, maps of popular whaling routes, and small quantities of narcotics, particularly cannabis. Reportedly, the consular authorities of the Const. State of Natal have been notified of the incident.
© Copyright 2022 - Propontis Tribune Ltd. / Βῆμα Προποντίδος Ε.Π.Ε. | Foreign-Language Publication License No. 1/1956 / Ἄδεια ξενόγλωσσου ἐκδώσεως ὑπ. ἀρ. 1/1956

Pelasgia · Oct 13, 2022

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Emperor attempts to replace PM without Boule’s consent

Editorial Board | 13/10, 10:30 | Upd: 15 minutes ago
Tags: [Featured] [News] [Politics] [Monarchy]

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The council chamber in the Great Palace of Propontis, where cabinet meets the Emperor

Breaking with the image of a reserved, non-activist sovereign preferring to stand above daily politics and to influence the country’s governance at a high level from the shadows, Emperor Alexios VII Vatatzes has directly intervened in the heart of Pelasgian politics, the premiership and responsible government, thereby causing a major constitutional crisis. Earlier this week, the Emperor announced that he was dismissing the coalition government of moderate conservative MP Konstantinos E. Raptis, and instead tasking renowned monarchist Senator Antonios Gonemis with the formation of a cabinet. His Majesty was reportedly displeased with demands made by Mr. Raptis’ coalition partners, the National Liberal Union (EEF), who demanded that the Emperor agree to reforms delineating the Throne’s powers in order to support the federalism reforms that were to be voted upon by the Koinoboule after the Emperor overruled a Supreme Court ruling purporting to strike them down as unconstitutional. While the National Liberals are in favour of both the reforms and a constitutional monarchy, they object to the potential precedent of Imperial interference in the law-making process.

Following over a week of negotiations, which ultimately failed to resolve the dispute between the three coalition partners (the Christian Democratic LOK, conservative KEB, and conservative-liberal EEF), the Throne finally decided to intervene to “preserve the integrity of the monarchic principle and character of the Constitution.” The incumbent PM has not yet made clear whether he accepts the PM’s decision, preferring to “consult experts on its legality”, whereas the Koinoboule has openly defied the Throne, reaffirming its support for Mr. Raptis and for the principle of responsie government. For his part, the PM-designate, Senator Gonemis, has not clarified whether he aims to accept his new appointment—though he is allegedly to meet with the Basileus to discuss recent political developments.

In the meantime, political confrontation between supporters a d opponents of the Emperor’s move is taking on the character of a pro- and anti-monarchy debate, with opponents speaking of a “palace coup” and proponents calling on them to be censured. The judiciary has yet to weigh in on the issue—but it appears highly unlikely that this question will be resolved by the courts, given its inherently political nature. Pelasgian courts, up to the highest level, have long held inherently political questions to be non-justiciable and beyond the purview of judicial review, in keeping with principles that make parliament supreme over the resolution of such disputes.

| ΔΕΙΤΕ ΕΠΙΣΗΣ
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Pelasgia · Oct 17, 2022

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~~Sebastokrator ratifies constitutional reforms, breaking deadlock~~

Editorial Board | 17/10, 12:00 | Upd: 5 minutes ago
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Fireworks over Pyrgos, Propontis M.P., during celebrations for the new Constitution

In his first act following his appointment as Sebastokrator, Megas Doux Attalos Laskaris has ratified constitutional amendment proposals which have stood in limbo for months, following disputes between the legislature and the Throne. The Sebastokrator signed off on the "middle-of-the-road" proposal for constitutional reform, which carved a compromise between the radical republican proposals and the reactionary monarchist position put forth by proponents on either side of the debate. Per the new Constitution, the Pelasgian Empire would give way to the Pelasgian Sympoliteia (meaning "Union" or "Commonwealth"), a federation of twenty entities, with varying powers based on their size. This is in line with the system of "asymmetrical federalism" which has been proposed by both lawmakers and academics in Propontis for months now, and which would give greater powers to Tephanon and the Fr South, due to their distance and distinctiveness from the mainland, while giving more limited powers to the more ethnically homogeneous and proximate Themes of Pelasgia proper.

Additionally, the new Constitution has once and for all settled the debate of the Pelasgian monarchy, formally abrogating the hereditary principle in the Constitution, which had never been written into the country's law but had gradually involved through convention. The new Union will still be governed by a strong head of state alongside a Prime Minister; however, the head of state (officially known as the Sebastokrator after the Pelasgian translation of the Tiburan Augustus), will still serve for life "on good behaviour", following appointment by the Senate (as was the case with the Emperors). The Senate itself has been altered in favour of a popularly elected body to represented the federated units making up the Union, thereby making the Sebastocracy an indirectly elected office, which would grant the incumbent the legitimacy to fully exercise his powers (unlike the Emperorship). Notably, these powers have been codified, satisfying a long-standing concern of constitutionalists with the preceding monarchic system's broad and nebulous reserve of prerogative powers. This codification respects that traditional division whereby the head of state is mainly concerned with defence and foreign policy, while leaving daily politics and internal affairs mainly to the Prime Minister, who has the support of the Koinoboule.

The new Constitution also includes a host of other long-sought reforms, such as the abolition of the judicial functions of the Council of State, and the establishment of formal equality between all citizens with the abolition of all noble titles and the peerage. Whereas some more conservative circles reacted to these changes with skepticism, the abdicating Emperor's call on all Pelasgians to unite in pursuit of the country's progress seemed to satisfy much of the right, along with fears of more radical changes, if these reform attempts were to fail. For his part, His Excellency the Sebastokrator stated that "with these great and long overdue reforms, our Nation is now ready to face the future and the challenges that come with it." This sentiment seemed to be echoed throughout the country, where great celebrations occurred from Propontis all the way to Nea Attaleia; and even those not entirely content with the new Union admit that its birth has given them some hope that the country's political woes can be put behind it, in pursuit of more pressing issues.

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Pelasgia · Oct 20, 2022

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Op-Ed: It is in Pelasgia's interest that Central Himyar be a strong ally, not a weak vassal
Propontis, 20 October 2022 | Marinos Nikolaïdes*

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(Photo from Propontis News Agency): A private security operator affiliated with Aegis Defence Solutions within the compound of the Pelasgian Embassy in New Ncuna City, Central Himyar

*The Hon. Marinos Nikolaïdes is a retired diplomat and a lecturer of international relations, diplomacy and international law at the National University of Propontis. Prior to retiring, Mr. Nikolaïdes served as a career member of the Pelasgian Diplomatic Service, rising to the rank of full Ambassador and being decorated with the Gold Cross of the Order of the Double-Headed Eagle for his service to the Nation. Mr. Nikolaïdes is a native of the suburban deme (municipality) of Magistrium, in the Metropolitan District of Propontis, where he resides with his family.

The current status of Central Himyar

When one lays upon the building of the Pelasgian Embassy in New Ncuna City, the capital of the Republic of Central Himyar, he is struck almost immediately by its appearance: far from the elegant style of other Pelasgian diplomatic missions, which either conforms to the neoclassical style or a blend of modern Western archicture and local practices, the New Ncuna embassy site looks more like a fortress or a military base than a diplomatic legation. In a certain sense, this is standard practice among foreign embassies in the war-torn and unstable country, making the Pelasgian Embassy no less peculiar than that of any other foreign nation; in another sense, however, this sight is representative of precisely what the current status of Central Himyar is, and of where relations between the two countries lie. For, in spite of the strong and strengthening ties of friendship and cooperation that the two Himyari nations enjoy, it is undisputable that, in the eyes of Propontis, Central Himyar has largely served as a forward base for the securing of Pelasgia's southern Himyari flank—and little else.

Throughout Central Himyar's territory, one finds strewn about Pelasgian military installations, the chiefmost of which lie in the vicinity of New Ncuna City itself, alongside the nearby port city of Kalina, where the Pelasgian Armed Forces maintain a sizeable permanent garrison under the auspices of a peacekeeping and military assistance and advising mission. Pelasgian weapons, uniforms and other materiel increasingly form part of the Central Himyari military and security force's standard equipment, while advisors sent from the north of the continent train and supervise local forces, in a manner that—as critics have pointed out—often resembles direct command. Even more notable, however, is the ever-growing presence of Pelasgian Private Military Companies (PMCs) in the southern Himyari country; two of the largest Pelasgian business conglomerates, Pegasus and Koressios, have made significant investments in Central Himyar (often with the encouragement of the Pelasgian Union's authorities), and they have thus seen fit to bring with them their own security subsidiaries (General Security and Aegis, respectively) to the country. The local authorities seem content to allow this, often using GenSec and Aegis as a private police and internal security force, while the encouragement of the Pelasgian intelligence community must have surely helped in this regard—or so one would think, given the links alleged between Pelasgian intelligence and the two PMCs in Central Himyar during the public portion of the ongoing Senate hearing in Propontis.

The two futures of Central Himyar, and Pelasgia's interest in both
As it stands, two potential futures are open to Central Himyar. The first, on the one hand, is neither particularly pleasant for the Central Himyaris nor of great interest to the Pelasgian State. In this scenario, Central Himyar will persist in its current status as a state on the brink of failure and civil war, with weak to almost non-existent rule of law and institutional integrity and stability, personalistic and factional politics, rampant abuses of power by authorities and foreign corporations alike, and a generally apathetic, cynical and impoverished populace with little to no national loyalty—and few choices but emigration, suffering or revolt. In such a future, corporations, such as Pegasus and Koressios, will be able to exploit Central Himyar for their gain, their profits no doubt trickling back north to certain powerful financial centres; they will also be able to ship cheap resources and enforce access to oligopolistic markets. Moreover, Pelasgia will be able to freely garrison its forces in Central Himyar to ensure strategic dominance over the southern half of the Himyar continent without significant opposition from within the country's political system. Nevertheless, in such a scenario, Central Himyar will be always a single coup away from turning on Propontis, and one misstep away from a large-scale civil conflict that would necessitate a costly intervention to restore pro-Propontis forces to power. In short, as with all colonies, a weak, vassalised Central Himyar will be increasingly burdensome, until the cost of maintaining it within the Union's orbit no longer justifies the reward.

The alternative, however, presents a wildly different and far more beneficial eventuality for both Propontis and New Ncuna City. In this case, Pelasgia could expand its aid programmes to the southern Himyari country and ensure that existing funds are properly used to develop precisely those institutions of state, society and economy which are now weak in Central Himyar, thereby eliminating the roots of its instability. In doing so, Pelasgia would be gaining the gratitude of an increasingly wealthy nation, while maintaining diplomatic influence over it throughout its entire period of modernisation and reform; it is therefore highly likely that Central Himyar would choose to remain aligned with Propontis, as the country's political mainstream would only see benefits from such a relationship. Therefore, Pelasgia could keep its military and economic interests in the region, while gaining and larger trade partner and a regional ally capable of standing on its own two feet. Central Himyar would be an asset rather than a liability, and ever more so by the year. The bases for this relationship have already been set, as most Central Himyaris know of and are thankful for the Union's humanitarian aid and its help in removing Central Himyar's previous dictatorship and installing the foundations for a democratic system. If the Government of Pelasgia can capitalise on this goodwill, it could easily achieve such an outcome.

Of course, for this future to become a reality, the deleterious sideeffects of the investing conglomerates—particularly Pegasus and Koressios—should be reined in, while healthy investments and aid efforts should be allowed to continue. Perhaps the Pelasgian Far Southern Company, which has previously served as a vehicle for corporate action aligned with Propontis' national interests and policy objectives, could once again be leveraged to this end, absorbing relevant sectors of the conglomerates' operations in Central Himyar, without touching nonoffending activities. Ultimately, the precise parameters of such a detailed and ambitious plan are for the government of the day to decide. Instead, it is the importance of the overall shift in policy and outlook that I am arguing for; and that, I hope, is an argument whose validity and importance any skilled decision-maker in the capital can appreciate.
Tags: foreign policy, central himyar, senate hearing, himyar

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Supreme Court rules against professional self-gov't: The Supreme Court of Pelasgia ruled that bar associations, medical associations and other such professional governing bodies do not have a constitutional or legal right to absolute self-government, and that they remain subject to overarching public order rules and the standards set by the legislature and the appropriate branches of the executive, particularly the Justice and Public Health ministries. The decision, which was delivered by a slim majority of the Plenary Chamber of the Court, was authored by retiring Chief Justice Papatheodorakopoulos. The Chief Justice ruled against the Propontis Bar Association, Pelasgia's highest legal professional body, which was attempting to contest rules enacted by the Justice Ministry to streamline and simplify the bar registration process without the Association's approval.
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Pelasgia · Oct 25, 2022

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Electorate ratifies Emperor's use of prerogative to override Boule

Editorial Board | 24/10, 21:00 | Upd: 20 minutes ago
Tags: [Featured] [News] [Politics] [Constitution]

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A statue of Tiberius the Great in the gardens of the Great Palace of Propontis

In a stunning double victory for the Sublime Throne over the Koinoboule, the Pelasgian electorate have ratified the Emperor's constitutional proposals and his interpretation of the imperial prerogative through a clear referendum vote. The referendum was announced on October 16, when the Emperor rejected an ultimatum placed before him by liberals within the Koinoboule to either abdicate or face deposition; instead, the Throne decreed the legislature prorogued, to be only reconvened following a public plebiscite to resolve the ongoing bras de fer between the monarchy and parliament. Today, popular will clearly sided with the former, with 61.31% of voters backing the monarchist option, out of a total turnout of slightly over 75%. Per the referendum's questions, voters chose to endorse proposals to federalise the Empire, granting more powers to Tephanon and the Far Southern Territories, while also creating elected bodies for other Pelasgian regions—a step which significantly reduced the powers of the Koinoboule. They also voted to guarantee the Imperial Prerogative, and to support an interpretive statement in the Constitution which would endorse its active use by the Throne, thereby guaranteeing the status of Pelasgia's monarchy as an executive, rather than ceremonial, institution.

The result was not uniformly endorsed across all of Pelasgia; urban residents tended to support the republican options, with rural voters and the urban working classes reaffirming anew their traditional role as the House of Vatatzes' primary electoral base of support. Wealthier urban residents seemed divided, though a majority endorsed the stability proposed by the continuation of monarchic institutions, even if it would mean less direct political power for their own class. This divide played out on the ground, with rival protests occurring in major urban centres between opponents and supporters of the Sublime Throne of Propontis, which remained largely peaceful, but tense. The night of the Emperor's power move, the Imperial Gendarmerie dissolved the protests in the Throne's name, with the monarchist crowds withdrawing peacefully, but the parliamentarian crowds putting up some resistance. In Propontis, where rival crowds where gathered outside the Senate House in the Government Quarter, heavy use of police force was required to remove crowds seeking to prevent the Gendarmerie from enforcing the Emperor's decree to prorogue the legislature, leading to hundreds of arrests and injuries.

In the long run, however, the Emperor seems to have come out on top. Tomorrow, when Parliament convenes anew, it will be faced with a democratic mandate in favour of the monarchy which it can no longer ignore. The liberal factions seeking to destabilise the coalition government have lost their strongest—if not only—argument, while PM K.E. Raptis will be forced to likely resign in shame after a remarkably short tenure, handing power back to more the hard-right conservative FM Ph. Andreades, who is both his coalition partner and his predecessor. For his part, Senator Gonemis is likely looking at the Foreign Ministry, being seen as a comfortable compromise choice between the Throne and the Koinoboule. The Koinoboule itself stands fundamentally altered, with the Senate having returned to its previous status as a judicial body merged with the Supreme Court; in its stead, a modified Council of State has taken over as the upper house to represent the Empire's various regions equally. Likewise, the Boule has seen its electoral system modified to one of direct proportional representation, thereby undercutting much of the urban liberals' advantage from their focus on certain single member plurality seats in the preceding system.

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Pelasgia · Nov 4, 2022

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Corporate conglomerates face anti-trust scrutiny
Propontis, 4 November 2022 | The Editorial Board

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The business district's skyline near the harbour area of Pyrgos, Propontis M.P.
Source: Propontis News Agency

Despite their initial cooperation with the authorities, as well as their heretofore pivotal role in Propontis' policy in Central Himyar, it appears that the Pegasus and Koressios conglomerates, Pelasgia and Himyar's two largest corporate trusts, are set to face regulatory scrutiny which will likely result in their being broken up into smaller corporations. Whereas the abuses allegedly committed by the two corporate giants in Central Himyar provided both the impetus and the justification for this decision, it would be more accurate to say that it is merely another step toward the government's long-stated commitment and policy goal with regard to the homiloi, as Pelasgia's multi-sector business trusts are often called. Specifically, this policy entails (in the words of incumbent Prime Minister Philippos Andreades during his first term in office) both the partition of major homiloi as well as the transformation of their ownership structure, such that they are publicly traded on the stock market and largely managed by professional directors and executives accountable to shareholders. This presents a major shift from the traditional ownership structure of the homiloi, which is dominated by a single family or clan (phatria), whose members play a direct role in the conglomerate's management and business strategy. [...]

This willingness to abolish the "feudal" character of Pelasgia's corporate economy was expressed earlier this year, when the first Andreades Cabinet tabled a bill, which, if enacted into law, would outlaw business trusts, defined both in geographic and economic sector terms, in addition to placing regulatory restraints on the ownership of large corporations and firms that would actively discourage private ownership in favour of public ownership via the stock market. [...] While the bill remained in limbo for several months due to other political concerns (as well as lobbying from the country's corporate class, many of whom were backers of the erstwhile Senatorial faction and the country's liberal political factions), the recent findings of the Senate Committee on Corporate Activities in Central Himyar finally granted the Government the impetus it needed to put the bill to a vote. As a result, the bill was signed into law by the Emperor earlier this week, becoming Chapter 115 of the Imperial Code ("Protection of Free Competition"). [...] In what many consider to be retaliation for the corporate elite's backing of the Throne and the Government's political opponents within the opposition, the new law was used mere days after its enactment for the Justice Ministry to file anti-trust claims against both Pegasus and Koressios, targetting both groups for "partition and ownership structure reform". This came at the same time that prosecutorial authorities all the way to the Procuratorate General in Propontis filed charges for various alleged abuses of the two conglomerates in Central Himyar and elsewhere. [...]

The Justice Ministry had indicated that it is examining anti-trust measures against several other major conglomerates, including practically all of the "big twelve" (also known as the "Twelve Gods of Trapezis Street", after the street where Propontis Stock Exchange is located). Thus, many analysts are taking this as a sign that Propontis is committed to pursuing its envisioned reform of the Empire's corporate landscape, and that it will not contend itself with merely breaking up Pegasus and Koressios. [...]

Judicial Senate upholds ban of international biker gangs
Propontis, 4 November 2022 | Maria Makrinou

The Judicial Senate of the Empire, Pelasgia's highest court of law, has upheld a ban outlawing Europe's two largest international biker gangs. The ruling, which was handed down by a five-judge panel of Department II of the Senate (Criminal Cassation), affirmed a previous ruling by the Propontis Court of Appeal, which had agreed with a submission by the Public Prosecutorial Service claiming that the two groups were inherently contrary to public order and therefor ipso facto illegal. [...] Prosecutorial authorities sought this ruling as part of large-scale operation to crack down on the two groups, whose activities span four different continents and include a multitude of crimes, including human trafficking, illegal narcotics trade, weapons smuggling, hired killings, prostitution, financial crimes, and various other offences against general public order. As a result of the operation, several hundred members of both groups, both Pelasgian and foreign, were arrested by Imperial law enforcement in collaboration with foreign counterparts (most notably in Caria and Central Himyar), while large quantities of illegal substances, weapons, and funds were seized. Several thousand human trafficking victims were also located, particularly from Westernesse and the former Pannonian states, with Imperial authorities undertaking great efforts to safely return the victims to their former homes and communities, following treatment. [...]

At the time of the ruling, most of the arrested bikers were still being held by Imperial authorities, save for twenty persons extradited to face severe charges abroad and two who had died in custody due to medical reasons. Following the Senate's decision, all those thus held will face additional felony charges for membership in a criminal organisation, which would mean lengthy sentences in a penal labour colony for many of them. For the leaders of these groups, capital punishment is also a likely possibility, though, given the large range of charges facing all the detainees, such an eventuality would also face many if not most defendants for some charge or another. Evidently, the Throne's prosecutors hope that this can be used to motivate the defendants to testify against one another and to otherwise aid the prosecution in making its case. [...]

Emperor personally inaugurates hospital named after slain child
Hierosolyma, 4 November 2022 | Stylianos Georgiades

His Imperial Majesty, Emperor Alexios VII Vatatzes personally inaugurated a hospital in Hierosolyma, which is to be named Dolophonithentos Basilopaidos or "Slain Princeling's" General Hospital, in honour of the unborn child lost to the Imperial family due to a failed assassination attempt outside Hierosolyma earlier this year. The Emperor was joined by Empress-Consort Hildegaard, making this the Imperial couple's first public appearance following the tragic incident. [...] The Emperor spoke at length about the new facility, outlining the Government's vision for accessible and publicly paid-for healthcare open to all Pelasgians. "This facility is one of many that will be opening throughout the country, with a view to making public health a reality for all Pelasgians, from the Far South to Pera and from Tephanon to Makri," His Imperial Majesty told those attending the ceremony, before noting that the hospital is a state-of-the-art facility, which is meant to serve as a model for other such healthcare centres throughout Pelasgia. The Emperor and Empress then met with the hospital staff, as well as representatives of the workers who helped to construct the new facility. [...]

The Imperial Couple are set to continue their tour of Pelasgia, which had previously been interrupted by the attack in Theodoropolis. Their next destination reportedly is Hagioi Anargyroi, where the Emperor and Empress will speak during the inauguration of two new tertiary education institutions (one for the trades and one for academic studies), which have been opened by the Government with a view to promoting higher education and professional learning in the country's less developed regions. [...]
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Pelasgia · Nov 11, 2022

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Explainer: The Reorganisation of Pelasgia's Corporate Landscape
Propontis, 11 November 2022 | Iakovos Adamides

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(Photo from Propontis News Agency): The main entrance to the Propontis Stock Exchange, here seen during a public health safety drill

*Professor Iakovos Adamides is a full professor of corporate and business law at the Imperial and Patriarchal University of Propontis, as well as the Chair of the Propontis Bussiness Research Council's Legal Research Group. A native of Nymphaion, Prof. Adamides moved to Propontis as a child, settling in the Antipyrgos District of Borough VII of "old" Propontis. Prof. Adamides still resides in that same district, alongside his wife and two children.

The Twin Giants of Propontis

For decades, the Pegasus and Koressios corporate conglomerates have been considered the poster children of Pelasgia's quasi-corporatistic capitalism, being by far the largest of the homiloi, the multi-industry corporate groups that dominate the country's economic life. Nicknamed the "Twin Giants", and with good reason, the two firms exemplified the characteristic all-industry expansionism of the homiloi almost to the point of self-parody: a running joke I often tell my foreign audiences during international legal conferences is that one could travel to Pelasgia on a Pegasus-built plane operated by a Pegasus-controlled airline, land at an airport partially built by Pegasus construction crews, take a Pegasus-built train to the city centre, get hit by a Pegasus-built taxi while going to the nearby Pegasus-owned supermarket chain, and then be transported to the local Pegasus private hospital, where their Pegasus-owned insurance company would cover costs as the trip was paid for using a credit card issued by a Pegasus bank. Laughable as it might sound, this scenario was entirely plausible, so much so that I never had to make the same joke to my Pelasgian students: they all already knew it. I could have just as easily swapped out Pegasus for its main—and, in its own eyes, only worthy—competitor without losing any points for accuracy.

As such, it is hardly surprising that, when news broke that Propontis had decided to break up the Twin Giants, jaws dropped across Pelasgia—and, indeed, across all of Himyar, and much of Europe. The two conglomerates had a hand in practically every major global industry, and their partition into smaller units sent ripples through the global market. Soon, those ripples subsided, as it became clear that disruption of supply chains and operations would be minimal; what would change would be the ownership structure and consolidated makeup of the two groups. Bolstered by public outcry against abuses by the two corporate giants in Central Himyar, and supported by government circles displeased by Pegasus and Koressios' attempt to dabble in opposition politics, Pelasgian courts made use of a series of new laws enacted by the Koinoboule over the last two years. Empowered by black-letter law that clearly enshrined their previously contentious interpretations of general corporate statutes and principles into set rules, the judges in Propontis and elsewhere mandated that the two holding companies at the centre of the giants were to be dissolved, their assets (i.e., the groups' subsidiaries) being reorganised into smaller groupings centered around linked industries and traded publicly on the stock market, rather than being privately held by a single family or a small group thereof.

The Structure of a Homilos and the Fate of Pegasus
To understand how important this shift was, one must understand how a typical Pelasgian homilos (the singular of homiloi) is structured. A conglomerate is typically owned by a single family or a few closely lit families forming a clan (phatria); to return to the example of Pegasus, this would be the powerful Ploumides Family, who moved to Propontis from Aspropol in the early 20th century. This family holds a controlling share (often close or equal to 100%) of the shares of a holding company; that is, a corporation which solely exists to hold shares in other companies, rather than selling any goods or services. In Pegasus' case, this was Pegasus Corporate Holdings S.A., in which the current Ploumides patriarch, Stephanos Ploumides, owned 87% of shares, the rest being mainly held by family members, including his eldest son and heir-apparent, Aristarchos. Pegasus Holdings owned a series of companies, ranging from the Pegasus' group's namesake, the world-famous Pegasus Motor Company, to defence giant Pegasus Defence Systems and the Bank of Pieria, one of Pelasgia's systemic banks. Other major subsidiaries included Ploumides Chemicals S.A.; Pegasus Electronics; General Security S.A. (the infamous mercenary firm behind many of the human rights abuses in Central Himyar); as well as a host of maritime shipping and shipyard holdings (the true markings of any major Pelasgian homilos).

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rendered earlier this month by the criminal division of the Propontis District Court, this complex corporate scheme, whose holdings touched upon practically every economic sector of Pelasgia in every region of the country and at every stage of production, distribution and sale, Pegasus Holdings has been dissolved. The various major subsidiaries have been broken apart into smaller groups, such as the Pegasus Trio (Electronics, Motors and Defence), the Chemicals and Foods grouping, the Bank of Pieria and financial services grouping, and the maritime grouping (or "Hippocampus", as many analysts have taken to calling it). General Security was suppressed, pursuant to another court order, while its remaining personnel and equipment were absorbed by the Pelasgian Far Southern Company (PFSC/PEAN), a largely state-aligned and partly state-held corporation. As for the Ploumides family, the clan's leadership face lenghty prison sentences, while their personal wealth has been almost completely drained to pay for heavy fines levied on the now-defunct Pegasus Conglomerate (the courts and Public Prosecution Service cleverly agreed to shift the cost of these fines onto the controlling shareholders of the two conglomerates, rather than on the economically vital corporations themselves). A similar fate has befallen the Koressios Group, and its own controlling clan, the Koressios family.

The New Landscape of Corporate Pelasgia
With the fall of the Twin Giants of Propontis, some assumed that the sea of change in corporate Pelasgia was at an end, at least for now; they were, however, wrong. The powers that be in Propontis have decided to completely transform the landscape of corporate Pelasgia, and with it, of a significant part of Himyar's collective economy. For starters, regulatory bodies have started to issue notices of mandatory restructuring to the remaining major corporate conglomerates of Pelasgia, essentially offering a polite, prosecution-free chance to their controlling families to relinquish control over their holdings and hand them over to the stock market to be publicly traded and owned. In return, the erstwhile aristocrats of the corporate world would be allowed to remain relatively rich and respected, though not nearly in the same class as before. They would even be allowed to retain minority shares in some of their former holdings, though for a (reduced) price and nowhere near a controlling share. So far, all families so notified have chosen to take this deal, and they are presently engaged in negotiations with authorities over the particulars of each case, while lawyers draft the necessary documentation to restructure and sell off their holdings.

Per this restructuring, the conglomerates themselves are to be reshaped in much the same way as Pegasus and Koressios were: large industries that are linked or related would be grouped together in smaller corporate groups with a dominant company holding a large or controlling share in the others (e.g., Pegasus Motors controls many smaller related firms); the various such industry-specific subgroups would be grouped around a bank (e.g., the Bank of Pieria), though which they would all cooperate to pool funds and invest together in new projects. However, unlike the homiloi, these loose associations centered around a bank would not be legally joined in any sense, being instead closer to long-established business partners. Moreover, every such group would be publicly owned and traded, as would the bank at each such loose association's centre. That being said, the member companies would still own small portions of each others shares, centered on the core bank, in order to partly insulate each company from stock market fluctuations and takeover attempts, thus enabling long-term planning in projects. This is a key element of Pelasgian industry that regulators are anxious to preserve. As designed, these sets of companies with interlocking business relationships and shareholdings are to be known as "associations" (syndesmoi) or "corporate systems" (etairika systimata), and they are to be largely administered by professional directors and officers for the benefit of shareholders under the eye of public regulators, much as any other public company, with care being taken to avoid consolidation of ownership or intermingling similar to that of the preceding homiloi.

This shift would present a profound modernisation of Pelasgia's corporate world, allowing the country to important the tried and tested model of public ownership from abroad, finally ditching the antiquated model of the single-mastermind capitalist that is more suited for early industrialising nations, and which had been preserved largely due to political considerations (as the preceding Carian Dynasty used the homiloi as a base of support against the nobility, and as the succeeding Vatatzes Dynasty found the homiloi to be backers for its parliamentary liberal constitutionalist opponents, who hoped to fragment state power and increase the role of business in society). At the same time, the close ties of cooperation that characterise each syndesmos would maintain many important characteristics of Pelasgia's quasi-corporatist model of capitalism. In this sense, the new arrangment would help to preserve the stability that both workers and investors have come to expect in Pelasgia; it is thus of little surprise that markets have responded quite positively to this change, while labour unions have voiced little concern, following initial assurances.
Tags: business, economy, homiloi, Central Himyar

Other News

Far Southern Co. takes over in Central Himyar: The Pelasgian Far Southern Company (PFSC/PEAN) has taken over all security contracts as well as many business contracts previously granted to the Pegasus and Koressios conglomerates in Central Himyar, following deals between the Company and the Pelasgian and Central Himyari governments. The PFSC, which has absorbed the two defunct conglomerates' private military and security wings, will assist Central Himyari authorities and Pelasgian firms in a more limited role and under closer government scrutiny, while major infrastructure projects and investments in the country are set to continue as planned. For the PFSC, this presents a major step in its long-term strategy of linking its activities across the two halves of the Himyari continent.
Daedalus to continue 6th gen. fighter project unabated: The Pelasgian half of the joint Rheinish-Pelasgian aviation industry, Daedalus Aviation, has announced that its research and production efforts and contributions for the group's innovative 6th generation fighter project will not be significantly affected by its change in ownership. Daedalus Pelasgia, which is a subsidiary of Adamidis-Aetos Aviation (itself previously part of the Adamides Conglomerate) was always under partial government ownership and strict oversight due to its sensitive nature; as such, the transition to free float trading for the non-government-owned portion of the group's shares poses less issues, no doubt in part thanks to the Adamides family's excellent cooperation with authorities. The group is in constant communication with its counterpart in the @Rheinbund during the restructuring process.
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Pelasgia · Nov 13, 2022

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University Students protest ideological restrictions, penalties

Editorial Board | 13/11, 9:00 | Upd: 5 minutes ago
Tags: [Featured] [News] [Education]

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Students on the campus of the Imperial and Patriarchal University of Propontis

Students at the Imperial and Patriarchal University of Propontis (VPPP/V3P), the University of Thermi, and the Academy of Iolcus, Pelasgia's three most important and historic universities, have signed petitions protesting ideological restrictions and limits on free speech and expression enacted on campus by both academic authorities and legal provisions. The protests have taken the shape of class boycotts and peaceful gatherings on or near campus, as well as the building of the Ministry of Education, in downtown Propontis. Students from the three institutions have also been joined by their colleagues in other academic institutes, including senior high schools (known in Pelasgia as lycaeums) and students at the Imperial Polytechnic. According to some reports, a planned protest by cadets at the Imperial Military Academy was prevented with harsh disciplinary action—but for most civilian universities, the protest movement is very real, and it spread beyond the initial three centres. What sets the three main universities apart, nonetheless, is that their students have gone on to found a National Union of Students, something which is officially prohibited by Pelasgian law.

Students at the three universities, especially V3P, had been discussing and debating the formation of such an association for a long time; the event that seems to have pushed them over the edge and into action appears to be the decision by the academic authorities of V3P to expel fourteen students and sanction thirty more for participating in a club advocating political reforms. The club, named the Student Society for National Progress, hosted symposiums and gatherings to discuss ways to modernise the Empire's political and social institutions in light of changes to society. Particular ideas advocated by the group that caught the authorities' attention were the advocacy of national and popular sovereignty over divine right, and the proposal for more modern, secular government and a national identity reflecting the more uniform character of the increasingly urbanised Pelasgian people in the 21st century, rather than the traditional image of various regional groups united by allegiance to the Emperor and the Church still proposed by many conservatives. These ideas, the University explained, are proscribed by law within academic institutions—meaning that though V3P "respects academic freedom", it is not in a position to tolerate them and must "act decisively to prevent their spread among the student body".

Students bodies protested the decision almost instantly, and a small march was organised outside the Rector's office in support of the punished students. According to unconfirmed reports, the students received some support from faculty members, many of whom expressed concerns over academic freedom or stated that the students' ideas were the natural result of intellectual pursuit and education, and that the law was outdated. The University Senate narrowly voted to uphold the disciplinary committee's decision, but not without great pressure by authorities—something which only served to further inflame student sentiments, leading to the current protest wave. The Education Ministry has dismissed the issue, while the Government has sought to shift attention to the upcoming trip planned by the Emperor to the Far South as a means of demonstrating the unity of the Empire's various regions through loyalty to the Throne.

| ΔΕΙΤΕ ΕΠΙΣΗΣ
- Imperial Couple warmly received during visit in Tephanon; Emperor meets with local leaders, inaugurates local assembly building
- Politarchy, Harbor Corps note increased human trafficking, narcotics flows since resumption of hostilities in Al-Maghrab
- Judicial Senate refuses to hear case on alleged irregularities of constitutional referendum, solidifying Appeals Court ruling
- Imperial Himyari Bank of Commerce considering name change following restructuring of parent group, Koressios

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Pelasgia · Nov 18, 2022

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Former PM Angelopoulos to lead opposition

Editorial Board | 18/11, 14:35 | Upd: 2 minutes ago
Tags: [Featured] [News] [Politics]

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The atrium of the Great Palace, where newly sworn cabinets are traditionally phographed

Former Prime Minister and seasoned right-wing politician Themistokles Angelopoulos has announced his intent to lead a broad opposition party to challenge the incumbent conservative, monarchist Prime Minister Philippos Andreades and his coalition government. The new party, which is to be named the National Radical Coalition (ERIS) was unveiled during a press conference including MPs from a variety of backgrounds ranging from more hard-right elements of Mr. Angelopoulos' own former coalition to more centrist and even liberal politicians. Indeed, it was this coalition-building style that allowed Mr. Angelopoulos to govern for several years, becoming a generally respected politician and a voice of stability in the country and the Meridian as a whole. The "glue" uniting the former PM's new front is support for modern, parliamentary government over direct exercise of the Throne's prerogative powers, in addition to support for greater modernisation, social reform and a unified national identity at the centre of the Empire's national ideology—positions which effectively echo the demands and ideology of the students presently engaged in large-scale demonstrations against the Imperial Government.

Other positions which have set the former long-time ally of the Great Palace of Propontis against its political backers are his avowed criticism of the Empire's current foreign policy, particularly its involvement in the affairs of Central Himyar. During the press conference, Mr. Angelopoulos lambasted Propontis' role in the Central Himyari Crisis as "wholly deleterious to the interests of the Nation, an imperial adventure with no clear benefit to our country, and which only stands to cost us lives and tax money for no other reason than vague ideas of containment and imperial delusions"; the former PM stated that any natural resources found in Central Himyar could easily be accessed without such intervention, noting that the cost of the "distant, foreign entanglement" counterbalances any reduced input prices for the Pelasgian economy. Moreover, on another note, the former PM openly sided with protesting students against the government, going so far as to invoke the memory of his late father, Leon Angelopoulos, the many-time PM of Pelasgia who served as the Emperor's High Commissioner in Philistaea during the Annexation and prior to his assassination. "My father shed his blood for this country, for the right of all Pelasgians to be just that: Pelasgians, regardless of their region of origin or other particular characteristics. Those who deny the common Pelasgian identity for all our compatriots deny my father's sacrifice—and the sacrifice of all those who fought to see Philistaea return to the Empire's fold."

With these positions, the former PM and his new party have taken a direct position against government policies that fall within the competencies of both the Cabinet and the Emperor himself. In so doing, Mr. Angelopoulos and ERIS have openly challenged the status quo of the Empire's politics, showing their opposition to both the Throne's involvement in politics, as well as the political class that enables that deviation from what ERIS considers to be the role of a modern constitutional monarchy: "The Emperorship is far too dignified an institution to meddle in politicking; the Emperor must stand above politics, and serve as a Symbol of Unity for the Nation," Mr. Angelopoulos' dauphin, Thermi MP and shadow justice minister Radamanthus Tiveriades, told reporters. Of course, for many Pelasgians it is not such political disputes that draw them to the polls, but chiefly everyday quality of life considerations. Thus, to prevail, each faction will have to convince the people of the viability of its vision for Pelasgian society. The two sides' attempts to win Pelasgians over will come to a head early next week, when the body sits for the first time in new factional blocs.

| ΔΕΙΤΕ ΕΠΙΣΗΣ
- PM Andreades calls Central Himyari President, vows continued support—opposition questions potential reinforcement of peacekeeping force
- Students found Nat'l Student Association chapters in five more universities, as protests against ideological censorship on campus grow
- Campaign to sensitize public on whale killings sees consumption of catacean-based products drop dramatically in favour of substitutes
- Propontis bans short-term home rental apps, restricts mobility service apps as Govt examines regulatory violations by application parent companies

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Pelasgia · Nov 30, 2022

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Capital marks Saint Andrew’s with great pomp and ceremony

Editorial Board | 30/11, 14:35 | Upd: 2 minutes ago
Tags: [Featured] [News] [Society]

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Crowds attend the procession from the Cathedral of Despotikon to the port

In keeping with thousands of years of tradition, the citizenry of Greater Propontis celebrated the feast of its patron, Saint Andrew the First-Called, founder of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, with much pomp and ceremony. Marked by a series of civic festivities rivalled only by those of the Feast of the Dormition of the Virgin Mary (the patron Saint of Propontis proper), the feast was celebrated by the people of the four cities making up the Metropolitan Prefecture of Propontis (Propontis City, Pyrgos, Hagios Simeon, and Despotikon Island), along with the Imperial Church and authorities all the way up to the Imperial Family.

On the island off Despotikon, just off Pyrgos, the entire Imperial Family, who had been staying there since last week, led religious festivities at local Cathedral, reaffirming the island’s traditional freedoms and privileges as the Emperor’s personal domain, before proceeding to sail at the head of a naval procession to the port of Pyrgos, where they were received by the city’s Bishop and the Prefect of Propontis. At Pyrgos, a massive carnivalesque feast had been set up, with shadow theatre plays, traditional games, street stands and endless displays of colourful paper decorations, all X-shaped like Saint Andrew’s cross. The Imperial Family and officials mingled with common locals, listening to their concerns and joining in celebrations; the Sebaste Despotess Anna and her lord husband, who visited from @Radilo, were voted the fairest couple at the large dance contest in Saint Andrew’s Square, where the Despotess also danced with her favourite brother, the Despot Basil, dispelling rumours of their supposed falling out. The Emperor granted the harbour’s best fishmonger an exclusive license to supply many foodstuffs to the Great Palace for a year, and the Empress visited a local orphanage and sailors’ hospital, of which she is a patron.

Following this half-day mingling with the common people, the Imperials and their accompanying dignitaries headed to Pyrgos’ Saint Andrew’s Cathedral to observe religious ceremonies. The Prime Minister, Mr. Philippos Andreades, presented the Bishop of Pyrgos with an elaborate silver-plated icon of Saint Andrew which he commissioned as a vocative offering to the church for the Saint’s help in the battle of his father, Mr. Andreas Andreades, against cancer, whereas Her Majesty made a major announcement: she is again with child! Should the child be delivered in good health, Her Majesty promised to name him (for the Empress stated that she is “convinced” of the child’s manhood) in honour of Saint Andrew. This announcement led to further celebration in the Queen of Cities, with the Cathedral’s massive bells tolling for the better part of am hour.

As always, the end of the day’s celebrations was marked with a fireworks display over the Straits of Propontis, along with two twenty-one gun salutes: one for Saint Andrew, and another for the fishers who were lost at sea the previous year, of whom Saint Andrew is the traditional patrons. Tomorrow, farmers (whose patron Saint Andrew also is) will present the poor of the Capital with free grain products, and a ceremony will be held at the chapel if old plague cenotaph, since legend has it that Saint Andrew drove the disease from the city and saved the souls of its victims.

| ΔΕΙΤΕ ΕΠΙΣΗΣ
- Following news of Empress’ pregnancy, Emperor announces intent to undetake pilgrimage to the monasteries of Euxenia
- Education Minister maintains hard line against university protests, using disciplinary sanctions to break up student unions
- Venetos FC Propontis and Prasinos FC Pyrgos make good showing at Copa de Oro in @Corrientes, while Asproroussos FC Thermi disappoints fans, management
- Imperial Army repatriates first batch of coffins of soldiers slain in Central Himyar with honours; govt increases weapon shipments, PMC inflows to country

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Pelasgia · Dec 6, 2022

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O PROPONTIOS LOGOTHETIS NEWSPAPER CO., EST. 1923 | ONLINE ENGELLSH EDITION | PELASGIA'S NEWSPAPER OF RECORD

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Troops depart for Central Himyar
Propontis, 6 December 2022 | The Editorial Board

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Imperial Pelasgian Army soldiers on parade prior to overseas deployment
Source: Propontis News Agency

Less than a month after Pelasgian peacekeepers deployed in Central Himyar were attacked by insurgents in the country’s east, while training and supporting forces of the local Central Himyari National Army (CHNA), the Imperial Government has made good on its promise of military support by deploying an additional 5,000 troops to the country, more than double its original force of 2,250, in addition to a Carrier Battle Group and a wing of land-based aircraft and air defence systems. [...] This is Pelasgia’s first major deployment of an overseas expeditionary force with an explicitly combat role, as the original force was merely tasked with peacekeeping and training; and it comes in response to New Ncuna City’s invocation of the military assistance agreement between it and Propontis. […]

Arranged in perfect formation and bearing their combat arms, the Central Himyari Expeditionary Force, which is made up entirely of professional soldiers so far, paraded before the country’s military and civilian leadership, before departing for Central Himyar on Pelasgian Airways flights chartered to Kalina City. The naval contingent is expected to arrive early next week, as it is drawn from First Fleet units from Propontis, rather than the Tephanon and Far Southern contingents. […] At the same time, it is estimated that the Pelasgian Far Southern Companies and its auxiliaries have upwards of 10,000 private military contractors (PMCs) deployed in Central Himyar, on a joint Pelasgo-Central Himyari payroll. […]

The deployment, which is unprecedented since the Restoration occurred some forty years ago, has stirred up vigorous debate in Propontis, where opposition and government alike have taken to the floor of the Koinoboule, the media and even the city squares to advance their perspectives. […] The government’s decision to invoke wartime censorship laws on reporting regarding the conflict led to considerable uproar, including some protests, though most mass media are generally towing the official line. […]

Government partially renationalises B3T Group
Propontis, 6 December 2022 | Efstratios Mitropoulos

The Koinoboule has enacted a law authorising the Government to institute a mandatory buyback of shares for B3T (the common trading name of the Imperial Pelasgian Postal, Telegraph and Telecom Organisation S.A.). B3T was Pelasgia’s longtime mail and telephone monopoly, before being privatised as part of an initiative to open the courrier and phone market to competition (though it retains a monopoly on postage mail). Since then, the company has expanded to several foreign countries, both as a courrier service and a telephone and internet provider. [...] The Pelasgian Government retains a minority share of slightly over 30%; however, per this new law, this share is to be increased to 51%, and then potentially to 67%, if certain regulatory conditions are satisfied. Per the scheme, preference will be given to buying out the shares of legal persons, so that those of individual shareholders can be maintained

The distinction between B3T Group’s domestic and foreign subsidiaries, as well as its telecom and postal branches, is to be maintained, with public trading of non-government-owned shares to continue. […] As such, for PETEL, B3T’s telecoms branch, the law provides a government ownership ceiling of 51% with management ordinarily falling to private shareholders through free float ownership; by contrast, OTP, the postal division, is to almost wholly privatised. The Government has justified this move as part of an initiative to ensure adequate and fairly priced availability of mail, internet and telecoms services to rural and more distant regions, particularly the two Exarchates and southeastern Pelasgia. […]

Judicial Senate upholds abolition of peerage, proscription decrees
Propontis, 3 December 2022 | Katerina Grammatikou

Two panels of the Judicial Senate of the Empire, Pelasgia’s highest judicial body, have delivered their rulings on two controversial cases. [...] In the first case, a Court of the Senate’s Third Department, which handles constitutional review, upheld the law abolishing the peerage of Pelasgia, ruling that the peers’ consent was not required by the Constitution. Per the three-judge panel, the peerage is not constitutionally enshrined, and as it was enacted by law as a reform in the 1869, it can be repealed in the same manner. […] This decision does not affect the Patricians, who are an informal social class, rather than a legal group with recognised rights and privileges. [...]

The second decision concerned a series of decrees of proscription enacted by the Sublime Throne under the authority of the Delictum Sui Generis Law and at the advice of the Privy Council. These decrees imposed severe extrajudicial sanctions on several persons who were associated with the Tiburan Pope’s (@Radilo) attempted illegal visit to Hierosolyma, as well as radical movements in that region and elsewhere. […] As the concerned persons availed themselves of their right to challenge the decree before the judiciary once the emergency had lapsed or within thirty days, the Court had to rule on the matter, first in first instance through its Chancery Department (Dept. V), as well as on appeal, in banco. In both instances, the Senate upheld the decrees. […]
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