President-for-Life
- Thread starter Khemia
- Start date
Winter in Crotobaltislavonia was cold and bitter. The people in the streets - were Riu to wager that they had not been paid to stand there to begin with - were a hard, unwelcoming sort. Banja Luka was a storied city rich in history and, yet, decadence had corrupted at its affluence like a rot. General Riu did not deceive himself, Farrago was part and parcel of that rot, yet he was a useful man. Crotobaltislavonia occupied a key location in the center of Germania, within striking range of Altburg, and bordering many states which themselves leaned to hostility towards the Rurikgrad Pact.
Despite this, open support was not wise. Even his presence here was the stuff of rumors, rumors which would quickly fade in time as he isolated himself yet again. Were the Pact to openly deploy forces to the region, it would pit neutral states firmly into the camp of the enemy. Farrago's regime did not enjoy widespread recognition. Little wonder, then, that its neighbors would support what was, in essence, a military putsch. Trading one dictator for another - Europe deserved better, yet she would not be delivered that.
Not today, not if Riu had a say. Farrago would be President-for-Life, he mused to himself as he sat in a nondescript vehicle at a small country air strip. A plane in the distance wobbled like a vulture in high winds. The skies were clear, fortunately, and a small procession of only the most dedicated of his men would begin arriving over the coming days. Lorries would accompany them, registered to Elbener companies and carrying little more than durable aluminum for construction. That would be the beginnings of the future of the Red Guard in Crotobaltislavonia. A small compound including several abandoned structures sat what had once been a thriving village, but now was little more than an impoverished place. Sure, the people would wonder what was going on after some time, but that was what the presence of mercenaries was for. No one would be certain of what was happening.
The plane touched down on what was little more than a long dirt road and taxied to the end, disgorging a cadre of twenty good Xinhaiese men and women dressed in unassuming clothes and each carrying a small duffel. Who knew, Riu thought to himself, perhaps the village would come to appreciate the business such a commitment would generate. He nodded as one of the younger girls stiffled a salute. "Carry on, soldier sister. There is much work to be done," he nodded to an archaic looking bus. "Let's proceed."
Despite this, open support was not wise. Even his presence here was the stuff of rumors, rumors which would quickly fade in time as he isolated himself yet again. Were the Pact to openly deploy forces to the region, it would pit neutral states firmly into the camp of the enemy. Farrago's regime did not enjoy widespread recognition. Little wonder, then, that its neighbors would support what was, in essence, a military putsch. Trading one dictator for another - Europe deserved better, yet she would not be delivered that.
Not today, not if Riu had a say. Farrago would be President-for-Life, he mused to himself as he sat in a nondescript vehicle at a small country air strip. A plane in the distance wobbled like a vulture in high winds. The skies were clear, fortunately, and a small procession of only the most dedicated of his men would begin arriving over the coming days. Lorries would accompany them, registered to Elbener companies and carrying little more than durable aluminum for construction. That would be the beginnings of the future of the Red Guard in Crotobaltislavonia. A small compound including several abandoned structures sat what had once been a thriving village, but now was little more than an impoverished place. Sure, the people would wonder what was going on after some time, but that was what the presence of mercenaries was for. No one would be certain of what was happening.
The plane touched down on what was little more than a long dirt road and taxied to the end, disgorging a cadre of twenty good Xinhaiese men and women dressed in unassuming clothes and each carrying a small duffel. Who knew, Riu thought to himself, perhaps the village would come to appreciate the business such a commitment would generate. He nodded as one of the younger girls stiffled a salute. "Carry on, soldier sister. There is much work to be done," he nodded to an archaic looking bus. "Let's proceed."
Polesia
Established Nation
- Joined
- Nov 25, 2006
- Messages
- 5,741
- Capital
- Amstov
- Nick
- Norse
Presidential Palace
Amstov
Trivodnia
The Crotobaltislavonian crisis had breathed new life into President Meier Lauterpacht. In many respects, the so called 'Christmas Coup' couldn't have come at a worse time: Trivodnia was without a government and attempting while desperately seeking reposition itself as a regional trade hub. But for the President, it presented an unexpected opportunity to reinvent his political career just as it was nearing its end.
The vacuum created by the election left a void at the centre of power Lauterpacht could easily fill - and he did. The Presidency was for the most part a ceremonial position, but its seat-holder was also commander-in- chief of the armed forces. The constitution offered further extraordinary powers in times of emergency: times like when your biggest threat was about to establish military bases in your most unstable neighbour.
Both the President and the National Assembly could declare a state of emergency, but with no sitting legislature, Lauterpacht had only the Supreme Court to oppose him.
The Social Democrats, who had expected to win the election, had lodged a legal challenge. They would have been in charge now, hadn't bad weather delayed the vote count, and the opposition not threatened a boycott should certain recounts not be carried out.
But for now the election result was irrelevant. Lauterpacht was an effective dictator, and not a single shot or murder had been carried out. Few in Trivodnia's establishment believed the Court would declare the state of emergency invalid and that democratic government needed to be formed, meaning Lauterpacht's reign would likely continue.
Not that Lauterpacht was interested in being a petty autocrat. An ageing politician, while he had plenty of friends that had enabled him to get the top, he also had plenty of enemies, who right now would be sharpening their knives. And the Social Democrats' leader Alexander Kahnemann was an ambitious - and ruthless - man. The young upstart would catch the President in the end.
For now, Lauterpacht would ride this storm out. At worst it'd be in a chariot of fire as Trivodnia finally confronted its lifelong rival Kadikistan. At best it'd be on a bed of doves as the Free State secured a grand new settlement for the Three Seas region. Realistically, the most likely outcome was halfway between the two: some blood would be spilled but a deal should eventually be made. How much blood would be spilled versus how quick a deal was made would in the end define Lauterpacht's final legacy.
For the wizened President, it all reminded him of his days leading People's Party minority governments in the Eighties and Nineties, when he had to do a lot of political horse trading with opposition backbenchers (as well as his own) while also negotiating with Krasnislavian and Jewish militants. Granted, the stakes over who controlled Crotobaltislavonia were higher, but if politics had taught Lauterpacht it was that every man had his price, even principled ones.
In truth, Amstov had no intention of dominating Crotobaltislavonia. All the Trivodnian establishment wanted was a guarantee that it wouldn't be cut off from Bourgogne, the Free State's biggest benefactor. Raoul Farrago, with his anti-Semitic outbursts and arbitrary border closures, had already proven he couldn't deliver that.
Kadikistani bases in Crotobaltislavonia were also a major red line. The Free State felt it could hold Kadikistan on two land fronts long enough for foreign anti-communist forces to intervene, but the possibility of a third front would mean spreading Trivodnia's limited military very thinly.
For Lauterpacht, who had served in the Free State Border Guard, speed and stealth was what Trivodnia needed most here. If Farrago and his cronies were to be wiped out swifty, ideally by forces only loosely connected to the Free State, and a new regime installed, then the chances of a Kadikistani presence beyond the Polesian Sea were severely reduced. The new Crotobaltislavonian leader didn't even have to be General Radek, he was just a useful tool for now. If the Kadikistanis were willing to accept a compromise candidate in return for not invading Trivodnia, Radek could be disposed of.
While relying on the back up strength of foreign powers, Lauterpacht also needed to ensure their role to done degree was limited. The last thing he wanted was Trivodnia to be the main battleground in grand clash of monarchy and communism.
The threat of Bourgogne, Eiffelland and Retalia retaliating against any attack on the Free State to a certain degree deterred Kadikistan. It would tear up Ivar's treasured Status Quo Treaty - which effectively formalised Kadikistan's great power status - and leave it vulnerable in the Long Sea region. But if either three were to lead the offensive in either Crotobaltislavonia or Trivodnia, it would transform what was once a staged palace coup into a major conflagration.
As much as Lauterpacht felt invigorated - and daunted by the challenge - the weight of the options did drag him down. The signing of the state of emergency documents, martial law declaration, call-to-arms to reservists and begging letters to part-time police to come in on the holiday season had all drained him emotionally and physically.
But there was a strange confidence that helped fuel Lauterpacht. Even though Bergenheim and Elben had so far largely proven unhelpful, and Bourgogne, Eiffelland and Retalia carried their own risks, many in Trivodnia's elite felt they could still triumph. It would be a small victory, forcing one coup after another in a normally volatile country, but it would show to Ivar that Trivodnia could not be pushed around forever.
It would be a victory without glory too: Trivodnia would officially have had nothing to do with the coup. But it would be a victory nonetheless. And for country that felt like it had been losing ever since winning independence, that would mean something.
But victory was only possible if Farrago and his entourage were eliminated quickly. So far it seemed Amstov had only two options: a high risk special forces mission to Banja Luka, or wait until General Radek got there first.
Amstov
Trivodnia
The Crotobaltislavonian crisis had breathed new life into President Meier Lauterpacht. In many respects, the so called 'Christmas Coup' couldn't have come at a worse time: Trivodnia was without a government and attempting while desperately seeking reposition itself as a regional trade hub. But for the President, it presented an unexpected opportunity to reinvent his political career just as it was nearing its end.
The vacuum created by the election left a void at the centre of power Lauterpacht could easily fill - and he did. The Presidency was for the most part a ceremonial position, but its seat-holder was also commander-in- chief of the armed forces. The constitution offered further extraordinary powers in times of emergency: times like when your biggest threat was about to establish military bases in your most unstable neighbour.
Both the President and the National Assembly could declare a state of emergency, but with no sitting legislature, Lauterpacht had only the Supreme Court to oppose him.
The Social Democrats, who had expected to win the election, had lodged a legal challenge. They would have been in charge now, hadn't bad weather delayed the vote count, and the opposition not threatened a boycott should certain recounts not be carried out.
But for now the election result was irrelevant. Lauterpacht was an effective dictator, and not a single shot or murder had been carried out. Few in Trivodnia's establishment believed the Court would declare the state of emergency invalid and that democratic government needed to be formed, meaning Lauterpacht's reign would likely continue.
Not that Lauterpacht was interested in being a petty autocrat. An ageing politician, while he had plenty of friends that had enabled him to get the top, he also had plenty of enemies, who right now would be sharpening their knives. And the Social Democrats' leader Alexander Kahnemann was an ambitious - and ruthless - man. The young upstart would catch the President in the end.
For now, Lauterpacht would ride this storm out. At worst it'd be in a chariot of fire as Trivodnia finally confronted its lifelong rival Kadikistan. At best it'd be on a bed of doves as the Free State secured a grand new settlement for the Three Seas region. Realistically, the most likely outcome was halfway between the two: some blood would be spilled but a deal should eventually be made. How much blood would be spilled versus how quick a deal was made would in the end define Lauterpacht's final legacy.
For the wizened President, it all reminded him of his days leading People's Party minority governments in the Eighties and Nineties, when he had to do a lot of political horse trading with opposition backbenchers (as well as his own) while also negotiating with Krasnislavian and Jewish militants. Granted, the stakes over who controlled Crotobaltislavonia were higher, but if politics had taught Lauterpacht it was that every man had his price, even principled ones.
In truth, Amstov had no intention of dominating Crotobaltislavonia. All the Trivodnian establishment wanted was a guarantee that it wouldn't be cut off from Bourgogne, the Free State's biggest benefactor. Raoul Farrago, with his anti-Semitic outbursts and arbitrary border closures, had already proven he couldn't deliver that.
Kadikistani bases in Crotobaltislavonia were also a major red line. The Free State felt it could hold Kadikistan on two land fronts long enough for foreign anti-communist forces to intervene, but the possibility of a third front would mean spreading Trivodnia's limited military very thinly.
For Lauterpacht, who had served in the Free State Border Guard, speed and stealth was what Trivodnia needed most here. If Farrago and his cronies were to be wiped out swifty, ideally by forces only loosely connected to the Free State, and a new regime installed, then the chances of a Kadikistani presence beyond the Polesian Sea were severely reduced. The new Crotobaltislavonian leader didn't even have to be General Radek, he was just a useful tool for now. If the Kadikistanis were willing to accept a compromise candidate in return for not invading Trivodnia, Radek could be disposed of.
While relying on the back up strength of foreign powers, Lauterpacht also needed to ensure their role to done degree was limited. The last thing he wanted was Trivodnia to be the main battleground in grand clash of monarchy and communism.
The threat of Bourgogne, Eiffelland and Retalia retaliating against any attack on the Free State to a certain degree deterred Kadikistan. It would tear up Ivar's treasured Status Quo Treaty - which effectively formalised Kadikistan's great power status - and leave it vulnerable in the Long Sea region. But if either three were to lead the offensive in either Crotobaltislavonia or Trivodnia, it would transform what was once a staged palace coup into a major conflagration.
As much as Lauterpacht felt invigorated - and daunted by the challenge - the weight of the options did drag him down. The signing of the state of emergency documents, martial law declaration, call-to-arms to reservists and begging letters to part-time police to come in on the holiday season had all drained him emotionally and physically.
But there was a strange confidence that helped fuel Lauterpacht. Even though Bergenheim and Elben had so far largely proven unhelpful, and Bourgogne, Eiffelland and Retalia carried their own risks, many in Trivodnia's elite felt they could still triumph. It would be a small victory, forcing one coup after another in a normally volatile country, but it would show to Ivar that Trivodnia could not be pushed around forever.
It would be a victory without glory too: Trivodnia would officially have had nothing to do with the coup. But it would be a victory nonetheless. And for country that felt like it had been losing ever since winning independence, that would mean something.
But victory was only possible if Farrago and his entourage were eliminated quickly. So far it seemed Amstov had only two options: a high risk special forces mission to Banja Luka, or wait until General Radek got there first.
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Victoria offered her guest a hand, which the man held gently while bowing formally. Then the former queen sat down and the man followed, taking the seat offered him across from his host.
"Your Majesty, thank you for receiving me."
"Not that. Ma'am will do if you must. I have not been queen for quite awhile."
She didn't look it either, the man thought. The former queen of Crotobaltislavonia had once been quite a catch, but years off the throne living at the mercy of petty dictators before her final escape to Elben had left her looking old and worn down.
"Yes, ma'am. I come today to bear a message from His Majesty the King. He has granted you and your children the freedom of the realm and his protection should you wish to travel abroad." Out from his coat pocket came several official passports.
"Please give His Majesty my thanks. This gesture on his part greatly eases my mind. I fear not only for myself and the children, but for all of my people who are here on your doorstep. What will become of them? They all can't be granted special status, can they?"
"I'm afraid not, no, but we are working to see a resolution to the crisis that will hopefully allow them all to return to their own homes. Perhaps you could assist His Majesty's efforts, given your unique position?"
"In what way?"
The men moving through the ranks of the male refugees at the 'fugee' center were retired noncoms from the Army. They now wore the uniform of the BSD's paramilitary arm. Mostly known for providing security for the charitable arm when operating in hot spots, there were times when other jobs came up. This was one of them.
The tables had been set up and the poster, using an old photo of Victoria as a start and then quickly designed and printed up, was hung over the table as a banner for the cause with the slogan in Slavonian: Sign up to liberate CBS from Farrago and his stooges!
"Your Majesty, thank you for receiving me."
"Not that. Ma'am will do if you must. I have not been queen for quite awhile."
She didn't look it either, the man thought. The former queen of Crotobaltislavonia had once been quite a catch, but years off the throne living at the mercy of petty dictators before her final escape to Elben had left her looking old and worn down.
"Yes, ma'am. I come today to bear a message from His Majesty the King. He has granted you and your children the freedom of the realm and his protection should you wish to travel abroad." Out from his coat pocket came several official passports.
"Please give His Majesty my thanks. This gesture on his part greatly eases my mind. I fear not only for myself and the children, but for all of my people who are here on your doorstep. What will become of them? They all can't be granted special status, can they?"
"I'm afraid not, no, but we are working to see a resolution to the crisis that will hopefully allow them all to return to their own homes. Perhaps you could assist His Majesty's efforts, given your unique position?"
"In what way?"
* * *
The men moving through the ranks of the male refugees at the 'fugee' center were retired noncoms from the Army. They now wore the uniform of the BSD's paramilitary arm. Mostly known for providing security for the charitable arm when operating in hot spots, there were times when other jobs came up. This was one of them.
The tables had been set up and the poster, using an old photo of Victoria as a start and then quickly designed and printed up, was hung over the table as a banner for the cause with the slogan in Slavonian: Sign up to liberate CBS from Farrago and his stooges!
Serenierre
Established Nation
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OFFICE OF THE PREMIERConfidential memo
CC:
All Politburo Commissariats;
Chief of Military Staff;
Chief of Coast Guard;
Chair, Commissariat Committee for Defence
27. December. 2017
The Premier has approved the authorisation of raising the defensive preparedness of the République Populaire and instructed all consular staff in the Germanic nations to be on high vigilance. The Government will closely be monitoring Nichtsteiner responses and keeping in contact with all stakeholders to prevent any escalation involving Serenierre. The Premier has stated that official responses shall urge for caution and indicate Serenien non-involvement in the affairs of the CBS situation.PRIVATE SECRETARY
CC:
All Politburo Commissariats;
Chief of Military Staff;
Chief of Coast Guard;
Chair, Commissariat Committee for Defence
Tyonic Confederacy
Establishing Nation
Krier GmbH Headquarters
Wettendurf, Geotri
The CEO Erick Stern had called a private meeting in the Konferenzraum 113, a room where meetings are held in secrecy to make dealings that are less approved of and possibly illegal and are is also sound-proof, for possible weapon shipment to the forces in motion in the eastern Gallia-Germania. Present at the meeting was the usual crew for these sort of meetings, the CEO, a well paid secretary, and the Board of Directors which consists of eight people. They all walk in to the room close to closing hours, as most people who could hear are gone at home already.
"Let's begin," He said as everyone took their seat at the beginning of the meeting, "We all know why we are here, because I sent you all a memo. Either way we have conflict brewing in Trivodnia and Croto-whatever, now I have always had a soft spot for Trivodnia so I propose contacting officials within their government to see about supplying some arms. Now I have heard that they have set up some refugee camps in neighboring countries, now I don't know about you but we have funded...similar groups in the past so that is also a viable option in which we would look to sell to the governments in which they reside to arm them."
George Biel decided to voice his opinion first, "I think we can agree that we shouldn't be funding CBS anytime soon, I heard through the grapevine that they're getting support from Ivar. Doubt we would be able to get a damn thing sold there, Trivodnia however may be of better luck to sell to. " He paused a bit to let this information sink in then continued, "The route to send these however is worrying, we have no sea route and the land route must go through several nations to arrive and will arrive within two to four days* and trying to get weapons unnoticed on land is a hassle I couldn't even imagine travelling by air."
Many soft murmurs spread around the room as Stern sat back in his chair and thought of a way to overcome this obstacle and there was no easy to get the weapons through to Trivodnia other than greasing some palms. "This is not going to be the hardest thing we have accomplished, but it is doable to do it by land if we grease some palms in the border patrol of the nations in the way. We would be able to still make a profit and not raise any suspicion, we've been funneling guns for decades and it won't stop now." The rest of the room nodded in agreement, "So we all agree to go forward with sending arms to Trivodnia? I will make some calls soon, you are all dismissed."
As everyone left he arranged a phone call on a private line with the Trivodnian President Lauterpacht, with the hopes of arranging a sale of arms, "Good afternoon President Lauterpacht, I am Eric Stern CEO of Krier GmbH calling to make a sales pitch of sorts to you. With the threat of war looming on your border we figured as well as any that there would be a need of state of the line weapons, either for your military's own use or for possibly arming the refugees currently residing within your nation to aid you or possibly even General Radek's forces."
*(OOC- Based this on a train route from Amsterdam, Belgium to Odessa, Ukraine on Google Maps.)
Wettendurf, Geotri
The CEO Erick Stern had called a private meeting in the Konferenzraum 113, a room where meetings are held in secrecy to make dealings that are less approved of and possibly illegal and are is also sound-proof, for possible weapon shipment to the forces in motion in the eastern Gallia-Germania. Present at the meeting was the usual crew for these sort of meetings, the CEO, a well paid secretary, and the Board of Directors which consists of eight people. They all walk in to the room close to closing hours, as most people who could hear are gone at home already.
"Let's begin," He said as everyone took their seat at the beginning of the meeting, "We all know why we are here, because I sent you all a memo. Either way we have conflict brewing in Trivodnia and Croto-whatever, now I have always had a soft spot for Trivodnia so I propose contacting officials within their government to see about supplying some arms. Now I have heard that they have set up some refugee camps in neighboring countries, now I don't know about you but we have funded...similar groups in the past so that is also a viable option in which we would look to sell to the governments in which they reside to arm them."
George Biel decided to voice his opinion first, "I think we can agree that we shouldn't be funding CBS anytime soon, I heard through the grapevine that they're getting support from Ivar. Doubt we would be able to get a damn thing sold there, Trivodnia however may be of better luck to sell to. " He paused a bit to let this information sink in then continued, "The route to send these however is worrying, we have no sea route and the land route must go through several nations to arrive and will arrive within two to four days* and trying to get weapons unnoticed on land is a hassle I couldn't even imagine travelling by air."
Many soft murmurs spread around the room as Stern sat back in his chair and thought of a way to overcome this obstacle and there was no easy to get the weapons through to Trivodnia other than greasing some palms. "This is not going to be the hardest thing we have accomplished, but it is doable to do it by land if we grease some palms in the border patrol of the nations in the way. We would be able to still make a profit and not raise any suspicion, we've been funneling guns for decades and it won't stop now." The rest of the room nodded in agreement, "So we all agree to go forward with sending arms to Trivodnia? I will make some calls soon, you are all dismissed."
As everyone left he arranged a phone call on a private line with the Trivodnian President Lauterpacht, with the hopes of arranging a sale of arms, "Good afternoon President Lauterpacht, I am Eric Stern CEO of Krier GmbH calling to make a sales pitch of sorts to you. With the threat of war looming on your border we figured as well as any that there would be a need of state of the line weapons, either for your military's own use or for possibly arming the refugees currently residing within your nation to aid you or possibly even General Radek's forces."
*(OOC- Based this on a train route from Amsterdam, Belgium to Odessa, Ukraine on Google Maps.)
Crotobaltislavonia
Establishing Nation
- Joined
- Aug 13, 2007
- Messages
- 509
Presidential Palace, Banja Luka
Lydia had been only a casual smoker at the beginning of December. And now with the New Year drawing close, it seemed like she lit up a new cigarette as soon as she'd extinguished the last one.
Raoul was in another crisis meeting with his circle of advisors, not all of them native Crotobaltislavonians, leaving Lydia alone to dwell on the shambles of her mission. Everything had been going splendidly until the snap trip to Kadikistan. But after they had flown back to Banja Luka, Raoul no longer had time for loving, let alone giving up intelligence or embezzling government funds. Instead, he had been secretly plotting, showing a far more calculating side. Chairman Grossman had urged patience, but now he was dead, either "suicided" or murdered. And the country was going to hell.
The secret policewoman took a long drag on her cigarette and flicked it away. The mission was in shambles. But it wasn't over, not by a long shot. It had simply changed from intelligence gathering to... assassination.
Somewhere in Crotobaltislavonia...
The waiting was the hardest. It had been the hardest lesson of all when he'd made the jump from line officer to staff officer. But Radek had learned that lesson and mastered the skill as his rank took him farther and farther away from the battlefield. And here in this makeshift headquarters, cold and miserable, all Radek could do was wait. Wait for the Kadikistanis to invade his country. Wait for his countrymen to realize they were being occupied. Wait for the Trivodnians to do whatever they were going to do.
The waiting was hard enough. Fortunately, Radek had other things to worry about. His friends in the Border Guards were proving loyal and providing early warning when an Army patrol moved into the sector, giving Radek and his men enough time to pack up and move out. But that last patrol had gotten awfully close. And one firefight would be the end of it. Radek contemplated getting over the border while he still could. But that be as good as surrendering the field.
Just then, an Air Force ground attack plane whizzed by overhead.
Lydia had been only a casual smoker at the beginning of December. And now with the New Year drawing close, it seemed like she lit up a new cigarette as soon as she'd extinguished the last one.
Raoul was in another crisis meeting with his circle of advisors, not all of them native Crotobaltislavonians, leaving Lydia alone to dwell on the shambles of her mission. Everything had been going splendidly until the snap trip to Kadikistan. But after they had flown back to Banja Luka, Raoul no longer had time for loving, let alone giving up intelligence or embezzling government funds. Instead, he had been secretly plotting, showing a far more calculating side. Chairman Grossman had urged patience, but now he was dead, either "suicided" or murdered. And the country was going to hell.
The secret policewoman took a long drag on her cigarette and flicked it away. The mission was in shambles. But it wasn't over, not by a long shot. It had simply changed from intelligence gathering to... assassination.
Somewhere in Crotobaltislavonia...
The waiting was the hardest. It had been the hardest lesson of all when he'd made the jump from line officer to staff officer. But Radek had learned that lesson and mastered the skill as his rank took him farther and farther away from the battlefield. And here in this makeshift headquarters, cold and miserable, all Radek could do was wait. Wait for the Kadikistanis to invade his country. Wait for his countrymen to realize they were being occupied. Wait for the Trivodnians to do whatever they were going to do.
The waiting was hard enough. Fortunately, Radek had other things to worry about. His friends in the Border Guards were proving loyal and providing early warning when an Army patrol moved into the sector, giving Radek and his men enough time to pack up and move out. But that last patrol had gotten awfully close. And one firefight would be the end of it. Radek contemplated getting over the border while he still could. But that be as good as surrendering the field.
Just then, an Air Force ground attack plane whizzed by overhead.
Kadikistani Union
Established Nation
Banja Luka
Free Canton of Crotobaltislavonia
"I fucking hate this place.", General Ulad Statkadjev mumbled grudgefully as the rain poured down on him like a waterfall. The tall and broad General, rocking his trademark beard, was overseeing the landing of his 6th Krasnislavian Mechanized Infantry Division, the documents in his hands unreadable because of the rain. This despite of his adjutant's best effort to keep the General dry. A large umbrella was to no avail as the large and heavy drops seemed to be coming from every side. Statkadjev prided himself on being among the first of his units to land in this foreign location, but he did regret standing there now on that exact spot in the pouring rain. His visibility and oversight of his men and the Slavonian support unloading the massive
Upon entering the airport the General tossed his soaked officer's vest and signalled his adjutant for a new one. From the main entrance it was a five minute walk to a special room where the commander could safely talk to the regional head of intelligence. The initial greeting was warm, by Kadikistani standards, this not being the first time both men had crossed paths. They had met before during the Cherna Rebellion in the 1980's were they had grown friendly to each other through various collaborations. But the atmosphere quickly turned more formal as the briefing began. "We expect to be operational within the next 2 days and at full force by the fifth of January, Comrade Colonel. The heavy rain has failed to slow us down significantly. We are in the process of establishing a base of operations in the eastern wing of this airport that will serve as the headquarters for our military efforts on the ground here...", The conversation was abruptly stopped by the interference of gunfire in the distance and all those present looked at the window from which the sound seemed to come. Most of them quickly recognized the gunshots "Ours", a smirking Colonel Kirilev said calmly, recognizing the shot coming from a Kadikistani-made MKA assault rifle. The men returned to the matters at hand, quickly becoming accustomed to the occasional gunshots in the background. Just some people resisting arrest, a foreign bullet was always quickly followed by multiple Kadikistani ones. Statkadjev continued his report and received a nod of approval by Kirilev upon completion.
Kirilev was happy with the progress made on such a short amount of time. "I expected nothing less from you, Ulad. The reputation of the 6th Mechanized was not exaggerated.", the Colonel said taking a more informal tone as those shady KDI operatives were known to do. "The 17th Guards have already began counter-insurgency operations and early reconnaissance missions with over 200 arrests over night in Banja Luka alone. The National Directorate has been given all means available and is in the process of tracking down anyone and everything involved with Radek or Trier. We will purge the capital by the end of the week and by that time your men must be ready to take the putchist forces head-on, even if you have not reached your full strength it is imperative that his reactionary force is crushed before they gather more support. General Radek is mobilizing in the Polesian regions, near the border with Trivodnia. Your personal residence has already been equipped with the necessary information concerning the terrain of that region and the rest of this country. It is likely you will see all corners of it my friend."
Free Canton of Crotobaltislavonia
"I fucking hate this place.", General Ulad Statkadjev mumbled grudgefully as the rain poured down on him like a waterfall. The tall and broad General, rocking his trademark beard, was overseeing the landing of his 6th Krasnislavian Mechanized Infantry Division, the documents in his hands unreadable because of the rain. This despite of his adjutant's best effort to keep the General dry. A large umbrella was to no avail as the large and heavy drops seemed to be coming from every side. Statkadjev prided himself on being among the first of his units to land in this foreign location, but he did regret standing there now on that exact spot in the pouring rain. His visibility and oversight of his men and the Slavonian support unloading the massive
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's and their smaller brothers and organizing had deteriorated so badly that the General almost ordered his staff to follow him inside to discuss matters there. Just before he could, the General was addressed by a young runner in a track suit who gave Statkadjev a note which said that 'Kirilev wants to see you inside'. As the unidentified runner ran off into the rain General Statkadjev and his seemingly relieved staff walked inside of the Airport to meet with the Operational Commander of the Directorate of Intelligence, Colonel Novak Kirilev. Almost inside General Statkadjev turned his head half-way to Brigadeer General Petr Bovnic, whom he liked to torment the most out of his entourage, "You stay outside Bovnic, oversee the landing and get the men reorganized in Sector 7 immediately.". Bovnic stopped walking and just stood there for a few seconds, realizing he had been screwed while other members of the staff walked passed him, some chuckling like the goons of a school bully.Upon entering the airport the General tossed his soaked officer's vest and signalled his adjutant for a new one. From the main entrance it was a five minute walk to a special room where the commander could safely talk to the regional head of intelligence. The initial greeting was warm, by Kadikistani standards, this not being the first time both men had crossed paths. They had met before during the Cherna Rebellion in the 1980's were they had grown friendly to each other through various collaborations. But the atmosphere quickly turned more formal as the briefing began. "We expect to be operational within the next 2 days and at full force by the fifth of January, Comrade Colonel. The heavy rain has failed to slow us down significantly. We are in the process of establishing a base of operations in the eastern wing of this airport that will serve as the headquarters for our military efforts on the ground here...", The conversation was abruptly stopped by the interference of gunfire in the distance and all those present looked at the window from which the sound seemed to come. Most of them quickly recognized the gunshots "Ours", a smirking Colonel Kirilev said calmly, recognizing the shot coming from a Kadikistani-made MKA assault rifle. The men returned to the matters at hand, quickly becoming accustomed to the occasional gunshots in the background. Just some people resisting arrest, a foreign bullet was always quickly followed by multiple Kadikistani ones. Statkadjev continued his report and received a nod of approval by Kirilev upon completion.
Kirilev was happy with the progress made on such a short amount of time. "I expected nothing less from you, Ulad. The reputation of the 6th Mechanized was not exaggerated.", the Colonel said taking a more informal tone as those shady KDI operatives were known to do. "The 17th Guards have already began counter-insurgency operations and early reconnaissance missions with over 200 arrests over night in Banja Luka alone. The National Directorate has been given all means available and is in the process of tracking down anyone and everything involved with Radek or Trier. We will purge the capital by the end of the week and by that time your men must be ready to take the putchist forces head-on, even if you have not reached your full strength it is imperative that his reactionary force is crushed before they gather more support. General Radek is mobilizing in the Polesian regions, near the border with Trivodnia. Your personal residence has already been equipped with the necessary information concerning the terrain of that region and the rest of this country. It is likely you will see all corners of it my friend."
Drakulić, 9 miles outside of Banja Luka city limits
1227 27 DEC 17
The relatively small compound had become abuzz with activity. By now, enough lorries had arrived to deliver the materials required to set up more than a dozen nissen huts, and the better part of two hundred men and women now uncomfortably occupied the site. Beds, file cabinets, generators, all of these things were still being set up. The Red Guard had even begun digging a well to establish a capable source of clean water. Several lorries had already delivered eight tons of imperishable rations.
For their part, the Bergenheimer mercenaries had trickled in and moved to their duties. Brigadier General Riu had tasked each company with a different task. The first to arrive would help augment the facilities security while construction was underway, or accompany the Guards as they requisitioned materials to set up the site. The Guards themselves were unarmed and shopped away from the local village, so as not to arouse suspicion. The second company would establish a perimeter around the compound, setting up motion detecters, infrared and thermal cameras, and even a minefield further afield. The third to arrive was tasked with reconnaissance duty, creating highly detailed maps of the local area and planning various contingencies, including both a defense and assault on the local village. They would identify crucial local infrastructure, ranging from power and water sources, grain and food stores, communication lines, and any other important location.
Phase One of the operation was simply setup, however the internet and computers had been a high priority and a successful connection had been established. A new organization, the Marxist-Leninovist Otpor League, or simply the "Otpor," or "Resistance," was established and feverishly produced propaganda ranging from perpetuating anti-Semitic propaganda to decrying foreign autocracy and calling for popular political determination.
The establishment of the Otpor was Phase Two, yet had already begun. Where the Kadikistani were a blunt instrument with immediate goals and hamfisted measures, the Xinhaiese saw the requirement for finesse. A capable, local organization would be necessary to achieve long-term goals, yet would no doubt interplay with Kadikistan's own visions at some point. Perhaps, then, it was beneficial that Xinhai had begun the groundwork for an enduring Marxist-Leninovist presence in Crotobaltislavonia. One which, Riu hoped, would outlast the petty autocracies and bloom in the hearts of more idealistic Crotobaltislavonians. He had no illusions that CBS would become a People's Republic during his time here. To that effect, the Otpor was a resistance to foreign aggression, one which supported Raoul Farrago and portrayed Radek as a foreign agent. But, more than that, Riu needed to establish some safeguard, some measure to ensure that, if Farrago was removed, Rurikgrad had a viable backup plan. That plan would be a revolution.
It was a simple systems analysis. It was logical that Trivodnia would move to sever the head and destroy the system, and thus creating redundancies - a hydra of sorts - was necessary. A Guard moved towards General Riu and handed him a thick folder. "The dossiers, comrade."
1227 27 DEC 17
The relatively small compound had become abuzz with activity. By now, enough lorries had arrived to deliver the materials required to set up more than a dozen nissen huts, and the better part of two hundred men and women now uncomfortably occupied the site. Beds, file cabinets, generators, all of these things were still being set up. The Red Guard had even begun digging a well to establish a capable source of clean water. Several lorries had already delivered eight tons of imperishable rations.
For their part, the Bergenheimer mercenaries had trickled in and moved to their duties. Brigadier General Riu had tasked each company with a different task. The first to arrive would help augment the facilities security while construction was underway, or accompany the Guards as they requisitioned materials to set up the site. The Guards themselves were unarmed and shopped away from the local village, so as not to arouse suspicion. The second company would establish a perimeter around the compound, setting up motion detecters, infrared and thermal cameras, and even a minefield further afield. The third to arrive was tasked with reconnaissance duty, creating highly detailed maps of the local area and planning various contingencies, including both a defense and assault on the local village. They would identify crucial local infrastructure, ranging from power and water sources, grain and food stores, communication lines, and any other important location.
Phase One of the operation was simply setup, however the internet and computers had been a high priority and a successful connection had been established. A new organization, the Marxist-Leninovist Otpor League, or simply the "Otpor," or "Resistance," was established and feverishly produced propaganda ranging from perpetuating anti-Semitic propaganda to decrying foreign autocracy and calling for popular political determination.
The establishment of the Otpor was Phase Two, yet had already begun. Where the Kadikistani were a blunt instrument with immediate goals and hamfisted measures, the Xinhaiese saw the requirement for finesse. A capable, local organization would be necessary to achieve long-term goals, yet would no doubt interplay with Kadikistan's own visions at some point. Perhaps, then, it was beneficial that Xinhai had begun the groundwork for an enduring Marxist-Leninovist presence in Crotobaltislavonia. One which, Riu hoped, would outlast the petty autocracies and bloom in the hearts of more idealistic Crotobaltislavonians. He had no illusions that CBS would become a People's Republic during his time here. To that effect, the Otpor was a resistance to foreign aggression, one which supported Raoul Farrago and portrayed Radek as a foreign agent. But, more than that, Riu needed to establish some safeguard, some measure to ensure that, if Farrago was removed, Rurikgrad had a viable backup plan. That plan would be a revolution.
It was a simple systems analysis. It was logical that Trivodnia would move to sever the head and destroy the system, and thus creating redundancies - a hydra of sorts - was necessary. A Guard moved towards General Riu and handed him a thick folder. "The dossiers, comrade."
Crotobaltislavonia
Establishing Nation
- Joined
- Aug 13, 2007
- Messages
- 509
Somewhere in Crotobaltislavonia...
General Radek finished reading the note. Looking up, he said to the messenger, "give me a minute to think."
Crotobaltislavonia's Yiddish were reaching out. They were not near as numerous in CBS as in Trivodnia, but they were scattered pretty evenly across the country. They kept to themselves mostly. And it was open secret that many Yiddish were criminals and well armed. A natural resistance organization, Radek thought.
The General scribbled a reply on the back of the note and gave it to the messenger. "Here, take this back to your people. Tell them Radek welcomes their support and to give Farrago hell wherever they can."
Just then, another plane flew overhead. Before the aerial patrols had been Crotobaltislavonian propellor driven aircraft. The plane overhead was a jet.
When Radek looked back down, the Yiddish messenger had gone. But Radek's aide as by his side. "General, another sector on the border has come over. Colonel Stefanović signals he's with you. I think that makes it every sector along the border with Trivodnia."
Radek nodded as he crossed over to the map. "That's a help. But unless the people start marching in the streets, unless Army units start coming over, we have no chance of getting Kadikistan out without a protracted guerilla war."
General Radek finished reading the note. Looking up, he said to the messenger, "give me a minute to think."
Crotobaltislavonia's Yiddish were reaching out. They were not near as numerous in CBS as in Trivodnia, but they were scattered pretty evenly across the country. They kept to themselves mostly. And it was open secret that many Yiddish were criminals and well armed. A natural resistance organization, Radek thought.
The General scribbled a reply on the back of the note and gave it to the messenger. "Here, take this back to your people. Tell them Radek welcomes their support and to give Farrago hell wherever they can."
Just then, another plane flew overhead. Before the aerial patrols had been Crotobaltislavonian propellor driven aircraft. The plane overhead was a jet.
When Radek looked back down, the Yiddish messenger had gone. But Radek's aide as by his side. "General, another sector on the border has come over. Colonel Stefanović signals he's with you. I think that makes it every sector along the border with Trivodnia."
Radek nodded as he crossed over to the map. "That's a help. But unless the people start marching in the streets, unless Army units start coming over, we have no chance of getting Kadikistan out without a protracted guerilla war."
Bergenheim
Establishing Nation
Drakulić, 9 miles outside of Banja Luka city limits
1700 27 DEC 17
Havel's Band were consummate professionals, a mercenary regiment that had been serving foreign wars and foreign masters since the 1600s. This generation of private millitary contractors was little different.
With the mess kitchen humming, two of the men on patrol took a break from their initial routes, watching the busy ebb and flow of activity into the expanding camp. Privates "Gunner" and "Petri Dish", their real names obscured by code-names at all times while on duty.
"What do you think Petri Dish? Another baby-sitting job?" Gunner asked. Tall, muscular, heavily tanned, a scar across his face, his white-blonde hair razor-cut low against his scalp. He had a customised bandolier running across his standard-issue winter camo fatigues, which was filled with extra hollow-point rounds for the LMG he was always toting.
"Seems like it. You been listening to the radio news? We can tune into home radio from here if you really want." Petri Dish, short, spotty, wearing spectacles and carrying a standard-issue AK rifle, like most of the troops in this place, be they Merc, Local or "Xin", as the mercenaries dubbed them.
"Nah, being this close to home gives me the willies. You know the rules. We could lose our whole outfit if we do anything that can be proven to directly hurt the homeland." Gunner reached into his pocket, rummaging about for the last of his cigarettes.
"I dunno, doesn't seem like a shooting war just yet. And Word I've heard on the grapevine is that maybe our old friends the Handjobs are on the other side."
"Thats bullshit. Even they wouldn't be so low as to take a contract with such a rabble."
"Well, if it is true, are we gonna disengage?"
Gunner racked the slide on his low-slung machine-gun. "Fuck that. After what they did last time? Nah, I say we light the fuckin' snakes up. KSB hates their guts anyway, I doubt theyll give us more than a rap on the knuckles."
Petri Dish chuckled nervously at that. "I'm glad I'm with you Gunner. You're about the only man in this company whose seen real action, and not just all this Private security work we've been doing these past few years."
Gunner grunted. "Yeah well, you wanna smoke or what?"
His friend took the proffered cigarette. "Here's to a quiet, well paid, New Year."
"Yeah." Gunner shivered. "Fucking fatigues. Can't they give us some fur-lined trench-coats like in the old days? Swear to God..."
They passed the moment, smoking in silence.
The trucks rumbled on, churning up slushy mud and snow as they went.
1700 27 DEC 17
Havel's Band were consummate professionals, a mercenary regiment that had been serving foreign wars and foreign masters since the 1600s. This generation of private millitary contractors was little different.
With the mess kitchen humming, two of the men on patrol took a break from their initial routes, watching the busy ebb and flow of activity into the expanding camp. Privates "Gunner" and "Petri Dish", their real names obscured by code-names at all times while on duty.
"What do you think Petri Dish? Another baby-sitting job?" Gunner asked. Tall, muscular, heavily tanned, a scar across his face, his white-blonde hair razor-cut low against his scalp. He had a customised bandolier running across his standard-issue winter camo fatigues, which was filled with extra hollow-point rounds for the LMG he was always toting.
"Seems like it. You been listening to the radio news? We can tune into home radio from here if you really want." Petri Dish, short, spotty, wearing spectacles and carrying a standard-issue AK rifle, like most of the troops in this place, be they Merc, Local or "Xin", as the mercenaries dubbed them.
"Nah, being this close to home gives me the willies. You know the rules. We could lose our whole outfit if we do anything that can be proven to directly hurt the homeland." Gunner reached into his pocket, rummaging about for the last of his cigarettes.
"I dunno, doesn't seem like a shooting war just yet. And Word I've heard on the grapevine is that maybe our old friends the Handjobs are on the other side."
"Thats bullshit. Even they wouldn't be so low as to take a contract with such a rabble."
"Well, if it is true, are we gonna disengage?"
Gunner racked the slide on his low-slung machine-gun. "Fuck that. After what they did last time? Nah, I say we light the fuckin' snakes up. KSB hates their guts anyway, I doubt theyll give us more than a rap on the knuckles."
Petri Dish chuckled nervously at that. "I'm glad I'm with you Gunner. You're about the only man in this company whose seen real action, and not just all this Private security work we've been doing these past few years."
Gunner grunted. "Yeah well, you wanna smoke or what?"
His friend took the proffered cigarette. "Here's to a quiet, well paid, New Year."
"Yeah." Gunner shivered. "Fucking fatigues. Can't they give us some fur-lined trench-coats like in the old days? Swear to God..."
They passed the moment, smoking in silence.
The trucks rumbled on, churning up slushy mud and snow as they went.
Polesia
Established Nation
- Joined
- Nov 25, 2006
- Messages
- 5,741
- Capital
- Amstov
- Nick
- Norse
Presidential Palace
Amstov
Trivodnia
President Meier Lauterpacht was brooding in one of the many bedrooms when the call from the Geotrian arms dealers came through. He declined to speaking to them personally - as a semi-religious man, he disdained merchants of death - but passed them onto a trusted liaison at the Ministry of National Defence. An hour or so later, some very good news came through.
The company who had called - Krier GmbH - was obviously keen to make some cash from the growing crisis in Crotobaltislavonia, but its chief executive Erick Stern was personally sympathetic to Trivodnia's plight. A deal could be made.
Realistically the Free State could not purchase weaponry from anyone other than Burgundy, Eiffelland, Retalia and the South Tiburan Empire for a whole host of complex diplomatic, political, economic and military reasons. But there was no reason Amstov's proxies in General Radek's forces could not.
The order was out. Trivodnia's pawns in Crotobaltislavonia needed enough to disrupt Kadikistan's aerial military supply chain. The Ministry of National Defence was told to drive a hard bargain. Any equipment could be paid for by the Free State's Intelligence Bureau's slush funds, and later contributed by Bourgogne and Retalia, and maybe at some point by General Radek. But the President was wiser than to expect that.
Amstov
Trivodnia
President Meier Lauterpacht was brooding in one of the many bedrooms when the call from the Geotrian arms dealers came through. He declined to speaking to them personally - as a semi-religious man, he disdained merchants of death - but passed them onto a trusted liaison at the Ministry of National Defence. An hour or so later, some very good news came through.
The company who had called - Krier GmbH - was obviously keen to make some cash from the growing crisis in Crotobaltislavonia, but its chief executive Erick Stern was personally sympathetic to Trivodnia's plight. A deal could be made.
Realistically the Free State could not purchase weaponry from anyone other than Burgundy, Eiffelland, Retalia and the South Tiburan Empire for a whole host of complex diplomatic, political, economic and military reasons. But there was no reason Amstov's proxies in General Radek's forces could not.
The order was out. Trivodnia's pawns in Crotobaltislavonia needed enough to disrupt Kadikistan's aerial military supply chain. The Ministry of National Defence was told to drive a hard bargain. Any equipment could be paid for by the Free State's Intelligence Bureau's slush funds, and later contributed by Bourgogne and Retalia, and maybe at some point by General Radek. But the President was wiser than to expect that.
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Oneida
Established Nation
Office of the Chancellor
Hallein, Carinthia
“I certainly hope you’re prepared to give me something of value,” Chancellor Furst stated “Prime Minister Nándor has been sufficiently successful in keeping my ears ringing for the last several hours.”
“Well, with good reason I’m afraid,” Defense Minister Fiedhelm Werner replied.
The Chancellor’s expression changed and he rested his hands on his lap as he leaned back in his chair. He looked to the military advisors who were gathered and lifted an open hand to the Defense Minister “Well, what are we dealing with?”
“There’s every reason to believe that the Kingdom of Elben made some sort of arrangement with Kadikistan to allow them to transport their troops out of hostile airspace into Crotobaltislavonia.”
“Do we have any hard evidence of that?” the Chancellor asked.
“Not yet, your Excellency,” one of the military aide responded “However, the timing lines up and it makes sense strategically.”
“I can’t move on a feeling,” the Chancellor replied, dismissively.
“No, you cannot. But there is no reason to answer, not yet. We’re working on confirming the reports, until then it is only something you should keep in mind moving forward,” Minister Werner answered, assertively.
The Chancellor nodded.
“Ultimately, the Prime Minister’s concerns are justified. It’s too early to tell how many forces Kadikistan has landed, but its large enough to be a serious security threat. Certainly, we cannot suspect that the presence is temporary – it’ll grow and give the Kadikistani a permanent base in Germania. We need to act,” the Minister continued.
“What’s the read on this General Radek?” Chancellor Furst asked, picking up a brief bio on him.
“Alexander Radek, it doesn’t really matter what kind of person he is. He’ll be easier to work with than Farrago, and he doesn’t support bringing a Kadikistani base to our border. If he becomes a problem, we’ll deal with him then. For now, he’s an ally.”
“That’s very forward thinking,” Furst flipped through the papers “What are his chances of success?”
“Low, it seems. Even more so with the Kadikistani troops landed,” Werner answered with a sigh “but there’s hope. Enough coordinated support from the Burgundians, Retalians, Trivodnians, and the Empire…there’s hope.”
“What is your final recommendation, Minister?” the Chancellor asked.
“Move troops to the border, the Harkaners need to know their border is secure and the Empire will defend them unconditionally. Either you or the Kaiser need to publically declare that this move is unacceptable and will be met with Carintho-Harkaner resistance. After that, we need to commit resources to arming General Radek, covertly. And I’d like special ops on the ground..it might be useful to learn Kadikistani battle tactics and get some loyal eyes on the ground.”
The Minister handed the Chancellor a more thorough description of the Ministry of Defense’s formal recommendation for the Crotobaltislovanian Crisis. The Chancellor picked it up and looked over the documents, a long pause ensued.
“Fine, let me take this back to Parliament. We’ll need their support.”
“And the special ops?”
“We’ll see. Thank you, Minister.”
Hallein, Carinthia
“I certainly hope you’re prepared to give me something of value,” Chancellor Furst stated “Prime Minister Nándor has been sufficiently successful in keeping my ears ringing for the last several hours.”
“Well, with good reason I’m afraid,” Defense Minister Fiedhelm Werner replied.
The Chancellor’s expression changed and he rested his hands on his lap as he leaned back in his chair. He looked to the military advisors who were gathered and lifted an open hand to the Defense Minister “Well, what are we dealing with?”
“There’s every reason to believe that the Kingdom of Elben made some sort of arrangement with Kadikistan to allow them to transport their troops out of hostile airspace into Crotobaltislavonia.”
“Do we have any hard evidence of that?” the Chancellor asked.
“Not yet, your Excellency,” one of the military aide responded “However, the timing lines up and it makes sense strategically.”
“I can’t move on a feeling,” the Chancellor replied, dismissively.
“No, you cannot. But there is no reason to answer, not yet. We’re working on confirming the reports, until then it is only something you should keep in mind moving forward,” Minister Werner answered, assertively.
The Chancellor nodded.
“Ultimately, the Prime Minister’s concerns are justified. It’s too early to tell how many forces Kadikistan has landed, but its large enough to be a serious security threat. Certainly, we cannot suspect that the presence is temporary – it’ll grow and give the Kadikistani a permanent base in Germania. We need to act,” the Minister continued.
“What’s the read on this General Radek?” Chancellor Furst asked, picking up a brief bio on him.
“Alexander Radek, it doesn’t really matter what kind of person he is. He’ll be easier to work with than Farrago, and he doesn’t support bringing a Kadikistani base to our border. If he becomes a problem, we’ll deal with him then. For now, he’s an ally.”
“That’s very forward thinking,” Furst flipped through the papers “What are his chances of success?”
“Low, it seems. Even more so with the Kadikistani troops landed,” Werner answered with a sigh “but there’s hope. Enough coordinated support from the Burgundians, Retalians, Trivodnians, and the Empire…there’s hope.”
“What is your final recommendation, Minister?” the Chancellor asked.
“Move troops to the border, the Harkaners need to know their border is secure and the Empire will defend them unconditionally. Either you or the Kaiser need to publically declare that this move is unacceptable and will be met with Carintho-Harkaner resistance. After that, we need to commit resources to arming General Radek, covertly. And I’d like special ops on the ground..it might be useful to learn Kadikistani battle tactics and get some loyal eyes on the ground.”
The Minister handed the Chancellor a more thorough description of the Ministry of Defense’s formal recommendation for the Crotobaltislovanian Crisis. The Chancellor picked it up and looked over the documents, a long pause ensued.
“Fine, let me take this back to Parliament. We’ll need their support.”
“And the special ops?”
“We’ll see. Thank you, Minister.”
Tyonic Confederacy
Establishing Nation
Krier GmbH Headquarters
Wettendurf,
Unable to reach the big honcho himself, he was transferred over to a trusted man within the Ministry of National Defense and things turned out in his favor. While unable to sell arms directly to Trivodnia, he was able to sell arms to the now Infamous General Radek. The media has been mixed about him but his reputation mattered not, just that he was able to sell weapons and make a profit on yet another war. Some trade talks ensued with prices and numbers thrown everywhere, but the end result was exactly what Stern wanted. Enough SG-62's, P-80's, MP-8's, and ammunition to arm an entire division* of men to go fight for whatever cause it was and they sat back and made a nice penny on the poor man.
The issue was how in the hell were they going to get the guns there, with Farrago held CBS in the way the only option was to ship it by rail around the the nation into Trivodnia and to the front gates of the newly made Hell. He assured his Trivodnian companion that he would be able to deal with getting the weapons there promptly, he gave the account information to transfer the money into the account and wished him a happy New Year and good luck in the future conflict.
He hung up the phone and sat at his desk running through some files of people who would be under payroll in the train route from Geotri to the Trivodnian/CBS border and there was luckily a few men who have been known to "not do inventory checks" on the trains. There is a secret warehouse in Geotri where they held a secret surplus of weapons to sell illegally and it wouldn't take long for the crew running the warehouse to get the merchandise on the move to the back entrance of the railway.
From there the railway man would load it onto a train and make sure it gets through to the man in Bourgogne, and he would make sure the cargo would transfer to his train and into Gunnland where a local clan, who is paid quite handsomely due to an quite an extensive history, would ensure that the cargo would get through the land to Elben. Elben will be the last stop before it reaches Trivodnia and the officials there will deal with it, the Elben rail-man will make sure the goods get delivered to Trivodnian officials. From there its Trivodnia's job to get the equipment to General Radek and his men.
*(OOC- Division in this case is 15,000 men)
Wettendurf,
You must be registered for see links
Unable to reach the big honcho himself, he was transferred over to a trusted man within the Ministry of National Defense and things turned out in his favor. While unable to sell arms directly to Trivodnia, he was able to sell arms to the now Infamous General Radek. The media has been mixed about him but his reputation mattered not, just that he was able to sell weapons and make a profit on yet another war. Some trade talks ensued with prices and numbers thrown everywhere, but the end result was exactly what Stern wanted. Enough SG-62's, P-80's, MP-8's, and ammunition to arm an entire division* of men to go fight for whatever cause it was and they sat back and made a nice penny on the poor man.
The issue was how in the hell were they going to get the guns there, with Farrago held CBS in the way the only option was to ship it by rail around the the nation into Trivodnia and to the front gates of the newly made Hell. He assured his Trivodnian companion that he would be able to deal with getting the weapons there promptly, he gave the account information to transfer the money into the account and wished him a happy New Year and good luck in the future conflict.
He hung up the phone and sat at his desk running through some files of people who would be under payroll in the train route from Geotri to the Trivodnian/CBS border and there was luckily a few men who have been known to "not do inventory checks" on the trains. There is a secret warehouse in Geotri where they held a secret surplus of weapons to sell illegally and it wouldn't take long for the crew running the warehouse to get the merchandise on the move to the back entrance of the railway.
From there the railway man would load it onto a train and make sure it gets through to the man in Bourgogne, and he would make sure the cargo would transfer to his train and into Gunnland where a local clan, who is paid quite handsomely due to an quite an extensive history, would ensure that the cargo would get through the land to Elben. Elben will be the last stop before it reaches Trivodnia and the officials there will deal with it, the Elben rail-man will make sure the goods get delivered to Trivodnian officials. From there its Trivodnia's job to get the equipment to General Radek and his men.
*(OOC- Division in this case is 15,000 men)
Last edited:
Crotobaltislavonia
Establishing Nation
- Joined
- Aug 13, 2007
- Messages
- 509
Lt General Klements snapped a smart salute to his superior and Radek returned it with genuine respect.
"Milos, welcome to my headquarters. Please, sit down."
The two general officers sat and got up to speed on each other's lives as an adjustant brought a bottle of hard liquor. Radek poured and handed his friend a tumbler. The two men raised their glasses in a silent toast and then drank. While Radek poured again, he asked, "what brings you here, General?"
Klements sighed. "Alex, the General Staff met last night. The Army isn't coming over."
Radek tossed back his glass and gulped. After wiping his mouth with the back of his sleeve, he asked, "why not?"
"Come on, you know perfectly well what kind of shape the armed forces are in: conscripts armed with obsolete weapons. That's fine for internal policing, but fighting against the Kadiks... no way. Besides, Farrago's "coup" had the intended effect. Most of the boys believe there was a coup. And the public too. No one wants to fight."
Radek stood, turned away, and looked at a map of Crotobaltislavonia tacked to a board hanging on the wall. There were quite a few pins stuck in the map, marking units and organizations that had pledged their loyalty to an uprising. But those were security forces and irregulars, light infantry and partisans at best. "What I am going to tell the Trivodnians. They're counting on us and I'd hate to let the bastards down."
Klements finished his drink and stood. "The General Staff has decided they're not going to fight the Kadiks. But they, and the Air Force agrees, have decided they're not going to fight you either. If there is to be war, it'll be the enemy shooting at you."
"Milos, welcome to my headquarters. Please, sit down."
The two general officers sat and got up to speed on each other's lives as an adjustant brought a bottle of hard liquor. Radek poured and handed his friend a tumbler. The two men raised their glasses in a silent toast and then drank. While Radek poured again, he asked, "what brings you here, General?"
Klements sighed. "Alex, the General Staff met last night. The Army isn't coming over."
Radek tossed back his glass and gulped. After wiping his mouth with the back of his sleeve, he asked, "why not?"
"Come on, you know perfectly well what kind of shape the armed forces are in: conscripts armed with obsolete weapons. That's fine for internal policing, but fighting against the Kadiks... no way. Besides, Farrago's "coup" had the intended effect. Most of the boys believe there was a coup. And the public too. No one wants to fight."
Radek stood, turned away, and looked at a map of Crotobaltislavonia tacked to a board hanging on the wall. There were quite a few pins stuck in the map, marking units and organizations that had pledged their loyalty to an uprising. But those were security forces and irregulars, light infantry and partisans at best. "What I am going to tell the Trivodnians. They're counting on us and I'd hate to let the bastards down."
Klements finished his drink and stood. "The General Staff has decided they're not going to fight the Kadiks. But they, and the Air Force agrees, have decided they're not going to fight you either. If there is to be war, it'll be the enemy shooting at you."
Oneida
Established Nation
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Office of the Chancellor
The Empire of Carinthia-Harkány
The Honorable Meier Lauterpacht
President
The Free State of Trivodnia
Amstov, Trivodnia
TOP SECRET
Dear President Lauterpacht,
As you know, Kadikistani forces are confirmed to have landed and begun operations in Crotobaltislavonia which will undoubtedly result in the success of the Farrago Regime as well as a permanent Kadikistani military presence. Certainly, a Kadikistani presence in that state cannot be tolerated by the Government of the Carintho-Harkaner Empire and all nations of the region must now act to repress a Kadiki address. Each passing day presents a larger, more present danger to the peace and stability not only of Gallia and Germania, but of Trivodnia itself. There is no doubt in my mind that your government agrees.
Our Government is prepared to take the necessary steps to contain and suppress further Kadikistani incursion into Crotobaltislavonia. This includes bolstering the defenses of the Trivodnian State as well as supplying the forces of General Radek. Should meaningful and bountiful aid not be provided to the General, it is only a matter of time before the Kadikistani are successful.
To that end, the Government of the Empire is coming to Trivodnia to share whatever logistics information it can provide as to the whereabouts or methods of contacting the rebel General so that the first phase in a county attack can begin. In addition, the Empire is prepared to provide financial resources to the Trivodnian State in preparation of whatever hostile action the Kadikistanis will inevitably make.
We do hope for an agreeable reply.
Signed,
Stefan Furst
Chancellor
The Empire of Carinthia-Harkány
Hallein, Carinthia
Yuri Gajic. A finger grasped the edge of the dossier while an eye lingered on the image before skimming the text. The page flipped. Behind it sat the man, almost as if the picture had been taken yesterday. He wrung his hands nervously, the building was abuzz with foreigners busily setting everything up. In was not a uniform bunch - not like you might expect with a foreign force. Sure, the officers were all Xinhaiese, but the grunts. Many were from Xinhai, as well, but that place was apparently far more diverse than Yuri would have given it credit - there were people with golden complexions, narrow eyes and black hair, but there were also those with wide eyes, ashen curls, and darker skin. The there were the folks from Himyar, Kadikistan, Serenierre; even Bourgogne, Trivodnia, and Elben were represented here.
Was this really what the Red Guards was, or was this something else? He couldn't be sure. The man behind the paper set the brief down and raised an eyebrow.
"Why are you here?" he asked. He was in battle dress, camouflage patterns adding a rigidity to what otherwise would have looked like an old man. But that jaw, clenching as it did, evoked a sense of firmness and authority, and the unrelenting gaze burned holes into flesh.
The question warranted more than the snide 'you asked me here,' response. This was an interview, one did not respond to this sort of question by saying 'you saw my resume.' "I'm tired of the way things are," he said matter-of-factly, "Farrago, Radek, some farcical princess in Elben, none of it means anything to me."
The General nodded. "Each of them has their uses, though, no?"
"Sure. But not to me. My country is the playground of foreigners, no offense. I want it to be strong, strong enough to stand on its own."
"To be a strong nation, you need to strengthen the people. Crotobaltislavonia does not have a strong people. But it could.... Tell me, are you a socialist, Yuri?" the General's question was direct and final.
"I believe in power for the people. That there's some sort of clique at the top, and that power is just a revolving door where different people from that clique are in control."
"And you want to break that clique?"
"Yes."
"But, is the clique just at the top?"
Yuri paused for a moment. Every place had a clique in charge, an exclusive country club of sorts for managers and people too high-minded and airheaded to allow ordinary folks in. "No."
The General nodded his head. "Let me get to the point. Trivodnia wants Farrago dead, and they want to install Radek, or someone else, so that they can build highways to connect Trivodnia's allies to the Kadikistan border. If this happens, there will be war, and Crotobaltislavonia will be in the middle of it. Many, many good people will die."
"Kadikistan wants to defend itself by supporting Farrago. He is not a socialist, he does not represent his people, but he is a symbol of centralized power. Kadikistan is committing itself to prevent this conflict from escalating out of control, and I'm here to help make sure it doesn't."
"I'm not asking you to join the Army. The Army doesn't mean anything. I'm asking you to create a local organization of people committed to the stability and defense of their home. Local councils to govern and stop chaos, and volunteers to defend those homes." The General leaned forward in his chair and rested clasped hands on the desk in front of him. "The Army will not defend Farrago, not for long. The clique in power will step aside, and in so doing prevent good people from doing the right thing. People will lose their jobs, families will be divided, so we need to act - together. I will supply money to pay volunteers, double what the Army offers, and I can provide basic training and help set up a framework for leadership. But I want you at the top, Yuri. You're a good man, you understand your people."
"What's the organization called?" Mr. Gajic asked after a skipped heartbeat.
"Otpor. The resistance."
"Resistance against what?"
"Against cronyism, corruption, and coercion. A resistance against the cliques."
"Then, what about Farrago?"
"His time will come, Yuri. For now, let's just worry about your people."
Was this really what the Red Guards was, or was this something else? He couldn't be sure. The man behind the paper set the brief down and raised an eyebrow.
"Why are you here?" he asked. He was in battle dress, camouflage patterns adding a rigidity to what otherwise would have looked like an old man. But that jaw, clenching as it did, evoked a sense of firmness and authority, and the unrelenting gaze burned holes into flesh.
The question warranted more than the snide 'you asked me here,' response. This was an interview, one did not respond to this sort of question by saying 'you saw my resume.' "I'm tired of the way things are," he said matter-of-factly, "Farrago, Radek, some farcical princess in Elben, none of it means anything to me."
The General nodded. "Each of them has their uses, though, no?"
"Sure. But not to me. My country is the playground of foreigners, no offense. I want it to be strong, strong enough to stand on its own."
"To be a strong nation, you need to strengthen the people. Crotobaltislavonia does not have a strong people. But it could.... Tell me, are you a socialist, Yuri?" the General's question was direct and final.
"I believe in power for the people. That there's some sort of clique at the top, and that power is just a revolving door where different people from that clique are in control."
"And you want to break that clique?"
"Yes."
"But, is the clique just at the top?"
Yuri paused for a moment. Every place had a clique in charge, an exclusive country club of sorts for managers and people too high-minded and airheaded to allow ordinary folks in. "No."
The General nodded his head. "Let me get to the point. Trivodnia wants Farrago dead, and they want to install Radek, or someone else, so that they can build highways to connect Trivodnia's allies to the Kadikistan border. If this happens, there will be war, and Crotobaltislavonia will be in the middle of it. Many, many good people will die."
"Kadikistan wants to defend itself by supporting Farrago. He is not a socialist, he does not represent his people, but he is a symbol of centralized power. Kadikistan is committing itself to prevent this conflict from escalating out of control, and I'm here to help make sure it doesn't."
"I'm not asking you to join the Army. The Army doesn't mean anything. I'm asking you to create a local organization of people committed to the stability and defense of their home. Local councils to govern and stop chaos, and volunteers to defend those homes." The General leaned forward in his chair and rested clasped hands on the desk in front of him. "The Army will not defend Farrago, not for long. The clique in power will step aside, and in so doing prevent good people from doing the right thing. People will lose their jobs, families will be divided, so we need to act - together. I will supply money to pay volunteers, double what the Army offers, and I can provide basic training and help set up a framework for leadership. But I want you at the top, Yuri. You're a good man, you understand your people."
"What's the organization called?" Mr. Gajic asked after a skipped heartbeat.
"Otpor. The resistance."
"Resistance against what?"
"Against cronyism, corruption, and coercion. A resistance against the cliques."
"Then, what about Farrago?"
"His time will come, Yuri. For now, let's just worry about your people."
Kadikistani Union
Established Nation
Kadikistani Operational Headquarter
Banja Luka International Airport
"...our agents along with local comrades have set op meetings with core groups in every major city under our control. We are aiming for leading figures to form the Central Committee. With trade union leaders, high-ranking political, social and military figures within the Farrago regime as the new leaders of the Party the people will flock to the banner of the Crotobalitslavonian Communist Workers' Party. Through various financial and economical injections this formerly marginal political party will...", the young Kadiko-Chernayan Lieutenant Nikolai Kazarbayev, sided by two older Colonels attached to the Political Commissariat of the Revolutionary Army, stated his report with clear conviction for the Marxist-Leninovist ideals. He continued a few minutes longer, giving a detailed status of modest Marxist-Leninovist growth in Crotobaltislavonia, and the necessity of Farrago and his entourage to join these endeavours. But General Statkadjev had other things on his mind and cut the debriefing short by use of a simple hand gesture. His face was permanently frowning, as if the General was always stuck in deep thoughts. He spoke with his usual smoothing voice,
"Thank you, Comrade Nikolai. Your work for International Red Aid and the International itself has not gone unnoticed, and that for someone so young. But make sure your ambitions do not get in the way of our mission. It is not only your task to expand the local affiliate, we will attempt to win the hearts and minds of the Crotobaltislavonian worker and peasant. They must realize that siding with Radek is signing with the Yiddish-Trier Conspiracy and decades of social-economical exploitation. If our alternatives are loved, our troops will be loved. Every one sympathetic to our ideology is one less for Radek to conquer. We must at all times stay in contact and communication about these efforts with the Farrago government. We must appeal to their pragmatic sides as they must come to realize that calling themselves Marxist-Leninovists, even if they are not, will allow them to survive and stay at the head of their nation. They must come to realize the political advantages both to unite their people under one banner and potentially even gain membership of the Rurikgrad Pact on the international scene."
"Most of all, truth is on our side. The people know this unpatriotic coup was started by foreign powers, abusing a local thug to dig their claws into their nation by making him commit treason. Radek and his foreign backers are the aggressors, we are here to protect legitimacy and project stability for the people under Farrago's rule.", General Statkadjev said, concluding this part of the meeting and sending off Lieutenant Kazarbayev and his entourage. In his little speech Statkadjev seemed much more of an ideologue as he really was, he knew he had to be careful around these fanatics, especially the young and ambitious, and do just the extra effort so the General did not have to deal with a review by party functionaries. He didn't make it this high by not knowing the game. Then again it didn't take much creativity since he was merely dictating in his own way what he and all other officers had been told by Ivar. He continued, this time in the presence of his staff.
"I have been appointed as active Chief-of-Command until brass in Ivar replaces me by a more able commander within the next few days. A veteran infantry division commander stationed in various internal conflicts the past 30 years I have great experience in this type of conflict. What I lack is experience in leading the much respected Revolutionary Air Force and our good friends in the esteemed 17th Guards Special Purpose forces.", Statkadjev said while nodding respectfully to the commanders of both forces, "This is why I am offering you certain freedoms in field decision-makings that otherwise you would not have. Our main objective is to remain professional in our approach, military strength must be shown but also generosity. Naturally you are still allowed to use lethal force when under serious treat, but use restraint and do not engage if not necessary. We must be seen as protectors, not invaders."
"This hearts and minds operation aside, we will not let Radek grow any further. The 78th Mechanized Infantry Regiment will have arrived in full strength within the hour and depart for the Trivodnian border at 01.00. They will be taking the lead for a broader attack, with several Slavonian divisions loyal to Farrago involved. Officially this will be a Slavonian attack, but our officers are de facto leading this operation. Artillery and effective pressure on the centre while spearheading two main groups into their northern and southern flanks respectively. We intent on capturing the Trivodnian border from behind them, keeping our rear secure for counter-encirclements in the process. Once Radek and his militia is surrounded we will soften him up with concentrated artillery barrages before enveloping them.", Statkadjev needed to start rapping things up, the men in the room had much to do.
"GSP forces will be asked to detach 2,000 men to oversee the territorial security of the ground path of the air bridge. This will leave only 1,000 to assist Crotobaltislavonian security forces in the purifications, but it will have to do until my division can dispatch a regiment to assume your tasks. Kadikistani forces are not here to permanently man checkpoints, these should be the tasks of the natives we intent to retire once the shortage of men is replenished, loosing many on desertion, mutiny or violence. So here the message is again, train our allies and show we are here to assist." General Statkadjev stood up and signalled his staff to do the same before speaking his final words to the men. "Now you must all excuse me, I have a briefing with the Slavonian President and his Chief-of-Staff. Rest assured gentlemen, we have secured the capital, the countryside will follow."
Banja Luka International Airport
"...our agents along with local comrades have set op meetings with core groups in every major city under our control. We are aiming for leading figures to form the Central Committee. With trade union leaders, high-ranking political, social and military figures within the Farrago regime as the new leaders of the Party the people will flock to the banner of the Crotobalitslavonian Communist Workers' Party. Through various financial and economical injections this formerly marginal political party will...", the young Kadiko-Chernayan Lieutenant Nikolai Kazarbayev, sided by two older Colonels attached to the Political Commissariat of the Revolutionary Army, stated his report with clear conviction for the Marxist-Leninovist ideals. He continued a few minutes longer, giving a detailed status of modest Marxist-Leninovist growth in Crotobaltislavonia, and the necessity of Farrago and his entourage to join these endeavours. But General Statkadjev had other things on his mind and cut the debriefing short by use of a simple hand gesture. His face was permanently frowning, as if the General was always stuck in deep thoughts. He spoke with his usual smoothing voice,
"Thank you, Comrade Nikolai. Your work for International Red Aid and the International itself has not gone unnoticed, and that for someone so young. But make sure your ambitions do not get in the way of our mission. It is not only your task to expand the local affiliate, we will attempt to win the hearts and minds of the Crotobaltislavonian worker and peasant. They must realize that siding with Radek is signing with the Yiddish-Trier Conspiracy and decades of social-economical exploitation. If our alternatives are loved, our troops will be loved. Every one sympathetic to our ideology is one less for Radek to conquer. We must at all times stay in contact and communication about these efforts with the Farrago government. We must appeal to their pragmatic sides as they must come to realize that calling themselves Marxist-Leninovists, even if they are not, will allow them to survive and stay at the head of their nation. They must come to realize the political advantages both to unite their people under one banner and potentially even gain membership of the Rurikgrad Pact on the international scene."
"Most of all, truth is on our side. The people know this unpatriotic coup was started by foreign powers, abusing a local thug to dig their claws into their nation by making him commit treason. Radek and his foreign backers are the aggressors, we are here to protect legitimacy and project stability for the people under Farrago's rule.", General Statkadjev said, concluding this part of the meeting and sending off Lieutenant Kazarbayev and his entourage. In his little speech Statkadjev seemed much more of an ideologue as he really was, he knew he had to be careful around these fanatics, especially the young and ambitious, and do just the extra effort so the General did not have to deal with a review by party functionaries. He didn't make it this high by not knowing the game. Then again it didn't take much creativity since he was merely dictating in his own way what he and all other officers had been told by Ivar. He continued, this time in the presence of his staff.
"I have been appointed as active Chief-of-Command until brass in Ivar replaces me by a more able commander within the next few days. A veteran infantry division commander stationed in various internal conflicts the past 30 years I have great experience in this type of conflict. What I lack is experience in leading the much respected Revolutionary Air Force and our good friends in the esteemed 17th Guards Special Purpose forces.", Statkadjev said while nodding respectfully to the commanders of both forces, "This is why I am offering you certain freedoms in field decision-makings that otherwise you would not have. Our main objective is to remain professional in our approach, military strength must be shown but also generosity. Naturally you are still allowed to use lethal force when under serious treat, but use restraint and do not engage if not necessary. We must be seen as protectors, not invaders."
"This hearts and minds operation aside, we will not let Radek grow any further. The 78th Mechanized Infantry Regiment will have arrived in full strength within the hour and depart for the Trivodnian border at 01.00. They will be taking the lead for a broader attack, with several Slavonian divisions loyal to Farrago involved. Officially this will be a Slavonian attack, but our officers are de facto leading this operation. Artillery and effective pressure on the centre while spearheading two main groups into their northern and southern flanks respectively. We intent on capturing the Trivodnian border from behind them, keeping our rear secure for counter-encirclements in the process. Once Radek and his militia is surrounded we will soften him up with concentrated artillery barrages before enveloping them.", Statkadjev needed to start rapping things up, the men in the room had much to do.
"GSP forces will be asked to detach 2,000 men to oversee the territorial security of the ground path of the air bridge. This will leave only 1,000 to assist Crotobaltislavonian security forces in the purifications, but it will have to do until my division can dispatch a regiment to assume your tasks. Kadikistani forces are not here to permanently man checkpoints, these should be the tasks of the natives we intent to retire once the shortage of men is replenished, loosing many on desertion, mutiny or violence. So here the message is again, train our allies and show we are here to assist." General Statkadjev stood up and signalled his staff to do the same before speaking his final words to the men. "Now you must all excuse me, I have a briefing with the Slavonian President and his Chief-of-Staff. Rest assured gentlemen, we have secured the capital, the countryside will follow."
Drakulić, 9 miles outside of Banja Luka city limits
1628 29 DEC 17
It was little more than a camp, still. There were no guns to be seen, save for the ones carried by the mercenaries - who could say how they even got them into the country, but no doubt the mercenaries had connections to high places. Most of the military units - could they even be called such - were not yet fully staffed and awaiting their comrades arrival by plane. The Red Guards always had units on call, ready to deploy anywhere in the world at the snap of some fingers, but even this deployment was relatively large for a 'covert' operation.
Riu knew this. There was an intention for the appearance of a covert operation, perhaps even some plausible deniability, but under closer scrutiny it would be obvious that Xinhai was present. That was the intent - let the neighbors know that their linear thought processes and expectations were being challenged. Yet, the Xinhaiese role here was not military. The base was only half completed, the radios and computers looked like a ramshackle collection of hardware rather than a professional military operation. The MP's had the most experience with rifles of all the men here, but even they weren't widely applauded for their tactical ingenuity. Sure, they could breach a room and secure hostages. That was about it, and in practicality that role was ceremonial - they were also more likely to be found cleaning bathrooms, peeling potatoes, or other grunt work the same as anyone else. This was not a professional military mission - this was volunteers. Well, "volunteers" Riu admitted.
Certainly, the mission had it's international share of dedicated Communists striving to achieve a better future for the people of Crotobaltislavonia. But what country did anything purely out of goodwill? Albeit, Riu admitted to himself, Xinhai were probably the "good guys" here. No other nation acted in defense of Crotobaltislavonia's people. There was no one clamoring for a peaceful solution, no one denouncing the coup - an effective military takeover. No one decrying the destruction of CBS rights. In fact, most of Gallo-Germania cared only for Trivodnia, no one bothered to lift a finger to defend CBS or its people. Perhaps, he imagined, the People's Republic had. He had convinced Yuri of as much.
The Red Guards mission involved several capable medical teams including no less than four surgeons. A full company of engineers would be deployed by the end of the weekend, a group that would help to fix bridges and roads and ensure that power was still operational, things that ensured peoples lives remained intact. The signals platoons would ensure the power and phone lines remained intact. Riu was certain that only a madman would perceive the Xinhaiese operation here as an occupation, and that with a little convincing it might appear more humanitarian than anything else.
Yuri was a useful man to have, soon the People's Republic would have local boots on the ground to ensure the survival of the regime, or at least, a regime. A regime that wouldn't kowtow to Trivodnia for a few shekels, or to some aging harlot with a decades old claim to some dusty chair.
1628 29 DEC 17
It was little more than a camp, still. There were no guns to be seen, save for the ones carried by the mercenaries - who could say how they even got them into the country, but no doubt the mercenaries had connections to high places. Most of the military units - could they even be called such - were not yet fully staffed and awaiting their comrades arrival by plane. The Red Guards always had units on call, ready to deploy anywhere in the world at the snap of some fingers, but even this deployment was relatively large for a 'covert' operation.
Riu knew this. There was an intention for the appearance of a covert operation, perhaps even some plausible deniability, but under closer scrutiny it would be obvious that Xinhai was present. That was the intent - let the neighbors know that their linear thought processes and expectations were being challenged. Yet, the Xinhaiese role here was not military. The base was only half completed, the radios and computers looked like a ramshackle collection of hardware rather than a professional military operation. The MP's had the most experience with rifles of all the men here, but even they weren't widely applauded for their tactical ingenuity. Sure, they could breach a room and secure hostages. That was about it, and in practicality that role was ceremonial - they were also more likely to be found cleaning bathrooms, peeling potatoes, or other grunt work the same as anyone else. This was not a professional military mission - this was volunteers. Well, "volunteers" Riu admitted.
Certainly, the mission had it's international share of dedicated Communists striving to achieve a better future for the people of Crotobaltislavonia. But what country did anything purely out of goodwill? Albeit, Riu admitted to himself, Xinhai were probably the "good guys" here. No other nation acted in defense of Crotobaltislavonia's people. There was no one clamoring for a peaceful solution, no one denouncing the coup - an effective military takeover. No one decrying the destruction of CBS rights. In fact, most of Gallo-Germania cared only for Trivodnia, no one bothered to lift a finger to defend CBS or its people. Perhaps, he imagined, the People's Republic had. He had convinced Yuri of as much.
The Red Guards mission involved several capable medical teams including no less than four surgeons. A full company of engineers would be deployed by the end of the weekend, a group that would help to fix bridges and roads and ensure that power was still operational, things that ensured peoples lives remained intact. The signals platoons would ensure the power and phone lines remained intact. Riu was certain that only a madman would perceive the Xinhaiese operation here as an occupation, and that with a little convincing it might appear more humanitarian than anything else.
Yuri was a useful man to have, soon the People's Republic would have local boots on the ground to ensure the survival of the regime, or at least, a regime. A regime that wouldn't kowtow to Trivodnia for a few shekels, or to some aging harlot with a decades old claim to some dusty chair.
Serenierre
Established Nation
"...Eiffelland will take action when the sovereignty of Trivodnia is violated."
- Chancellor von Seydewitz
- Chancellor von Seydewitz
Command Bunker,
Secret location in Villesen
"Does that man not realise what is at stake here?" Premier Martinique asked herself when she read the words spoken by her counterpart flash on the screen. How very reckless. How could someone with so little tact and understanding have risen to the top of the pyramid of that moribund kingdom of courtly politics, bows and curtsies. Disgusting. But it remained a source of great confusion in Villesen that Trier was so opposed to a neutral venue for the diplomatic effort to resolve the situation. Was he angling for a war?
"Commissar," she said to the man responsible for all matters related to war and defence, "Appraise me as to what is our situation."
The meeting of the national defence committee had been called the moment the statement had been issued. Deep in the bunkers below Villesen, the senior most members of the National Politburo gathered to see what was to be done regarding this statement and where Serenierre stood militarily.
"Madame Premier, following your directive earlier in the week, our integrated air defence systems are on full alert, and our radars are operating under the assumption that an attack may be imminent. The air force, as well, has intensified its aerial patrols, with fully loaded KMH-29 fighters keeping a tight check on our frontiers in the north and the Retalian Sea. The navy, too, is on alert and ready to engage with any hostile presence were it to enter the range of unacceptable intrusion into our territories. But both services are under the firmest orders not to go beyond the international frontier line."
"Good," the Premier nodded. "And the army?"
"We are on heightened alert, Madame Premier," the Chief of Army Staff spoke, "While under normal circumstances we are mobilised at 33% of our total force, given the remarkable situation, we have raised our mobilisation level to 42% over the previous few days as a result of activating a number of units which have been otherwise on hold. If the Retalian Cabal were to plot against us, we have a sizeable force ready to repel the initial push and can be fully mobilised in 96 hours."
"That quick?" she looked at him.
"Oui, Madame, we have been planning these things for decades, as you know," he smiled.
She appreciated that small moment of levity in this incredibly tense time for her and for her country. "Intelligence?" the Premier looked at the chief of the Directorate 77.
"Nothing in particular is happening in Gallia that we have picked up on. But our assets in Crotobaltoslavonia have indicated that Kadikistan is liquidating hostile elements or is planning to do so, the details, I must admit are a bit sketchy."
"Mon dieu," she sighed when she heard what the Kadikistani's were up to. If she would have known that the Kadikistani were about to get involved in this god awful Germanic nation, she would have out and out refused to attend the Nangong sham. Well, maybe not Nangong but certainly the Commissariat would have voted differently had this business started sooner. Alas, hindsight is, after all, twenty-twenty, as they say. "Well, make sure that our agents don't get in the way of that mess. We don't want them to do what we did to their fools in Borovanger," she said matter of fact.
"And what of Trivodnia?" asked one of the junior commissars.
"We will remain adamant that we believe in the diplomatic solution. When it comes to Kadikistan, no matter what, we must deflect. I will not go to war over this Germanic mess." She looked at her Politburo. "We have just been elected to a second term and we still have a lot to do, we will not be pushed to the precipice of war unless we absolutely have no choice, and Comrades, let me make this clear to everyone here, we are not at that edge."
"Hear! Hear!" they said in unison at the Premier's words.