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Pelasgia

Established Nation
Joined
Sep 30, 2014
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4,279
Location
Athens, Greece
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Demos
Propontis, Phryxaea
20/4/1957, 12:00 PM


For many of Pelasgia’s growing class of urban workers, foreign sports such football (known as ‘soccer’ in Southern Himyar), which had been imported by the Engellexians and Eiffellandians, or basketball, which had come north from a Pelasgian expat in Southern Himyar, provided quick, cheap and easy entertainment; indeed, between the teams of the I National League, such as Athlētikē Henōsis Propontidos (AEP), to the smaller but rising teams of the II National League, like Asteras Nestanēs, and the tiny clubs of the Empire’s countless small towns and industrial suburban municipalities, the ever growing fad that was Pelasgian television had more than enough content to entertain those that could afford it, as could the more widely established and much cheaper radio. Of course, most of the nation’s football and basketball matches took place not in some great court or stadium, but at the dusty yards and fields that dotted the land, wherein the nation’s youngsters held power and authority.

Supplementing these imported pastimes where more traditional sports, usually summed up in the Pampelasgian set of games, ranging from simple activities like open-sea swimming and long-distance running, all the way to disk-throwing and pankration, an ancient Leuktran martial art, whose brutal effectiveness was only slightly less obvious in its civilian form. But of course, for the average Propontine, the man or woman who had been raised in the brick-clad streets of the Reigning City, under the shadow of its pillars and domes, there was but one true sport: the Hippodrome’s chariot racing. Indeed, so ingrained in the Propontine and post-Propontine Pelasgian mindset and culture was this single and rather peculiar sport, that the first day of its new season was always a public holiday, taking place invariably almost right after Easter Monday (so as to connect it to Orthodoxy, the other pillar of Pelasgia's collectivist mass culture), a day which accross the Empire was celebrated in each local hippodrome of every major city. The Empress of Cities, of course, was unparalleled among them, being honoured with the attendance of various Senators, Patricians, Notables and even the Imperial Couple.

Dozens of large office and apartment buildings, built in Propontis’s now typical Neo-Propontine style, encircled what many among the lower classes considered to be the very heart of Propontis, their innumerable rows and columns coloured bricks, stained glass windows and arches, forming a truly awe-inspiring array set of surroundings for the Hippodrome of Propontis. From the windows of these structures, which served as an honest and admirable attempt by Pelasgia’s architects to combine Neo-Classical and nineteenth-century Gallo-Germanian architectural principles and motifs into a truly Pelasgian framework of ideas, could be seen a sight that was even more breathtaking: a sea of people, waving banners and sporting clothes of all colours imaginable, interrupted by cylindrical green displays, probably made of iron or some other industrial metal, which were used to display large posters and advertisements, an idea imported from Bourgogne, as well as tall street lights, benches and garbage bins. As the crowd neared the Hippodrome, a massive construct of marble, bricks, stone and Tiburan cement, they seemed miniscule in comparison to a series of large statues and pillars, dedicated to various Emperors, military commanders and famous charioteers.

The oval Hippodrome itself seemed to have remained unaltered over its centuries of existence, though, in reality, it had undergone half a dozen major reconstructions and expansions to keep up with the population growth of the Empress of Cities. In its current incarnation, its rasterised stone base was surmounted by brick arches, with bock brick and stone alternating in white and red to form geometrical patterns and motifs, which were topped by a long colonnade of the Propontine variety of Cydrelian pillars, their long bodies and ornate floral capitals enveloping the entirety of the oval structure. The only exception to the white and red motif of the structure itself was the Black Gate, a large arch covered in obsidian, with a door of pitch-black ebony, through which the spectators usually poured into the stadium, right across from the Kathesma, the elevated section of the spectators’ seats where the Emperor and other notables sat, which could be accessed from the Great Palace by a secret corridor, though for the common Pelasgian this remained an unconfirmed urban legend. The floor of the Plateia Hippodromou (Hippodrome Square) was made of the same pure, Atthic marble as the Hippodrome’s top colonnade, shipped straight from the quarries of greater Anthene, which combined infamy and fame in their reputation for an unmatched quality of marble and an unmatched brutality in working conditions across the Empire. Inside the Hippodrome, rows upon rows of marble stands, which from an original 100,000 spectators in 324 AD had been expanded to handle 400,000 Propontines of all ages and of either sex.

Beyond these seats, and the well-guarded last row, was the central racing area, which started from the Dihippion, the stable from which the charioteers rode into the field, known as such due to being flanked by two large, bronze statues of horses, circled around the semi-circular opposing end of the stadium (known as the Sphendone, for the horses there seemed to accelerate like a rock from a slingshot, where the most fanatical fans of all demes sat) and returned to the Dihippion’s other end, being split in two by a large platform, onto which a series of obelisks were erected, two of the largest among them having been brought there from Memphis and Old Pelasgia, respectively, and a third one being rumoured to be as old as the city of Propontis itself, a creation of its first settlers from the town of Anaktōra in Atthis. The platform itself, called the Spina, was decorated with a wide variety of lust fauna from across the Empire and beyond, as well as large flames.

Thus, in this bustling and beating heart of the Reigning City, in the week after Easter, the most important of all holidays in the Orthodox Christian faith, the personal standards of the Emperor and the Empress flew over the Hippodrome, to mark the beginning of the new season of races. The two standards (sēmeia) were accompanied by countless pennants in the colours of the various demes of the Hippodrome, athletic teams named after the word for the colour of their shirts in the Propontine vernacular, which had in the past wielded political influence and were still connected to factions and parties within the Koinovoulio. Though the Senate’s old factions, each one of which funded and supported a certain deme in exchange for the support of it’s the plebs that belonged to it, were officially gone, the bonds were still very much there and strong. More specifically, the Reds were supported by the SEKP and the DKKP, the Blues by the Nationalists and the National Rally, the Greens by the Mercantile Union and the Whites by the Liberal Union. In turn, the Reds and Whites appealed to people from the docks and port regions, while the Blues and the Greens to those in more inland areas; as the former two had spread to most port cities and the latter two to most inland cities with a Hippodrome of their own, Propontis (and, to a much lesser extent, Therme and Nymphaeum) was the only placed where all four demes met. In recent years, the two demes which had previously dominated the Hippodrome had taken hits, with the Reds (Roussoi) being greatly upset by the fragmentation of their patron party into two, the Blues (Venetoi) losing imperial patronage and preference to the Whites due to the change in dynasty, leaving the room open for the Greens (Prasinoi) and Whites (Leukoi) to step in and assert themselves as the Reigning City’s rising stars.

Finally, after quite a long wait, the Emperor stood up and declared the starts of the games, his toast to those assembled, who had been given a small piece of bread (which had been stamped with the Imperial Family’s Seal to signify their patronage, its shape and size being similar to that of pieces given out at Church), a tradition dating back to ancient Tibur’s “bread and games” policy, now mostly a symbolic gesture. As the chariots emerged from the Dihippion, loud cheers and applause were aimed at both the charioteers and the Imperial couple, with the well-known cry of «Νίκα!» (“Nika!”, meaning “Conquer!” or “Win!”), which had been the motto of many a bloody revolt in the past, overtaking the stadium, in an open display of the plebeian mob that flowed through the heart of Propontis as blood, having shed its blood in the Hippodrome more than once.

As the charioteers passed the Sphendone, the cry grew even more deafeningly loud, climaxing as the charioteers reached the end of the track, with the entirety of the stadium, which was filled to capacity, as well as all those outside of it and standing on the balconies and roofs of the surrounding buildings chanting and jumping up in excitement. Despite all odds, the embittered Reds had won, being represented by the rising star and the working people’s darling, Valentios Kalogeropoulos, an olive-skinned man of above average height, with a prominent jawline and a body that resembled the statues of the Ancients. As the reds, especially those in the Sphendone, rejoiced at their much needed and highly unexpected victory, the Emperor stood to grant unto them one wish, an old tradition historically meant to appease the masses. Retaining the role of an honest way for the people to voice their needs and demands to even the very top of the Empire’s hierarchy, the man who was, to most of them, the living representation of God on Europe, this tradition had not even suppressed by the Junta.

And yet, quite unexpectedly, the stadium erupted in a single phrase, with the Reds lighting red flares as they chanted: «Ζοῦν!». And soon enough, this cry of “They live!” soon became a cry of «Ζήσουν!», meaning “They will live!” or “They must live!”, referring to the other convicted prinery workers. Attalos Laskaris-Komnenos stood in front of his stool, clad in the dark blue uniform of the Imperial Navy. Knowing he could not very well ignore the request of Reds without a loss of face and honour, and with the Empress placing her hand on his shoulder as a sign of concern for what might happen if he did, the Emperor finally made his proclamation: «Θὰ ζήσουν ἐλεύθεροι!» (“They shall live free!”). At once, the Hippodrome erupted in another wave of applause. Soon, the applause transformed from a chorus of unintelligible chants of joy and thanks into a single, resounding and near-histerical cry on the part of the spactators: «Χαῖρε Καίσαρ!» It was thus that the heart of the city erupted in the ages-old and yet never truly forgotten cry of “Hail Caesar!”, as if the moment had been extracted from the Tiburan and Tiburian days of old.

The Emperor sat down, secretely content at the result of his choice, one which he could justify as "necessary" to the currently outraged Patricians and as "completely voluntary" to the Plebeians cheering down below. The blue-clad man relaxed, flanked by his wife in a celebratory purple gown embroidered with a golden double-headed eagle, of the traditional Propontine variety, momentarily allowing a smile to slip through; the Senate had been defeated... for now.
 
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Pelasgia

Established Nation
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Sep 30, 2014
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4,279
Location
Athens, Greece
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Demos
Propontis, Phryxaea
26/4/1957, 8:30 AM


With the temperature climbing to 17 degrees well before noon, the Pelasgian capital had once again evolved into a boiling pot of dampness and heat, the spring having brought with it a combination of sunny and rainy days to Phryxaea. The Senate House lay surrounded by plants which merely a few weeks before had been blossoming, unleashing waves upon waves of yellow pollen, with allergic people and cleaners competing over who was more hurt and annoyed by this annual event.

The building itself originated from the very re-foundation of the city as New Tibur by Valentian the Great, its age rendering it ancient by the standards of foreigners and considerably old even by those of the locals. Centered around a large cylindrical structure of marble, which housed the senate room, topped by a bronze-plated dome of the same material, the senate was a vast network of basilica-like structures, which formed a crescent around the Forum of Valentian.

The structures in question were topped by roofs lined with clay tiles, which were identical save for the ornate tiles at the corner, which were usually fashioned in the shape of fierce griffons or other such mythical creatures, a Pelasgian tradition which had been adopted for such building by the Tiburans and which survived to this day even in the most rudimentary of Pelasgian village houses. Below these roofs, from which protruded the occasional triangular skylight, was a balcony lined with Cydrelian (Corinthian) pillars whose floral capitals were surmounted by arches. This long colonnade was supported by yet another one of its kind, which supported the balcony by touching the floor, though its height was so greater it made the first one (which was tall enough to fit two average adults on top of each other) seem dwarfish in comparison; its archways, too, were wider, so much so that one of the bottom colonnade’s arches could contain within it two of the top layer. Behind these long series of pillars was a long series of doors, whose ornamentations followed the classical style, each being placed below a small square window which acted as an individual skylight.

Beyond this crescent was another of its kind, though unlike the relatively open structure on the side of the senate room, it was slightly shorter, its top balcony consisting of a long series of windows instead of a long balcony with doors, the lower layer being fronted by Opsician (Ionian) pillars, the shortened space between the arch-like doors of this building and its second floor being decorated with golden metallic plates bearing various images. The two crescents where connected by two large tower-like structures supported by massive square pillars (a wholly Tiburan invention, as these were unseen in native Pelasgian architecture), much of their surface resembling a coffer of a ceiling, each being topped by a single massive golden statue of the winged goddess Victory.

The two crescents centered around the forum, in which various statues of generals and emperors were located, with a massive red pillar topped by the golden statue of Valentian the Great at the centre. Its marble white base bore the inscription VAL MAG CAE IMP AVG TIB FIL DEI SOL INV MLXXXIII SPQT (the year being 1083, 330 AD in the ancient Tiburan calendar), while its capital was of the Cydrelian variety. To enter this square, one had to pass a massive gate at the middle of the shorter crescent, which connected it to the rest of the city, being placed right across from the large, central gate of the Senate house, its pediment displaying images of the foundation of New Tibur while being supported by four massive, red pillars of the Cydrelian variety, atop a flight of tens of steps.

While both buildings housed crucial government and state buildings, ranging from the national archives to ministries and the Senators’ personal offices, the whole forum was in close proximity to other important landmarks, such as the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the Patriarchal Cathedral of Hagia Pronoia, the Grand Palace, the Areopagus (formerly the Praetorium, the Supreme Court of the Empire) and the Ministry of National Defence.

The National Assembly, the lower house of the Koinovoulio, was also located right next to the complex, though not technically outside it, in a church-like structure made of bricks and topped by a dome, a small garden running between it the the rest of the Koinvoulio. This reddish church-like construct of considerable size had previously housed the Chamber of Representatives (and even before that, the Council of the Plebs).

However, it was the cylindrical structure of the Senate room which was the main attraction of this true labyrinth of architectural masterpieces. The top of the dome’s coffer interior protruded forming a gap which was lined with small windows, to shed light into the room. This feature was meant to supplement the light of the twelve large windows near the top of the cylindrical room’s walls and that of the numerous artificial lamps which had been installed, for when darkness reigned over Propontis or the curtains had been shut to keep the oppressively hot sunlight out.

Walking amongst the empty rows upon rows of seats, lined in increasingly elevated rows, and between the various pillars that extended from the checker-tiled floor to an upper platform where spectators where allowed to seat, President Theodosios Laskaris of the Senate and Prime Minister Sophokles Krevatas spent their time discussing, spoiling an otherwise unique moment of silence in the Senate house, as the day’s session had not yet started.

The former was dressed in a grey suit from the Anthenean designer Aslanides, with a dark green tie that matched his emerald-green eyes shining as the light from the windows of the senate barely entered the room and reflected from them. The latter wore a dark blue suit with an orange tie, his homburg hat tightly held in his left hand. Both men were of rather pale skin, by Pelasgian standards at least, and while that was far from ordinary in Propontis, in Melingia, from where the Prime Minister was, it was a clear sign of his distinguished origins. Whereas the President of the Senate was rather limited in his choice of hairstyle by his baldness, shaving his head according to a tradition that had been imported by the Tiburans and persisted long since in Propontis, the Prime Minister’s rather rich hair had been sided back, a practice for which he had been known long before his hair had acquired its current silvery appearance. Likewise, though the President was clean-shaven, the Prime Minister bore a moustache under his rather prominent Tiburan nose.

«Λυπᾶμαι πραγματικὰ ποὺ δὲν ἐδυναθήσαμε νὰ συζητήσουμε νωρήτερα, κύριε Κρεβατᾶ.»
“I am truly sorry that we were unable to converse sooner, Mr. Krevatas.”


«Καὶ ἐγώ, κύριε Λασκαρίδη. Μὰ τέτοιοι εἶναι οἱ καιροί μας: ἐγὼ χρειάζομαι τὴν πρόφαση τῆς περιόδου ἐρωτήσεων τῆς Γερουσίας γιὰ νὰ σᾶς μιλήσω... καὶ ἐσεῖς πρέπει νὰ κρύβεστε ἀπὸ τὸν ἴδιο σας τὸν συγγενή.»
“Me too, Mr. Laskarides. But such are our times: I need the excuse of the Senate’s question period to speak to you… and you have to hide from your own relative[SUP]1[/SUP].”

«Αἰσχρό, πραγματικά. Ἡ Γερουσία δὲν θὰ ἔπρεπε νὰ φοβᾶται ἕναν ὑπάλληλό της...»
“A truly shameful situation; the Senate should have to fear its own employee…”

«Ἐφόσον ὁ ὄχλος εἶναι μετ’ αὐτοῦ, δὲν ἔχετε καὶ ἐπιλογή.»
“As long as the mob is with him, you don’t have much of a choice.”

«Πρἀγματι. Τέλως πάντων, κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, τὶ σκοπεύετε νὰ κάνετε γιὰ το θέμα τῶν ἀπεργῶν τοῦ Ἀσβεστοπύργου;»
“Indeed. In any case, Mr. Prime Minister, what do you intend to do about the issue of the strikers from Asbestopyrgos?”

«Τίποτε, κύριε Πρόεδρε.»
“Nothing, Mr. President.”

«Τίποτε;»
“Nothing?”

The Prime Minister’s remark left the old man baffled, his glowing green eyes staring at the relatively pale face of the Melingian noble with a degree of awe only equal to that expressed by his half-open mouth.

«Ναί, τίποτε. Αὐτὸ τὸ πλοῖο σάλπαρε. Ἐμένα με ἀπασχολεῖ τὸ τὶ θὰ κάνει μετὰ ὁ Βασιλέας. Δὲν νομίζω νὰ πιστεύετε ὅλες τὶς ἀνοησίες περὶ τοῦ ὑπὸ τοῦ ὄχλου ἐξαναγκασμοῦ του;»
“Yes, nothing. That ship has sailed. Personally, I’m concerned with what the Emperor will do. I take it you don’t believe all that stupidity about him being forced by the mob?”

«Φυσικὰ καὶ ὄχι. Αὐτὸς ὁ ἄνρθωπος λατρεύει νὰ τὸν λατρεύουν. Τὸ εἶχα προσέξῃ ἀπὸ νωρίς, καὶ ἦταν καὶ ἕνας ἀπὸ τοὺς λίγους λόγους ποὺ συμφώνησα με τὸν συγχωρεμμένο Βασιλέα Ἀνδρόνικο νὰ τὸν στείλουμε στὸ Τάφανον.»
“Of course not. That man loves being worshipped. I had noticed from early on, and it was one of the few reasons why I agreed with the late Emperor Andronikos to send him to Taphanon.”

«Πότε δὲν σᾶς συγχώρησε γιὰ αὐτό.»
“He never forgave you for that.”

«Καὶ οὔτε καὶ τὸ περιμένω. Ὁ Ἄτταλος νοιάζεται πρῶτα ἀπὸ ὅλα γιὰ τὸν ἐαυτό του. Οὔτε γιὰ ἔθνη, οὔτε γιὰ θρησκεῖες, οὔτε γιὰ τίποτα. Εἶναι ἕνας ἐπικίνδυνος ἄνθρωπος.»
“And I don’t expect him to. Attalos cares about himself before anything else. Neither for nations, nor for religions, not for anything. He’s a dangerous man.”

«Καταλαβαίνω, θέλατε νὰ ἀποφύγετε ἕναν ἐμφύλιο, μιᾶς καὶ ὁ Διάδοχος Ἰσαάκιος ἦτο... ὁλίγον θηλυπρεπής.»
“I understand, you wanted to avoid a civil war as Diadochos[SUP]2[/SUP] Isaakios was… rather feminine.”

«Καὶ λόγῳ τῆς ἀνωμαλίας ἕνός Δεσπότου, καταντήσαμε νὰ κάνουμε συμφωνίες με αὐτὸν τὸν αἱμοβόρο τύραννο. Πράγματι ἀναρωτιέμαι ἀν τὸ πραξικόπημά του μᾶς ἔφερε πιὸ πολλὰ κακὰ παρὰ καλά.»
“And due to the abnormality of one Despot, we’ve been reduced to striking deals with this bloodthirsty tyrant. Truly, I whether the coup brought us more trouble than it did good.”

«Τουλάχιστον ἀποφύγαμε ἕναν πόλεμο με την Καδικίδα. Τέλος πάντων, ὅσο καὶ ἀν ἐπιθυμῶ τὴν κυριαρχία τῆς Γερουσίας ἐπὶ τῶν τῆς Πολιτείας, ὁ Ἄνακτας εἶναι ἀπαραίτητος γιὰ τὴν ἐνότητα καὶ τὴν ἠρεμία τοῦ λαοῦ.»
“At least we avoided a war with Kadikistan. In any case, regardless of how much I desire the rule of the Senate over all affairs of the Polity, the Sovereign is needed for the unity and the peace of the people.”

«Θὰ μποροῦσε νὰ πάρῃ τὴ θέση τοῦ ὁ Ἀρχιστράτηγος-
“He could be replaced by Marshal-

«Δὲν θὰ συμφωνοῦσε ποτὲ καὶ τὸ ξέρετε. Θὰ ἦταν θανάσιμο λάθος καὶ μόνο νὰ τὸν ῥωτoύσαμε.»
“He would never agree and you know it. Asking him alone would be a fatal mistake.”

«Δηλαδή τὶ προτείνετε;»
“Then what do you recommend?”

«Πρέπει πρῶτα νὰ δῆι πὼς ὁ Ἄτταλος εἶναι ἕνα τέρας... Καὶ γιὰ αὐτὸ πρέπει νὰ σπρώξουμε τὸν Αὐτοκράτορα σε μιᾶ γωνία ὅπου θα δείξῃ τὴν πραγματικὴ φύση του.»
“First of all, he needs to see that Attalos is a monster… And thus we must push the Emperor into a corner where he’ll show his true nature.”

«Νομίζω πὼς γνωρίζει ἄριστα τὴ φύση τοῦ Ἀττάλου.»
“I thought that he was perfectly aware of Attalos’s nature.”

«Πράγματι. Καὶ ὠς ἐκ τούτου θὰ ξέρει ὄτι κάποτε θὰ φανῆι, ὅπως φάνηκε ἡ ἀδυναμία τοῦ Ἀδρονίκου. Πρέπει νᾶ τρομάξῃ τόσο ὁ Ἄτταλος ποὺ θὰ γίνῃ ἐπικίνδυνος. Τότε μόνο θὰ μιλήσουμε στὸν Ἀρχιστράτηγο.»
“Indeed. And thus he will know that it will eventually show, just like Andronikos’s frailty showed. Attalos must be intimidated enough to become dangerous. Only then will we talk to the Marshal.”

«Γνωρίζετε, φαντάζομαι, πὼς ὁ Στρατὸς ἔχει μία ἰδιαίτερη σχέση με τοὺς Βασιλεῖς, εἰδικὰ τὸν τωρινό.»
“You do know, I imagine, that the Army has a particularly close relationship with the Emperors, especially the current one.”

«Ὁ Στρατὸς κατεβάζει καὶ ἀνεβάζει Βασιλεὶς ὅλη τὴν ὥρα. Τοὺς ὑπακούει ὅσο εἶναι στὴν ἐξούσια, ἀλλὰ ὅταν πρέπει τοὺς ἀντικαθιστά. Εἶναι μιᾶ δημοκρατία καὶ μιᾶ πρόταση μομφῆς τῆς ξιφολόγχης, ποὺ λέει ὁ λόγος.»
“The Army installs and deposes Emperors all the time. It follows them as long as they are in power, but, when necessary, it replaces them. It is a democracy and a vote of no confidence of the bayonet, so to speak.”

«Αὐτὰ εἶναι ὅλα ὑποθετικά, βέβαια. Χρειαζόμαστε κάτι ἀρκετὰ ἰσχυρὸ γιὰ νὰ τρομάξει τὸν Ἄτταλο καὶ τὸ χρειαζόμαστε τὴ σωστὴ στιγμή.»
“All this is hypothetical, of course. We need something forceful enough to scare Attalos and we need it at the right moment.”

«Ἀργὰ ἤ γρήγορα θὰ χρειαστῆι νὰ ἀποχωρήσουμε ἀπὸ τὴν Κυμβρία καὶ τὸν Βοροανγέρα. Καὶ τότε, με χιλιάδες ἐπὶ χιλιάδων ὑπερπύρων σπαταλημμένα σε συμφωνίες δανισμοῦ ἄνευ τῆς ἐγκρίσεως τῆς Γερουσίας καὶ με τὴν διπλωματικὴ καταιγίδα ποὺ θὰ ἀκολουθήσῃ, μία ἔρευνα τῆς Γερουσίας θὰ εἶναι ἀρκετὴ γιὰ νὰ κάνει τὴ δουλειᾶ. Ειδικὰ ἀν οἱ Καδικοὶ κόψουν τὸ ἐμπόριο τῶν σιτιρῶν, ποὺ θὰ ἐξοργίσῃ τοὺς ἐπαρχιῶτες.»
“Sooner or later, we’ll have to withdraw from Cumbria and Borovanger. And then, with thousands upon thousands of hyperpyra wasted in lend-lease agreements without the approval of the Senate and the diplomatic storm that will follow, an investigation by the Senate will be enough to do the trick. Especially if the Kadikistanis cut the grain trade, which will outrage the peasants.”

«Θὰ χρειαστοῦμε μία πρόφαση βέβαια, κάποιο ἔγκλημα γιὰ νὰ ἔχουμε τὴν ἀπαραίτητη νομικὴ βάση γιὰ τὴν καθαίρεσή του. Κάποιος ἄνδρας μου ἔχει βρῆι κάτι ταιριαστό στὴν Μεγάλη Πριγκηπόνησο. Νομίζω ξέρετε τὶ ἐννοῶ.»
“We’ll need some excuse of course, some crime to have the necessary legal basis for his deposition. One of my men has found something fitting on Great Prinkeponesos. I think you know what I mean.”

«Νομίζω πὼς ναί. Μὰ θὰ πρέπει νὰ εἶστε προσεκτικός, διότι ἡ ἐν λόγῳ νῆσος εἶναι οὐσιαστικὰ φέουδο τοῦ Βασιλέως.»
“I think yes. But you will have to be careful, as the isle in question is essentially a fief of the Emperor.”

«Μὴ φοβοῦ, τὸ ἔχω φροντίσῃ. Οὔτως ἤ ἄλλως, δὲν με ὑποψιάζεται ἀπὸ τότε ποὺ τὸν βοήθησα νὰ ἀλλάξει τὸν προϋπολογισμὸ γιὰ νὰ χρηματοδοτήσῃ τὶς παράνομες συμφωνίες του.»
“Fear not, I have taken care of it. In any case, he suspects me not since I aided him is changing the budget to fund his illegal agreements.”

«Καλῶς. Νομίζω πὼς εἶναι ὥρα νὰ φεύγουμε καὶ οἱ δύο. Καλή σας ἤμέρα, κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ.»
“Very well. I believe it is time for us both to be taking our leave. Good day to you, Mr. Prime Minister.”

«Καὶ σε ἔσάς, κύριε Πρόεδρε.»
“And to you, Mr. President.”

FOOTNOTES
1. The Laskarides family (whose name means “son of Laskaris”) are descended from a junior branch of the House of Laskaris and are thus regarded as blood relatives of the Laskarid dynasty.
2. Diadochos (Διάδοχος) literally translates into “heir”, “heir apparent” or “successor”. It is used to refer to the Crown Prince of the Empire as an office holder/designation instead of Despot, which is a rank of nobility (much like the word “Autokrator” is sometimes used instead of “Basileus”).
 
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Pelasgia

Established Nation
Joined
Sep 30, 2014
Messages
4,279
Location
Athens, Greece
Nick
Demos
Principaeum, Princeponesus Island, Phryxeaea
18/5/1957, 1:32 PM


The summery sun of northern Pelasgia seemed to have rested for a day, as light showers complemented a temperature nearing twenty degrees Celsius. All over the Island of Princes, fauna ranging from the basest of grass and the humblest olive trees to the tallest of cypresses and the most brightly coloured of roses seemed fresh and lively, its petals and branches having been drenched in the cold rainwater of late spring. The ladybugs and butterflies which had first come around at about the time of Easter -lending the former a Pelasgian name which roughly translated into “little Easter bug”- seemed unaffected by the showers, taking the chance to walk amongst the vibrant gardens and forests that covered much of the isle’s surface whenever the showers stopped. Indeed, even the song of the white-bellied mockingbirds and multi-coloured pigeons continued through the rain, refusing to be silenced by a wave of weather like that of the now bygone early March defiantly. The swallows, whose recent return was celebrated across Pelasgia in the semi-mystical “chelidonismata”, also joined into this songfest, their passionate mating calls serving as music to the ears of man and beast alike.

Such was the atmosphere in which the town of Principaeum found itself near the looming conclusion of spring, its traditional homes being seemingly as clean as ever, their walls being wholly white. The houses in question were typically multiple-flours high, their lightly red tile roofs extended beyond their external walls’ base, with multiple windows on every floor to let light in. A mix of white-painted wood and pure white marble, either extracted from the islands themselves or the nearby coastal areas of Phryxaea, or even, for the more wealthy islanders, imported directly from Atthis, brought to the isle by the countless Anthenean ships that crossed the Propontine Straits every day. The town itself, much like other towns on the island, housed a population of a few tens of thousands, though multiple resorts, villas, cottages and summer or winter residences outside, but not too far away from, these towns gave Imperial officials, businessmen, intellectuals and celebrities alike a place to rest and ponder in peace and quiet. Among these was a residence belonging to the Imperial Family, commonly referred to as the Prince’s Palace, though officially called the “Diadochic Palace”, since the term “Prince” was never officially used in Pelasgia.

It was on this otherwise serene isle, in the Diadochic Palace, where the coup d’état that drove the Megaloi Komnenoi out of power and installed the new Laskarid dynasty had first started, with the abduction of Despot Isaakios Komnenos. As such, it was rather astonishingly ironic that Iordanes Petrinos, a man in the employ of Prime Minister Sophokles Krevatas, would come to Princeponesus in hopes of finding evidence to incriminate the new Laskarid Emperor. Of course, the Palace, like most mansions dotting the isle’s non-urban areas, was strictly off limits to Mr. Petrinos; he could, theoretically speaking, use his unique skills to find himself in the Palace, but such an action, despite its obvious risks, was bound to produce poor if any results. It had probably been cleaned quite well to avoid the presence of any and all incriminating evidence. Besides, as he had noted in journal the previous night, Petrinos was certain that any major events were bound to have occurred in the Town Hall, where all his sources pointed.

As he strode through the streets of a port district right before most locals were about to start eating their luncheon, the main meal of the day to them and most of their compatriots, Petrinos made his way to the Town Hall. The building itself was akin to other local structures in its architectural style, though its shape was rather unique, being located at the end of a square, at whose centre a life-sized bronze statue of some long dead Sovereign stood, and standing six floors tall. More specifically, it was essentially split in two “levels”, the first one being rather wide and three floors tall with a flat roof that served as an elevated courtyard/large balcony, while the second one was more akin to a wide tower, being thinner than the first and also three floors tall. Dressed in a clean white suit, which was rather popular to gentlemen and notables of Pelasgia’s arid north in summertime, Iordanes entered the town hall through its main gate, standing in the ornate hall of the building, with its checker-tiled floor. Being immediately noticed by the clerk at the reception desk of the town hall, as well as the bored, sweaty police officer standing on the other side of the room, he spoke to the former.

«Καλημέρα, πῶς μπορῶ νὰ σᾶς ἐξυπηρετήσω;»
“Good morning, how may I help you?”

«Καλημέρα σας, θὰ ἦταν δυνατὸν νὰ συναντήσω τὸν κύριο Δήμαρχο;»
“Good morning, would it be possible for me to meet with the mayor?”

«Δυστυχῶς, ὁ κύριος Δήμαρχος εἶναι ἀρκετὰ ἀπασχολημένος. Θὰ ἦταν βολικὸ νὰ ξαναέλθετε αὔριο;»
“Unfortunately, the Mayor is rather busy. Would it be opportune for you to return tomorrow?”

«Θὰ δῶ τὶ μπορῶ νὰ κάνω. Σᾶς εὐχαριστῶ γιὰ τὴν βοήθειά σας καὶ καλή σας μέρα.»
“I’ll see what I can do. Thank you for your help and have a good day.”

«Καὶ σὲ σᾶς, ἐπίσης.»
“And to you, too.”

Iordanes knew all too well from the mayor’s personal secretary, whom he had bribed for some information with medication for her son, that the mayor had but a single appointment in the morning that day, which, in all likelihood, had already been concluded. Therefore, he assumed that a refusal to meet suddenly without booking an appointment was rejected as the authorities wanted to screen whomever was to meet with the mayor in advance. Though smart, this method only served to confirm the investigator’s suspicions about the mayor’s knowledge of the events that transpired on that fateful day about a year ago.

Waiting for nightfall, Petrinos made “inquiries” in the local house of commerce, pretending to be associated with some Propontis-based shipping firm, while also eating at a local restaurant of repute bearing the name “To Stemma”, so as to maintain the profile of just another minor gentleman making his way through the city, permitting him to avoid unwanted and unnecessary attention. Once night arrived, it found him sneaking through the small garden which covered the premises of the Town Hall outside the building itself, all the way to some bushes near the window of the mayor’s office, the location of which he had come to know by studying the blueprints of the building to near memorisation earlier that day in his hotel room. With a small light shining onto the section of the paved path that run around the building, between the window and the garden, Iordanes waited until a police officer who was making his rounds around the island passed, climbing through the window and into the empty and locked room. Carefully searching through the drawers and shelves of the rather claustrophobic and tight office, he quickly discovered a concealed safe in the wall behind one of the bookshelves. Slowly moving the wooden piece of furniture, he found it surprisingly easy to open the rather cheap safe by using an old method he had picked up while acting as an informer for the police in Nikopolis.

From within the safe, he pulled out a blue, leather-bound notebook, with no inscription on its cover, back or side. Opening it, he quickly realised that he was holding the mayor’s personal journal in his hands. As he heard distant footsteps in the long hallway leading to the mayor’s office, Iordanes quickly grabbed the journal, closing the safe and pushing the shelf back into place. He then climbed back out of the building, grasping the journal tightly as he fled the Town Hall to his hotel, from where “Athanasios Giannakopoulos” -the fake name which he had given everyone to whom he had needed to provide personal details- would soon check out, disappearing from the island (and the world) forever.
 
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Waters between Chandax and Canace, Theme of the Archipelago
6/6/1957, 12:45 AM


The waters between two of the Archipelago’s largest isles, Chandax and Canace, were shivering as the soft summer breeze moved through the Archipelago. Save for the moon shining on the dark waters off of the coast of Old Pelasgia, the night was perfectly dark; this darkness was occasionally illuminated as ships going to and fro the two islands, as well as the coast of the large peninsula down south, their lights being far less bright and impressive than the reflection of any coastal city in the area shining of the waters of its harbour.

Among the ships cutting through this small corner of the Long Sea slowly but steadily was the passenger ship Tiverias, a rather large watercraft which had served the Chandax-Canace line for over half a decade. One of the cabins of the Tiverias had the honour of housing the Prime Minister, Sophokles Krevatas, along with his entourage, which consisted of various advisors and staffers aiding him in his campaign. Having worked with many of these men for years on end, the Prime Minister had grown to consider them friends.

After a long day of campaigning in his mother’s home island, Mr. Krevatas had decided to relax along with the aforementioned friends of his, drinking tsikoudia[SUP]1[/SUP], smoking cigars and playing card games. This small gathering of a dozen or so men went on from the lattermost hours of the day, into midnight and well beyond. With the clock’s longer arm now pointed at fourty-five past midnight, the Prime Minister excused himself, as he had a long day ahead of him and retired to his cabin.

Truth be told, he could have easily stayed up for another hour and woken up just fine in the morrow, but he had been feeling uneasy, as if consumed by some unknown pestilence that made its way through his chest. Convinced it would pass, he sat down opposite a small desk in his cabin and took in his hands a typed version of the speech he would give to the citizens of Eresos, Canace’s capital. Small marks in black ink existed here and there, as corrections to the original, with some ink blots splattered on the bottom right corner of the white sheet.

His gaze went immediately to the start of the speech: “Women and men of Pelasgia […]”; a phrase as old as Pelasgia’s modern parliamentary system, which had come into existence in the 29[SUP]th[/SUP] century, its author was unknown, though every Pelasgian politician had spoken it at least once at the start of some speech, becoming so archetypical, if not stereotypical, that films and theatrical plays ranging from tragedies to satires used it as the mark of the aspiring and cunning provincial politican speaking to the inhabitants of some village or another, with comedies having the ‘statesman’ in question speak thus in some minority town where his words were both out of place and probably incomprehensible to many.

Sophokles did not intend to start his speech in this way, but had always liked to write the introduction of important speeches last, so that he may review the whole text before finding a way to start it that was in harmony with its entirety. Thus, he used the stock phrase in question as a placeholder, taking a blank sheet of paper from a pile and placing it in his trustworthy Nikopoulos Yp. 49 typewriter to start the speech anew and properly type up any corrections he and his advisors had previously proposed.
With a fervour he had rarely shown whilst writing his speech, he pressed key after key, inscribing no less than three pages’ worth of text on sheet after sheet before stopping.

This was not just a normal speech, it was a panegyric; it was clear to everyone with a functioning brain in Pelasgia and abroad that the Liberal Union under himself would come out on top in the next election. Certainly, his popularity might not have been at an all-time high among the working class, but this was a system dominated by the middle and upper class bourgeois. Even if the working class would have preferred somebody of the more populist variety, he was popular enough in Therme, the Archipelago, Opsicia, Melingia and other regions, while any alternative political force to the left or right was far incapable of holding itself together, let alone facing the Empire’s many foreign competitors.

Even on the domestic front, nobody could deny the immense progress the Liberal Union’s policies had made in industrialising and modernising the country, raising literacy, hygiene, ease of transport and living standards to an all-time high for a realm whose population numbered over one hundred million and kept growing. Indeed, only a fool would think of returning to an agrarian society where detah at childbirth for both the mother and the child and life expectancy were so horrible they seemed completely alien to a country that had only started industrializing itself less than a century ago. Public schooling, military service, universal suffrage and compulsory voting, public health insurance and accessible university education: all these policies were for the betterment of all Imperial subjects, not just the Pelasgians; nobody could dispute that.

Whereas one could rightly say that the policies in question had been started by far older generations of politicians, it was the father of Sophokles, Grand Logothete[SUP]2[/SUP] Aristeides Krevatas, who had decided really managed to raise Pelasgia to the status of a major power once more, making the model that countries like Engellex, Eiffelland and Bourgogne presented seem like less or a dream and more of an inevitable future reality.

To vote against the Liberal Union, nay to vote against me, is to vote against modern Pelasgia itself! Sophokles thought, sure of his victory as ever. He swung his hand as if he was giving a speech and wanted to get a point across, only for the pain in his chest to return. He left the typewriter and stood up, walking to the door that led to a small balcony of sorts outside his cabin.

Right before exiting he stopped by the small table next to the door and looked down a dark blue book, bearing no inscription on its cover or its rear: the personal journal of the mayor of Principaeum, the vessel that would grant him complete power over that rowdy Admiral in the Great Palace of Propontis, who had taken it upon himself to block the Koinovoulio’s work constantly, styling himself “Emperor”. Of course, Sophokles had no intention of bowing to the Koinovoulio either, even if it was one dominated by his party- he was a Krevatas and the Krevatades were ambitious men, even if that obsessive habit had, in the past, proven to be a curse as well as a blessing.

He picked up the book, but right as he was about to open it, he dropped it, the pain in his chest growing unbearable, as if a spike had pierced his ribcage and made it right into his heart. He momentarily grasped, as if breathless but not really so, and tried to support himself on the frame of one of the windows before collapsing to the floor. Two men of his entourage happened to be outside the door of the cabin and they knocked on it but got no answer, prompting them to force it open. His personal physician, Dr. Agesilaos Theocharides did his best to revive the Prime Minister, but after minutes of fruitless efforts, he gave up.

The greatest statesman in all of Pelasgia for nearly two decades had succumbed to the exact same cause of death as his father, breathing his last on a passenger ship on the sixth of June, in the year of our Lord nineteen fifty-seven, at the age of sixty-five. What had seemed like the mightiest, most solid cornerstone of the fragile, newly reborn parliamentary regime had fallen like a domino, taking with it the structure as an otherwise clear and predictable political scene descended into chaos and disorder. The man that had, in life, held both crown and parliament in check, had, in death, left the former fighting over his cadaver, and the latter brandishing a long, sharp dagger.

FOOTNOTES
1. Tsikoudia (Τσικουδιά) is a transparent, heavy alcoholic beverage, the Chandacian version of Tsipouro.
2. Grand Logothete (Μέγας Λογοθέτης / Megas Logothetes, lit. “Grand Secretary”) was the head of government of the Empire prior to the new constitution of 1956, originating from the Emperor’s most senior minister in medieval Propontine times.
 
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IMPERIAL MINISTRY OF NATIONAL DEFENCE
GENERAL STAFF OF NATIONAL DEFENCE

NOTICE TO THE GENERAL STAFFS OF ALL THREE ARMED FORCES

Subject: Mobilisation status.
Classification: Top Secret
Location & Date: Propontis, 14 June 1957


As per the orders of His Imperial Majesty, the Imperial Armed Forces have been directed to return to a normal state of peacetime readiness. All troops and warships outside the Empire's territories are to return home by the end of the week, as part of a greater agreement for deescalation between Kadikistan and our Burgundian allies, whose partnership with the Empire is the reason for our mobilisation. However, troops falling under the authority of the Military Diocese of the East are to delay the return to peacetime readiness and are to remain partially mobilised, in case they are needed to support the Ayyubistani government by intervening against a possible Communist rebellion in said country. New orders for a return to peacetime readiness for the aforementioned troops can be expected by the end of the month, if the situation in Ayyubistan proves to be under the control of the local authorities.

Herakleios Artopoiopoulos,
Marshal of the Imperial Land Army & Chief of the GSND

 

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Propontis, Theme of Phryxaea
19/6/1957, 5:45 PM


Theodosios Laskaris had never regarded himself as much of a brave man. He was scheming, calculating, ruthlessly efficient and rather vindictive too. But, above all, he regarded himself as a pragmatist and, truth be told, that was an accurate characterisation, for the most part. He knew all too well what a catastrophe for the Empire the rule of the Progressive People's Party would be; sure, if their great talk of tolerance, progress and solidarity came to fruition, it might just guarantee a great chunk of the Empire's people a good life. If. Theodosios had made a life out of facts, not out of ifs. He knew for a fact that the world stood on a rather delicate razor blade, ready to slice itself into bloody conflict at any moment, with a fragile balance keeping everything in place. He knew it for a fact that Pelasgia was right at the tip of that blade. He knew of many of the vile things which had been done in the name of the greater good, and was certain that many more and of a much more brutal and inhumane nature had been done. But, most of all, he knew why they were necessary: because man could not be left to his own devices.

Who, he wondered, would keep the peace among the plebs if it were not for the bayonet? Certainly, one could not sit on a bayonet, as his current predicament and a constant life of maneuvering had proven, but the bayonet in and of itself was a tool and a necessary tool at that. He had seen the "popular wisdom" of which Dr. Lymperopoulos and those like him all too well when the people of Hiersolyma butchered each other in the name of God when there was even the illusion of that bayonet being lifted following the Laskarid coup. He had seen all too well the wrath of the mob and their rejoicing before and after their puppeteer, the Emperor , had pardoned the prinery workers from Asbestopyrgos. The moment, he thought, that the noble 'Dr. Lymperopoulos' came to realise the price of statecraft and statesmanship, he would drop his talk of all these fancy 'ideals' and become the most brutal, cynical politician of us all. Maybe he was trying to make excuses for himself; maybe the plebs, for all their lack of refinement and true education, for all their fanaticism and mass-psychology, were, at heart good and holy. Maybe he was the monster. Who was to know? All he knew was that it was too risky to try letting them loose. And, thus, he found himself striking a deal with the evil he knew to keep the one he did not know down.

He checked his watch anxiously and looked outside, as if the sight of man from outside his luxurious black Ippolochos I700 would ease his internal tension. Across Propontis, and most of urban Pelasgia for that matter, the warmth and light of the summer had been accompanied by the waves of foreign visitors, flocking to the Empire's cities like pilgrims to a holy site (except in the case of Hiersolyma and the other two Patriarchal Sees within the Empire, in whose case many of the visitors were literal pilgrims). Indeed, even Propontis Railway Station, where the greater wave of political change now engulfing Pelasgia had started over a year ago was once again full of Pelasgians and foreigners, seeming as if nothing had ever happened there in its newly repaired state. Pedestrians and cars from all directions passed next to the car, as it cruised through Leophoros Agoras Valentiou (meaning Avenue of the Forum of Valentian), the street which run through the city centre, connecting the a series of Imperial Palaces, the Forum of Valentian, the Senate and National Assembly, the Magnaura and other landmarks.

Entering the courtyard of the Great Palace of Propontis, the President of the Senate walked out of the car, after his door was opened by a footman, and gazed at the marble steps of the Palace's front gate. The architecture of the Great Palace, a mix of 19th century Neo-Gothic, Neo-Baroque and older Propontine brick-based architecture, following its renovation during the modernisation period, gave off an atmosphere which was both mystical and intimidating on the one hand and somewhat familiar and lively on the other. Were it not for the constant maintenance and cleaning of the building, datedness could have certainly been added to that list. Flanked by the Pierrhean Mountain Guard Regiment, one of the Emperor's personal favourite native guard regiments, Theodosios walked up those steps, the dark blue summer uniforms of the regiment's men forming two walls leading to the gate.

From there, a series of chandeliers, Tyrian purple tapestries and curtains, oaken furniture, golden, silver and marble artifacts and God knows how many flights of stairs finally led to the room of the Imperial Privy Council, its circular shape and large circular table being all surmounted by a dome with large windows, which was painted blue with golden star-like motifs where there were now windows, as if it was a sky of its own. Inside, the President found the Minister of Defence, Megas Doux Nikolaos Kallerges, the chief of the General Staff of National Defence, Marshal Herakleios Artopoiopoulos, the Director of the Imperial Intelligence Service, Artillery Brigadier Christodoulos Markopoulos, the Emperor's Counsel, Patrician Nobelissimus Thales Georgopoulos, the leader of the Imperial Party, Authente (Lord) Eugenios Chalkondyles, and the nationwide Chief of the Imperial Police, Antistrategos (Lieutenant General) Karolos Salas. At the exact opposite end of the entrance to the circular room was the Emperor, Attalos Laskaris-Komnenos, flanked by the Empress, Maria-Eirene Palaiologina-Rhaoulina.

The President halted for a moment, being completely silent, as if to ponder at the nature of the gathering. I am planning a coup, he thought; a palace coup, but a coup none the less. He had given quite a lot to the Fatherland: his joy, his pride, his work, his dedication, his loyalty, many friendships and Lord knows how much in terms of material wealth. But now, he was about to give up his honour. He stood there for a moment more and then immediately collected himself, walking to the seat right across from the Emperor.

"It is good to see you have decided to finally honour us with your presence, Your Excellency," the Emperor started.

"The honour is all mine Your Imperial Majesty," the President of the Senate replied; he turned to the Empress and the other dignitaries in attendance, greeting each and every one appropriately. "Your Imperial Majesty, Your Lordships, Your Honour, Honourable Grand Duke, Honourable Marshal; I am truly honoured to be here."

"You truly live up to your reputation, Excellency," the Empress retorted, without living her sitting husband's side; "A tongue that's silken on one side and venomous on the other."

"I do beg your pardon, Majesty," the President replied, his shock being somewhat faked and somewhat real at the bluntness of a woman he had known to keep up pretenses rather well since her younger days. Neither member of the Imperial couple replied with words. Their only retort was to push a blue, leather-bound book with no inscription on its cover to the side of President Laskaridis. Upon opening it, he only needed to read the first words to turn nearly as pale as the natural skin tone of the Emperor's Counsel.

Personal journal of Athanasios Adrianou, Mayor of Principaeum


"Look, Your Excellency; I know we've never been on the best of terms, at least since me and my husband came to wear the purple, but I am sure we can find a middle ground to work together. You are a pragmatic man after all," the Empress pointed out, before adding a little sting to her comment, "at least according to your reputation."

"But how did you..." Theodosios stopped short of finishing his own question. After the Prime Minister had died, his items had been seized, as they included several classified documents. Seeing the men in charge of both the Imperial Police and the Imperial Intelligence Service, it was not hard to see how the journal had ended up in the Emperor's possession.

"Do not worry, Excellency," Eugenios Chalkondyles interjected; "I too have no interest in seeing the Parliamentary regime torn down completely; we're both creatures of the same habitat, so to speak. But there needs to be greater Senatorial control over the National Assembly. And a closer relationship between the Great Palace and the Senate."

Theodosios collected himself once more. This is what I came here for, he thought before speaking.

"So it would seem. It does not take a legal genius on the level of the Honourable Imperial Counsel to tell what our next move needs to be to establish control over the National Assembly: the Senate needs to appoint a government and have it sworn in without the consent or imput of the National Assembly. We'll reduce them to an advisory body. They are bound to resist, of course..."

"Which is precisely what we want," Chalkondyles replied. "Dr. Lymperopoulos, for all his virtues, likes his own influence on the people far too much. He'll try to rouse them to revolt, probably voting to put the second to last article of the constitution into effect: The Defence of the Polity, Democracy and the Constitution by the People from Tyranny."

"But how is this to our advantage?"

"Article 48 of the Imperial Constitution: State of Siege," the Emperor's Counsel replied, his calm voice, in an Anthenian upper-middle class accent breaking the silence, as he recited part of the article from memory; "In case of war, conscription due to external dangers or an immediate threat to national security, or if there breaks out an armed insurrection with the purpose of overthrowing the polity, the Senate, following its decision, which is to be taken following a proposition by the government or the Sovereign, puts into effect, over the entire country or part thereof, the law for the state of siege, establishes extraordinary courts and suspends of the entirety or part of the provisions of articles 5 paragraph 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12 paragraph 1 to 4, 14, 19, 22 paragraph 3, 23, 96, paragraph 4 and 97. The Sovereign shall sign, seal and publish the decision of the Senate. With the Senate's decision, the duration of the enforced measures is set, which may not exceed fifteen days."

A short silence succeeded the reading out of Article 48's first paragraph, if only to allow for a short ponderance of what was being proposed.

"The Armed Forces, the Imperial Intelligence Service and the Imperial Police will handle controling the fallout from your appointment of the new government and will enforce the State of Siege when the time comes," the Emperor said; "Since Lord Chalkondyles is the only valid candidate for Prime Minister currently in attendance, I think it is clear whom We wish you to appoint to leading Our government, Excellency."

"It is, Your Majesty."

The dagger which had been sharpened while the Parliamentary establishment of Propontis was eaten its own guts out was finally ready to strike. And yet, contrary to what the President had been told, it would not necessarily strike once.
 

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Propontis, Theme of Phryxaea
21/6/1957, 12:00 AM


The headquarters of the Imperial Intelligence Service (VYP) were housed in a rather expansive complex of buildings, located a mere block from the waterfront of the Old Port of Propontis, in the historic city centre. The buildings were constructed in ornate Propontine Neo-Baroque, an architectural style mixing traditional Propontine Architecture with revived elements of the West's Baroque, during the late 19th century modernisation of the Empire. Originally, only two of the buildings had served to house Imperial security forces, one housing a police detention centre and the other housing the headquarters of the then infamous Arche Angeliaphoron (lit. "Messengers' Authority"), one of the secret police and espionage forces that was later merged into the equally infamous Vasilike Asphaleia ("Imperial Security"), before being de jure abolished in 1956, its duties being taken over by new sections the Imperial Intelligence Service and Imperial Police, many of which were rather similar in their organisation and staffing to the Vasilike Asphaleia. As time had passed, the entire complex of six buildings was gradually taken over by the Imperial Intelligence Service's joint HQ for both the capital region and all of the Empire, with complete control being officially established in 1956.

Within the heavily guarded and sombre confines of the Asphaleia Complex, whose interior and exterior were equally lavish and gloomy, the men and women of the VYP worked day and night on all sorts of legal and illegal activities, the likes of which men such as the President of the Senate often thought of as necessary evils, of which the less they knew the easier they could sleep at night. Indeed, one would not be entirely wrong to call the VYP the largest and only form of weaponised sociopathy in human history, for one would find it rather hard to get a sane man to design, let alone act out, all of the VYP's operations and projects. The building at the corner of Leophoros Agoras Valentiou and Leophoros Megalou Doukos, two avenues named after the Forum of Valentian and the Megas Doux, respectively, officially designated as Building No. 4 of the complex, housed the branch of the VYP responsible for the capital region. On the fourth floor of that building, at about the centre of the building, the Director of the Operations Department of the Capital Zone Section of the VYP, awaited word from the Great Palace of Propontis, to relay the go-ahead to the General Staff of National Defence. Precisely five minutes after midnight, on the 21st of June, 1957, the go-ahead from the Great Palace came.

The go-ahead itself meant that, as per Article 48 of the Imperial Constitution, the Senate had voted to put the Empire under a State of Siege for fifteen days, and that the Emperor had signed, sealed and published the decree in question, as had been agreed between the Great Palace and the Senate. However, unbeknownst to the President of the Senate, who now lay in a hospital bed in Saint George's Military Hospital, the Emperor had also sent a signal to both the VYP and to Empire's military leadership, putting Plan PYTHIA into effect. The plan, named after the Pelasgian word for oracle, had been designed to deal with a Communist, Republican or other hostile takeover of power in Propontis (though there was a particular focus on countering such an action from the left), enacting martial law across the country and releasing the military from civilian control, essentially giving the Armed Forces free reign to control the entire country without answering to civilian leadership or any external authority. As the Emperor was the de jure (and de facto, in Attalos' case) head of the Armed Forces, that placed him in absolute control of the nation. As the President of the Senate would have never agreed to this, there had been plans to neutralise him, but the fanaticism of one particular parliamentarian had removed all need for them.

Immediately after the signal was given, the armed forces began seizing control of vital points across the capital. The very first points seized were the buildings of major broadcasting networks, especially the Imperial Radio and Television Foundation (VIRT), which were taken over by men of the special forces moving in military jeeps in small groups, as the sight of isolated military vehicles was far from uncommon in Propontis, especially in the city centre. Similar movements were made in other major imperial cities, the capital of each Theme being the first target of military operations. Communications hubs, such as telephone centres, were also seized. After the Empire's broadcasting and communications were under the military's firm control, larger groups of soldiers, support by armoured vehicles and tanks rolled into the city, taking control of strategic roads, crossroads, bridges, canals, railway stations, airports, docks and vital positions across the capital. Ministries, headquarters of political parties, the Hippodrome, the Forum of Valentian itself (which housed both the Senate and National Assembly), the Areopagus (Supreme Court) and countless other important buildings and landmarks found themselves surrounded by military forces and anybody perceived of being able and willing to lead a resistance against the Imperial authorities summarily detained. The Imperial War Navy positioned a number of its warships on alongside the coastline of cities such as Propontis and Therme, while in some cases its special forces and several Imperial Marine Corps detachments (which were returning from southern Eiffelland) were used to seize control of important locations.

In the provinces, the Imperial Police, especially the Special Constables, as well as some of the Armed Defensive Militia (or Civil Guard) Detachments, the right-wing volunteer element of the National Guard also found themselves deployed to solidify Imperial control of various locations, the latter mostly acting after the coup was announced on the radio and television.

With the exception of the leader of the Progressive People's Party, who had resisted the soldiers who were detaining him and been lightly wounded by the buttstock of a rifle, the coup was essentially bloodless and completely unexpected, with most of the Propontine political elite not expecting such radical action from the Imperial-Military deep state. The Senators who had voted in favour of Article 48 were particularly shocked upon discovering that they had been surrounded by armed troops and that Martial Law (not just a State of Siege) was in effect across the Empire, as the Emperor was free to use the emergency powers outlined in the Imperial Prerogative sections of the Constitution to bring such a state into effect during a State of Siege. Within a few hours, the Crowned Democracy of Pelasgia had been stabbed in the back by the same blade that was supposed to protect it. For now, it had been replaced by the rule of one, supported by the fear of the bayonet; what was to follow remained to bee seen...
 

Pelasgia

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Sep 30, 2014
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4,279
Location
Athens, Greece
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Demos
Akroterium, Chandax, Diocese of the Archipelago
7/9/1957


Soft and cool was the breeze that blew over Akroterium as the summer, having nominally come to an end, was slowly but steadily dragging itself to its actual terminus, the temperature having barely just dropped to under twenty degrees as the sun set on the great isle of Chandax. Petros Tzanetakes once more walked the streets of Akroterium with impunity; the great outlaw clans, the antinomoi phatries, which would have previously competed for his hide in a quite literal manner, were now all but exterminated. Indeed, in the few months which had elapsed since the passage of the new constitution, the Emperor had delivered on his promises of stability, security, prosperity and development with terrifying efficiency.


The streets of Akroterium and the other Chandacian cities which were once crowded by those loyal to the clans now found themselves beating under the rhythmic march of the boots of the Empire’s constables, the men of the Vasilike Politarcheia (sometimes anglicised as Imperial Politarchy and other times simply translated as Imperial Constabulary). The constabulary in question had been founded to take over policing duties of the Empire's rural, volatile and non-core areas from the Special Constables of the Imperial Police, being organised, stuffed and used in more or less the same way as the all-too recently defunct Imperial Gendarmerie. It was these men who had dragged Georgios Phlamoulakes, the leader of Chandax’s last major outlaw clan, from his bed in the dead of night, carried him through his once unassailable home village of Gordeion and taken him to Chandax, were a special military tribunal swiftly and mercilessly sentenced him to die by firing squad a week later. Though one might expect the semi-legendary brigands and criminals of Chandax to have then broken into the local barracks of the Constabulary and to have smuggled him out, nothing of the sort happened. On August 21[SUP]st[/SUP], 1957, Georgios Phlamoulakes was shot dead by a squad of Pelasgian soldiers at dawn; with him, died what remained of Old Chandax.


Indeed, in those few months that had passed since the July Events, the Iouliana, (known to those who were directly opposed to the new Pelasgian regime as the 'July Coup'), a great part of Old Pelasgia had withered and died. "Pelasgia," the new Prime Minister, Lord Chalkondyles of Syra, would remark, "is like a Phoenix. She has stood for millennia and shall stand for millennia more, immortal, unwavering, awesome and splendid. But for its splendour to be maintained, Pelasgia, like any other Phoenix, must be reborn from its ashes. And ashes need a fire." And a fire there was.


The fire that had run through the barrels of those that shot Phlamoulakes and thousands lime him. The fire that burned the illegal, heretical translations of the Good Book by a certain Edessine “reformist” who had been convicted of translating and distributing the Holy Bible in demotic Pelasgian without the Orthodox Church’s permission and Lord knows how many other such books, banned under obscure subclauses in a country nominally permitting free speech. The fire that burned in the engines of the warships patrolling Tephanon to put down any rebellion and in the engines that powered her industry, the likes of which multiplied across the country, free of concerns of such things as strikes, high taxes and environmental oversight.


Tzanetakes could not help but silently remark how the once omnipotent and almighty Orthodox Church now saw itself reduced to a mere tool at the hands of the Emperor; the Ecumenical Patriarch, the Patriarch of Edessa, the Patriarch of Hiersolyma and all the other Church Fathers were sidelined. Though they had always been de jure servants of the Emperor in religious matters, they had now been sidelined to such a degree that their servitude and secondary nature was apparent and de facto patently true. The Church was once more centered around the Sole Representative of God on Europe, not quite unlike the Imperial Cult of Old Tibur. To be a good Christian was to be a good Subject; unless one were the Emperor of course, in which case being a good Christian meant being a firm, infallible ruler.


In a way, the new "Constitutional Monarchy" (which had dropped the term "Parliamentary" from its self-description altogether, so as to showcase that though a Parliament was extant it was far from central or dominant in the matters of the Pelasgian polity) was the herald of an authoritarianism more potent and more perfect than the old Militarist Junta could have ever hoped to achieve. For the old Junta was a military revolt contra imperatorem, whereas the new Constitutional Monarchy was a well-masked and institutionally legitimised putsch pro imperatore et ex imperatoris. More importantly, for all its flirting with the systems of countries such as Ivernia and even with new and radical ideas from within, the Junta was a reactionary regime masked as a fascist totality. The July Regime (also known as the July Monarchy) was, for all its pretense of a reactionary wish to preserve Pelasgia as it was, a reformist and even 'progressive' movement (in its own, twisted way), not clearly or demonstrably fascist or even corporatist, but well on its way there, given enough time and justifications.


That State of Steel which Professor Ioannides had lambasted in his Brienne Award-winning book had disappeared in appearance only. Indeed, the reforms of Sophokles Krevatas, that man who had hoped and tried to turn Pelasgia in a new direction and would have very well have done so, had it not been for his sudden and unfortunate death, had not done much to actually uproot that state from the corridors and crevices of the edifice that was the Pelasgian polity. Thus, as soon as Krevatas, the man who would have quite possibly done away with the Monarchy altogether and steered Pelasgia to a new direction, for better or for worse, drew his last breath, the elements of that state sprung back into action. Entrenched firmly from the military and the security services to the senate and even the law of the land itself, the elements of the State of Steel jumped back out from their foxholes, fixed their bayonets and charged at what was left of Pelasgian democracy, stabbing it mercilessly, and once again with the sanction of the law and the formal institutions. Krevatas, for all his faults, was not to blame; he had tried to compromise with the illiberal right, which he hated as much as it hated him, to deal with the threat of the left first and then outflank his former allies before they outflanked him. But he could not have anticipated such an early death, and thus left the pieces of the old regime in the hands of an Emperor and an establishment more than willing to use them, undoing his life’s work in a heartbeat. From their undoing his work had ended up being the castle in which they fortified themselves. The people, too, were unchanged; the moderate urban middles classes and elements of the upper classes might have roared as they liked, but Attalos knew how to play a the mob, and play them he did, so much so that they chained themselves and gave him the key, all in exchange for a vote to formalise his acts and a slice of bread.


The failure of the urban elites to win over the Pelsgian populace was, just like in the 1920s, the undoing of the semi-oligarchic democratic Crowned Republic which they had laboured so hard to build. It would then take generations until they had another chance at it. In the meantime, one could only hope that they would learn from their mistakes.


Tzanetakes's train of thought was interrupted as he nearly walked into a street lamp, realising he was outside his half-collapsed house. He had now gotten himself the lavish house of one of the former phatriarchs, but had decided to visit the old ruin just to see what had become of his former residence in his absence. He ignored the insults sprayed and painted all over the walls of the building, or what remained of them, smiling as he thought that those who wrote them were dead or entirely powerless to act on their threats. The thought of how he climbed from that building up to his current place as top dog in the Pelasgian underworld amused him, so much so that a wretched and horrid grin was painted across his face.


It mattered not; as the saying went in Tiburia, "many have loved treason, but few have loved the traitor." With time, his end would come, as horribly or pathetically as those of those whom he had now surpassed. He was, after all, on top of what remained of a tower that the July Monarchy was determined to demolish, and he too would soon be brought down with it. Deep down, he knew it. Alas, his ego would just not let him admit that the one thing he had somehow "achieved" in his wretched life was but an illusion; that would be his undoing. He spat on the ruins of his old house, turned around and started walking back to his newly claimed luxury residence. It would be there that he would dine for the last time, his poison-induced death being proclaimed "of unknown causes" as the Constabulary threw his body into an unmarked ditch (for nobody would pay for his funeral or grave) and made way for whatever wealthy industrialist had now decided to buy the old house of the late phatriarch.
 
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Pelasgia

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Joined
Sep 30, 2014
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Location
Athens, Greece
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Elenonisos, Diocese of Aethyia
20/9/1957


The barren, rocky coast of the western shore of Elenonisos was a truly desolate place. Composed of solid, reddish rocks, which towered above the surface of the sea, the isle stood close enough to the shores of the Pelasgian mainland that a man standing on the Aethyian coast could clearly see the reddish, lifeless skull of an island, with occasional patches of scarce barely green foliage standing out here and there. As for those damned to the islet named after the hated Helen of Ilium that land of plenty, of rest and of freedom which stood across from them was one half of their punishment: to look at home, at their loved ones, at the very prospect of a day or an hour under a shade of those olive trees without the fear of the guards and yet to know that they could never make it there, even if they were to all jump into the water and swim to freedom - bearing that truth was heavier than bearing their cross, their chains.

On the very top of that skull of an isle stood its barren peak, right below which, near the southern shore of the Elenonisos and across from a naval base on the mainland, was a Temple which dwarfed the Acropolis of Anthene and the Hagia Pronoia of Propontis. This temple was built of the finest local marble, complemented by the only other material which could withstand the boiling heat: firebrick. The temple lacked much of the needless ornamentation of its Anthenean and Propontine counterparts, settling for the general imitation of a baroque style befitting what was, officially, a prison, a hospital and a barracks. It lacked a God too, that needless theological figment of the human imagination which served to instill dignity, morality and hope in people, inspiring in them a fortitude wholly incompatible with the very purpose of Elenonisos’ forced and artificial settlement. There was a little chapel at a certain distance away from the other three parts of the building complex, for those constant torment was an excuse for neither tormentor nor tormented to fail to participate in the sacraments of the official state religion.

One might wonder, then, in what way the temple of the Elenonisos High Security Correctional Facility, the Imperial Elenonisos Service Hospital and the Barracks of the 12 ½ Imperial Constabulary Battalion surpassed the other two temples mentioned above, for they were inferior both in terms of architecture and of worship. The answer would of course be found in the innumerable offerings and sacrifices made there on a near constant basis. The blood of those who had breathed their last on Elenonisos after toiling there for years on end, as well as that of those who had perished in building new gaols for their own imprisonment on top of the old ones in every period of Pelasgian history since antiquity was quite the offering. The sweat of all those miserable figures was yet another unique offering. As for prayers, one could hear plenty of those, especially when the guards came at night or even at random moments of the day, and took men from their cells, their work groups, the hospital bed and from anywhere else, at any time, and brought them to the basement of the administrative section of the prison, a place where every prisoner left a part of himself and his humanity.

Of the eight thousand or so inmates found at the prison at any one time, one could not hope to predict their offences. Certainly, they were almost entirely ideological in nature, but the official reason given for the shipping or re-shipping of an Elenonisos islander (as the men referred to themselves) to the isle of Helen varied starkly from man to man. Some men, such as Theophrastos Zambakis, an independent unionist from Melingia, had been sent to the island for "failing to comply with the instructions [of the Imperial authorities]"; the instructions in question referred to the parole terms imposed on the man following a conviction for "incitement to public insurrection" after openly promoting a strike in solidarity with the workers of a nearby aircraft factory who had been conscripted and put back to work due to 'being part of a critical industry'. Others, such as PKP leader Dr. Vartholomaios Lymperopoulos knew precisely why they were on the island.

Fate really was cruel: to have raised a man to a position where, in all legality and normality, he could expect to see himself become Prime Minister, and to then tear him down, destroy all that he worked for and ship him off to a place like Elenonisos to live out the rest of his days in toil, until his back broke from years of breaking rocks. The island in question was the very island where the storm that had brought about the fall of the Komnenian dynasty and the succeeding events had started, and yet Dr. Lymperopoulos had no way of knowing that; perhaps even fate saw fit to be merciful at times.

As he lay in his bed at his cell, across from a Jew who had been arrested for protesting the Semitic Migration Decree at the Temple Mount of Hiersolyma and an excommunicated clergyman who had refused to accept the new Emperor’s changes in the function, operation, structure and doctrine of the Church, and had called his local flock to resist them, the Doctor tried to relax from a day of painting the red firebricks of the prison with white lime in the scorching sun, and then walking halfway across the island to a marble quarry, Vartholomaios remarked at the absolute silence of the prison at that time. One could even hear the large waves of the channel between Elenonisos and Aethyia crushing into the rocky coast of the former, or the salty winds screeching by the prison walls.

In the bunk under him was a Haydian separatist, who barely spoke Pelasgian as he came from a remote village on the mountainous border between the Themes of Opsicia and Mopsia. He had shut his eyes and turned himself towards the wall, away from the dim light at the centre of the square-shaped cell block, on the second floor of which his cell was located. Vartholomaios merely stared at the ceiling above, counting what faint elements of its cracks he could distinguish with the dimmest of light rays that made to his eyes, not from inside the prison but from outside, from the Moon.

Suddenly, he heard the dim sound of footsteps getting louder and louder. The footsteps stopped momentarily, being interrupted by the sounds of a metal door opening, and then continued all the way to the bottom floor of the cell block. A few very faint whispers could be made out for a few seconds, and then the walking continued, with an added pair of boots. It stopped right outside his cell, the door opening shortly thereafter.

"Wake up," a voice shouted; "It was you who broke the pipes, wasn’t it? We’re going for a trip to the basement!"

Vartholomaios looked in awe as they grabbed the Haydian and dragged him out the cell. He tried shouting that he knew of nothing about any pipes in his broken Pelasgian, but that seemed to make little if any difference to the guards.

"He broke no pipes," the Jew remarked; "Not that it matters to them anyway."

"My God," Vartholomaios exclaimed, "why would they do such a thing?"

"Because they can,†the old Priest replied; "To a man who views his fellow men as beasts, evil doesn't need a reason or a purpose: it is both in and of its
elf."
 
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