The Common Hammer

Discussion in 'The World Stage' started by Kadikistani Union, Jun 24, 2019.

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  1. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

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    Socialist Oblast of Vretsk
    Socialist Republic of Belgarsk

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    It was the crack of dawn, the rising sun beautifully casting its light through the illustrious All-People's Palace in the city of Belgarsk. The latter being the 3rd largest city in the Kadikistani Union and the mythical birthplace of the Kadik ethnic group. Economically the city itself was flourishing, more so than the two existing metropoles Ivar and Rurikgrad. This was due to the city's proximity to the Belgarsk Key Economic Region, with investors from Pelasgia to Virumaa and from Eiffelland to Serenierre gratefully exploiting the region's natural resources. The need for skilled-workers had only increased over the years, drawing many from the impoverished country-side. Ever since the Special Economic Zone had been created these foreign companies, enjoying various incentives from the Kadikistani state, had invested heavily in the local education of workers rather than importing their own.

    This meant that over the past few decades an economic middle class was born and growing steadily. Educated and financially better of than the average Kadikistani given the lucrative contracts in the Special Zones. While this trend had been taking place across the country and mainly in the major cities with Belgarsk it was the most outspoken. That was the image of the Kadikistani Union that the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Workers' Party wanted to portray to their guests, a beast of industry and a wealthy obedient people. A different image was available in the neighbourhoods were most workers still toiled in the state-run factories and mines, but the heavy industry looked impressive enough from a distance and there was no need for their guests to see what was hidden under their shadow.

    Second Secretary of the Central Committee Vujadin Mihajlovic was the one waiting for the delegation of the People's Republic of Ostmark in front of the All-People's Palace. His personal staff were overseeing the final preparations for the arrival of their guests which was promising to be surrounded by grandeur. Once arriving at the international airport their guests were welcomed by the military orchestra playing both national anthems, starting with that of Ostmark. As they would exit the plane and walk over the red carpet towards their ZR-5 luxury transport, they'd be flanked by a saluting military guard in ceremonial uniform every 1.5 metres. Under an impressive motorcycle escort the Ostmark delegation would take such a route to the Palace that the most impressive architectural pearls and the most power-projecting industrial fields would be seen from their blinded bulletproof windows.

    People had been rallied to cheer on the convoy of motorcycles and luxury cars when it got closer to its destination. Party members had been spreading small flags for the spectators, making sure there was an equal distribution of both. The same went for government buildings and other flagpoles where for the occasion the Ostmark flag flanked that of the Union and the Belgarsk Socialist Republic. All of this was meant to charm the representatives from their north-western neighbours and show them the respect that it was truly considered to deserve.

    The Kadikistani Union had maintained cordial relation with the People's Republic ever since the national-syndicalist regime of Horst Grasser took power. The Union had been a long-term supplier of energy sources such as petroleum and natural gas along with various other resources, while importing a fair share of the Ostmarkian luxury industries that stemmed from before the era of national-syndicalism. But besides being trusted economic and modest political partners there was a joint realization that there was much more potential to be found in even closer cooperation.

    Mihajlovic was informed that the convoy was arriving soon, he took one last look over his notes and then turned his gaze to the eastern street corner from which the column would appear every second.
     
  2. Ostmark

    Ostmark Well-Known Member

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    The relations between Ostmark and Kadikistan consisted so far in sporadic diplomatic dispatches, generic trade agreements to regulate tariffs and rational import/export of goods. Most of the times, these deals have been handled by ordinary functionaries of the countries' respective foreign offices. Despite sharing many aspects both in ideology and economy with Kadikistan, Horst Grasser always refrained from approaching the neighboring giant, probably out of fear and the typical stigma that Ostmarkians put on cooperation with foreigners.

    The self-imposed isolation of Kadikistan only fueled Ostmark's paranoia ever since the Long Sea crisis and the involvement of the Anti-State in Germania's political landscape, and when the invitation to Belgarsk reached the office of the People's Chancellor, Grasser accepted it without the slightest hesitation.



    The airliner bearing the iconic red Hammer and Sword finally touched down. Horst was visibly surprised by the grandeur displayed by the welcome party and the participation of the local population. From time to time he waves to the spectators on both sides of the road, even tho he was unsure if they could see him.

    For the first time in his short career as People's Chancellor he perceived the same spirit of camaraderie that characterizes the new society and way of life that he and his National-Syndicalist People's Party have implemented back in Ostmark. The city of Balgarsk itself is a testament to decades of implementation of marxism-leninovist economic theories, he thinks, and he can only hope for National-Syndicalism to reach at least half of the longevity, and the success, of the marxist-leninovist system.

    Once the motorcade had reached the All-People's Palace, Horst stepped out the ZR-5 and observed the monumental size of the building. Kadikistan is indeed geographically overwhelming, but that building itself was at least ten times the size of the Palace of the People's Republic in Wien. The People's Chancellor is known to be a very pragmatic person. Someone who always holds a solid grip on reality and implements logic in all of his reasoning. All the clues indicated him that there was no better political, economic, social, cultural, and military ally than Kadikistan.

    Followed by the functionaries of the People's Government and a translator, he finally met Second Secretary Mihajlovic. Horst was visibly happy, smiling, as if he had waited for this moment for a very long time.

    The photographers rushed to capture the historic moment as Horst Grasser firmly shook hands with the Second Secretary "Kamerad Mihajlovic, it is a pleasure to be here. The city of Belgarsk is truly a monument to the achievements of the revolution and the united will of the working classes. I bring you the greetings of the national working classes of Ostmark and the National-Syndicalist People's Party."
     
    Last edited: Jun 24, 2019
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  3. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

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    The dedication with which every detail of this meeting had been thoroughly prepared had seemingly paid off. At least until now there were no major glitches in the organization with only one ceremonial guard to be put under review for wearing a slightly damaged pair of leather gloves while saluting the foreign leader. Such mistakes no doubt unnoticed by the guests, but spotted by their commander like a red flag for a bull. Second Secretary Mihajlovic smiled kindly as the Ostmarkian leader greeted him while praising the city of Belgarsk and the Kadikistani socialist achievements. "Tovarich People's Chancellor, it is truly one of the greatest honours in my career to welcome you here in this glorious city. The name Horst Grasser is praised in our Union as a true hero of the proletariat and a friend of our people...", Mihajlovic continued with the pleasantries for another minute before gesturing the Ostmarkian delegations up the stairs of the massive building, turning around on the red carpet half way up the stairs to shake Grasser's hand in front of the gathered press before going inside through the main gate.

    From there they reached the welcoming hall of the All-People's Palace were the servants and guards awaited them in the proper formation and guided the entourage towards the meeting room. The building itself was a bombastic legacy of the 'Glorious Leader' Nikolai Leninov himself. The latter saw socialist classicism as the architectural standard for some of the most expensive building projects meant to demonstrate Kadikistan's international prestige. Such projects were liquidated by the rationalisations preformed by the Committee for Justice and the Rejuvenation of Socialism after Leninov's death in 1957. The main reason being that while these prestige projects looked great from the outside and played their part in Kadikistan's power-projection, they were also so bombastically huge that many of the rooms remained permanently empty while the maintenance cost was enormous. Unknown to the guests or anyone else that didn't need to know was that most of the floors above them and those in the two eastern wings were empty, poorly-maintained and even used as storage facilities. Some of the rooms and halls heading towards the grand meeting room had been renovated just for the occasion, subtle yet present perfumes being used to cover up the smells of the renovations such as fresh paint.

    Chatting all the way to the meeting hall both Grasser and Mihajlovic stopped in front of the large engraved oaken doors with golden handles. The Second Secretary gently placed his hand on Grassers shoulder and spoke informally one last time before the meeting began. "Here we are, First Secretary Sergei Moravscik is inside. If there is anything you need to make your stay here more comfortable do not hesitate to ask after the meeting. ", Mihajlovic said with a smirk before signalling the guard at the door to open up. When the door opened one could see a large solid wooden table with the All-Union and Ostmark Coat of Arms engraved into it on both sides. Behind every royal, gold encrusted chair was a servant. On the head of the Kadikistani side of the table Moravscik was standing up. His old age hadn't allowed him to welcome Grasser on the airport or at the entrance. In fact his servants standing right besides him helped him get up of his seat right before his Ostmarkian counterpart entered the illustrious meeting room, his legs held up by a supporting apparatus camouflaged in the pants of the overly decorated Marshall uniform. After greeting Grasser, Moravscik anxiously waited for the People's Chancellor to sit down so he could do the same a second after out of courtesy, followed by the rest of the entourage. With everyone seated, the decadent chandeliers catching the eyes of the guests, Moravscik's main Adjutant looked modestly relieved. The worst case scenario for him would have been that Moravscik had somehow fell, not having stood up for months, and would fall defenceless on the ground with no ability to get up by his own strength. Being held responsible for something like this would get you a bullet, if you're lucky.

    While some more pleasantries were exchanged between Moravscik and Grasser the refreshments of their choosing was placed before them. The meeting could finally begin. Moravscik would start with a broad enough statement from which he would be able to derive the direction that Ostmark wanted to go while also providing some insight into their intentions. "We are faced with common enemies with many different faces, Tovarich. I hope that after this meeting both our fine nations can come closer together, to preserve our independence and further emancipate the working class. "
     
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  4. Ostmark

    Ostmark Well-Known Member

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    The differences between the All-People's Palace in Belgarsk and the Palace of the People's Republic in Wien are insurmountable. The Palast der Volksrepublik, previously serving as Ostmark's stock exchange, is nothing but a renovated building, refurbished and furnished with second-hand tables, chairs and embellishments found here and there in Ostmark's national museums. Yet the building serves as the headquarter of Ostmark's political life, the beating heart of the National-Syndicalist regime. The semi-autharchic economic policies of Ostmark are fully on display in its main hall, where the walls are completely empty. When the representatives of Kadikistan will visit Wien, Horst will have to figure out a way to give Ostmark an image of prosperity and abudance of goods and materials.

    The People's Chancellor seems confused by the perfection put in place by the organizers of this meeting. He constantly asking the translator to brief him on what is going to happen next and what sorts of protocol he is expected to follow, and make the meeting proceed as expected. His aides and functionaries, most of them being former employees of the pre-revolutionary government of Ostmark, are well aware that Horst Grasser has never been educated as a politician, or as head of government whatsoever. His background as welder in a car factory helped him to project on ostmarkians an image of "Man of the people", someone who comes from the proletariat, the working class, someone who can easily understand the needs and the worries of ordinary citizens.

    The Ostmarkian delegation finally reaches the meeting hall and Grasser immediatly walks towards First Secretary Moravscik to greet him. After the formal pleasantries, he takes a seat as indicated by his translator. A weird silence took over the huge room after the words of the first secretary. A few seconds later, Horst finally formulates his answer "

    "When Ostmark ousted the capitalist oppressors who strangled our people and sold our sovereignty to the capitalist lobbies of Europe, we didn't know what the future was holding for us. I solemnly pledged to defend Ostmark against all the enemies of the working class, from within, but also from without, and i since then dedicate my life and my efforts, by the power given to me by the sovereign national working clases, to the well being and the prosperity of Ostmark and its almost six million inhabitants" Horst takes a short pause to allow the translator to deliver his words to the first secretary and the other members of his entourage "I've never been open to any sort of compromise with my detractors. Ostmark will never negotiate its commitment to the liberation of the working class, not now, not in a thousand years. Not even for the sake of peace or good neighborly relations. We are not willing to amend our values or vanish our efforts to accomodate certain hostile lobbies that can be described with no other word but sharks." after another pause, he continues his speech "I promised the mothers and the fathers of Ostmark that their children will never starve and never freeze again, whatever the cost is, whatever the consequences will be. National-Syndicalism and Marxism-Leninovism have some differences, in aspects mostly related to theorical ideological works, and sometimes in the way similar concepts are implement into reality. But the People's Republic of Ostmark will always consider itself as Germania's only Workers' and Farmers' state, and the People's Republic of Ostmark and its National-Syndicalist system shares the same noble goal of Marxism-Leninovism: the liberation of the working class to secure a future of progress, equality and justice for our children, and our children's children. Our respective countries and peoples can form an ever-closer bond, that is the revolutionary bond that unites all the working classes of Europe." concluded the People's Chancellor.
     
  5. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

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    First Secretary Moravscik took a sip from his drink while Grasser was making his first statement. The Kadikistani delegation experienced it as more of a propaganda speech than a welcoming. Stating that his nation saw itself as the only true proletarian nation in Germania was something that was difficult to swallow by many sitting on the Kadikistani side of the table. Several eyebrows frowned as the translator got to that part of Grassers speech. The Kadikistani Union and the men representing it during this meeting considered themselves as the true emancipators of the working class, especially within what they considered their periphery. They held themselves responsible for the emancipation of not only the various Kadikistani people's, but also former-Trivodnia, Milesia, Calidia, Crotobaltislavonia and Virumaa. While striving towards this goal the Union had buried an uncountable number of sons and daughters and such a sacrifice was never forgotten or minimized. Regardless it was clear to the Kadikistani delegation that the Ostmarkian leader was not a trained diplomat. In Grasser's defence there weren't many diplomats in Europe that really knew how to talk to Kadikistani brass. That was disciplined with respect, loyal to your word, never mentioning sensitive subjects and indeed you couldn't go wrong with some modest flattering.

    Regardless there was a lot of positive sentiment toward Ostmark and their leader on the Kadikistani side of the table. Moravscik even recognized a bit of his mentor, Marko Leninov, in Grasser: a cold and calculated man, but with a talent for fiery speeches. Once again pragmatism prevailed over ideology and Grasser was silently absolved. The First Secretary was quick to respond once Grasser was done, Mihajlovic to his left lighting a cigarette causing a chain reaction with the other smokers on the table and much to the agony of the nicotine addicted guards. "Indeed, Tovarich. It are nations such as ours that have liberated themselves and must guide other to do the same whenever we can and if the socio-economical climate is adequate." Moravscik said calmly with his scarred deep voice. His adjutant offered him a cigarette of his own which he declined with a small hand gesture. Being 94 years of age while living the life he led had already cost him one lung transplant amongst various other death-postponing surgeries and it wasn't like he had treated his new pair any better. He still smoked, but could no longer do it while talking. Either way with the two men on his flanks indulging themselves he would join passively regardless of the silent ventilation system.

    Moravscik proceeded with some more concrete suggestions. "Alas the current reality is that outside of the progressive continents of Germania and Sarmatia such adequacy is nearly impossible to find. To ensure the future of class struggle and the emancipation of the proletariat we must first make sure that our own achievements are protected. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of the Kadikistani Union do not serve the same purpose of the armies of the treacherous West, it defends the popular socialist accomplishments instead of the imperialist desires of the elite. As you know that is why we uphold a Military Priority Policy and in its wake managed not only to secure socialism at home, but also abroad.", Moravscik stopped for a second and signalled his Adjutant for a cigarette anyway, he just couldn't resist.

    Once lighted and after a visibly relieving exhale the First Secretary continued while the other members of the Kadikistani delegation did their very best to subtly show their admiration for their notorious leader. "Seeing the common goals and many similarities between our two great states we wish to share with you the military advancements that we have made in defence of the working class. We can assist with the modernization of the Ostmarkian military. As an old Kadikistani poverb goes 'a unit is only as strong as its weakest member'. We regard it as another effort towards the emancipated workers and farmers, but more so as a sign of increased friendship between our two nations. That is also why this deal will not drain your budgets while over the years Ostmark will become modern fortress. With our assistance even a nation of 6 million can become a force to be reckoned with.", Moravscik became more bold every passing sentence while servants handed the Ostmarkians some documents with very lucrative military deals, "Naturally we can also play a more active role in deterring the capitalist West from threatening your sovereignty.", Moravscik resumed his cigarette and awaited for a response hoping that his message had come across.
     
  6. Ostmark

    Ostmark Well-Known Member

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    Grasser carefully listened to the words of the First Secretary. He could only imagine how far the man could see, politically and ideologically, considering his age and the countless events, wars and continental upheavals he witnessed in the span of almost a century. The Volkskanzler couldn't stop visualizing the map of Ostmark in the south-eastern corner of Germania in his mind, and considered over and over the geographical and political position of his small nation, strangled between three political blocs and unable to defend itself against any foreign threat.

    The best of his propaganda efforts couldn't hide the fact that Ostmark's People's Defense Force operated 40 years old mechanized and armored vehicles, ill-maintained and obsolete aircrafts. The navy itself was barely sea-worthy and unlikely ready for a real combat situation. The men and women of the People's Defense Force would have sacrificed their life to defend Ostmark's sovereignty and the revolution, he thought to himself, but the operational capacities were severely crippled by decades of cuts to military spending and the frequent decommissioning of old and rusty equipment.

    "..für den schutz der arbeiter und bauern macht" said Horst to himself. The translator quickly delivered his words to the kadikistani "For the protection of workers' and farmers' power, it is the motto of Ostmark's People's Defense Force". "But our main battle tank, the Kobra-86, is almost 35 years old" continued Horst "The Bremmer-76, our fighter jet, hasn't been updated since 1982...". The Volkskanzler was reading the documents as he commented on the harsh reality of Ostmark's armed forces.

    Ostmark had many interests to accept such deals, given the impossibility to invest large sums of money for the modernization of its military. When Moravscik mentioned a 'more active role' in deterring a foreign aggression against Ostmark, he immediatly understood what it meant. Kadikistani military bases on Ostmark's soil, on Eiffelland's doorstep, and an inevitable deterioration of the Ostmark-Eiffelland diplomatic relations. He raised his eyes from the documents and noticed how Moravscik was eagerly waiting for an answer.

    In his speeches, Grasser always spoke in defense of peace. He also pointed out, in several occasions, that there are some people in Europe who don't want it, and that Ostmark will defend its territorial integrity as far as humanely possible. 'Never again a mother shall mourn her son in woe', say the lyrics of 'Risen from Ruins', the national anthem of the People's Republic of Ostmark. But it never implied that Ostmark shouldn't stand ready to defend itself in case of a foreign aggression, or that it should passively accept the growth of hostile forces around it and never react accordingly.

    "We are not aware of imminent threats to our sovereignty, but such threats can manifest themselves very quickly and when we would less expect them. The pirate navies of the stateless entities of the Far East and the Far North are already sailing the waters of the Long Sea. They have maintained their presence for a while now, and we are disturbed by the endorsements and legitimacy they have recently received from the nations of Gallia and Germania. When the Anti-State threatened war against the Aurarian Republic, Ostmark expelled their ambassador, and the ambassador of the Commonwealth of Pohjanmaa. When Ostmark proposed the creation of a joint task-force to fight piracy in the Long Sea, old rivalries reemerged and vanished my effort" said Horst.

    "Nobody has the moral authority to say that Ostmark is not committed to world peace and to the stability of Germania. What i had proposed after the first escalation of piracy was a joint effort of Gallian and Germanian nations, against a common, foreign threat. This joint effort is now becoming a reality under the yoke of the same pirates i openly denounced". It was clear that Horst Grasser never really accepted the failure of the Long Sea Cooperation Initiative, but he knew exactly why they failed in the first place

    "This suggests me that some people in Europe do not want peace, and it is my precise duty to do everything in my power to guarantee the well being, and the safeguard of the People's Republic. The deals proposed by the Kadikistani Union are clearly in the interest of the People's Republic of Ostmark and its workers, their families and their children. The defense of the fatherland is a sacred duty of every citizen and worker, and the People's Defense Force is ready to streghten cooperation with the glorious Revolutionary Army of Kadikistan to further improve the defensive strenght of our military, which truly represents the united will of the workers and farmers of Ostmark". Moreso, Horst realized that considering all his efforts to create a fragile yet useful form of unity amongst the many actors of Gallia and Germania and leaving him with no other choice but to look elsewhere, the People's Republic of Ostmark had automatically obtained all the political rights to streghten the relationship with its neighboring eastern giant. After all, Kadikistan never asked Ostmark to entangle itself in a military conflict it could not sustain. On the contrary, it offered Grasser the only and most plausible guarantee of sovereignty against a foreign aggression.
     
  7. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

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    There was a clear atmosphere of mutual understanding in the decadent Meeting Room of the even more decadent All-People's Palace. The First Secretary bended forward and extinguished his cigarette before responding. "We share your analysis, regretful as it may be. In this increasingly belligerent world we must protect ourselves and the future of our children before anything else. If we neglect our defence, we neglect everything.", Moravscik said echoing the sentiments of his esteemed counterpart. The Ostmarkian delegation was given some time to review the documents in front of them. General Ulad Statkadjev, a middle-aged man small in stature, but praised as a war hero in the Rurikgrad Pact for his role during the 7 Days War, had his part to play. As a combat expert he could offer his experience to accommodate the letters and digits on the documents. For the next 30 minutes he reviewed several models, taking the liberty of highlighting a specialized selection fitting the defensive needs and specific conditions of the People's Republic. One of these heavier models was the T-84 main battle tank, but also Vrtska-9 artillery with a range of 60 km with rocket-assisted projectile. These and a few dozen others were also conveniently the ones that the Kadikistani Union could grant Ostmark for prices that almost seemed like dumping.

    The latter was the result of the relatively short, but intense mass-production that took place in the weeks before, during and the troubling months following the 7 Days War. The Revolutionary Armed Forces had a surplus of a wide range of military hardware from assault rifles to anti-air systems. Rather than stockpiling this surplus the Kadikistani government hoped to reduce the economic cost of the mass production. The hardware itself was purchased for a price that covered the production and transportation costs, but the deal also included maintenance contracts from 4 to 8 years. Besides maintenance the deal also included exclusivity contracts concerning spare-parts, ammunition and fuel reserves. In short term this would inject some finances into the Kadikistani economy, not having to bear the costs of maintaining, while breaking even on the production costs and recovering on the contracts.

    Regardless of Ostmark's ability to gain modern military equipment on a relatively short term, their biggest gains from this deal was on the long-term. Kadikistani military personnel from every branch of the Revolutionary Armed Forces would advise and train their Ostmarkian counterparts to learn how to use and maintain their new equipment. Once the contracts expired Ostmark would be perfectly equipped to preform these duties themselves. Should Grasser and his entourage desire it the Kadikistani regime was even willing to sell blueprints and know-how so that Ostmark could in time produce their own variants of Kadikistani military hardware. After General Statkadjev had given the Ostmarkians a more in-depth look into the proposal and after another 20 minutes of technical questions coming from the National-Syndicalist side this part of the meeting was wrapped up. Grasser and his entourage were given some time to reflect on the content of this deal before making a definitive decision.

    Moravscik took the floor again. It was time for the second part of the deal to be made concrete. "Let our strengthened comradeship not display itself only in the field. With the utmost respect for the ferocity of the Ostmarkian united fist, the ultimate deterrent against potential foreign invaders is an outspoken close-friendship between our two great nations. Our All-Union government is willing to guarantee the independence of the People's Republic of Ostmark. Valuing in the strongest way the sovereignty of Ostmark we suggest solidifying our friendship with a mutual-defence agreement. One step away from an alliance, but with respect for the differences between us and sworn to the protection of the working class be it attacked in the Kadikistani Union or Ostmark." Moravscik leaned back, signalling his Adjutant for a drink.
     
  8. Ostmark

    Ostmark Well-Known Member

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    Grasser and his entourage read through the documents and the datasheets of Kadikistani military hardwares. Their reactions and comments suggested the hardwares offered to the People's Republic of Ostmark were much appreciated, and represented a big step forward for the technological level of the People's Defense Force. Ostmark's precarious balance in energy and resources represents a huge obstacle for the production of domestically produced tanks and rifles. The entire armaments and equipments of the People's Defense Force were or are part of a small surplus gathered in the 1980's, before the budget cuts, and decades before the default of the national economy. Regardless, the maintenance cost for the new equipments would be covered by the decommissioning of the obsolete ones, with much joy for the companies involved in the sale of scrap metal.

    The Ostmarkian delegation appeared to be satisfied by the Kadikistani offer, but the pride of the small south-eastern germanian nation came to the surface when the Volkskanzler offered something in return "We are surprised by this act of generosity. We had no doubt on the good intentions of the Kadikistani Union, but we must admit that refusing this offer would be completely illogical and against our interest" said Horst "Your advisor, experts and technicians will need quarters and adequate infrastructures, and coincidently enough we have quite a few military installations available for this purpose. They will need to be refurbished as most of them lay in a state of decay after many years of neglection and abandonment, but i am sure the People's Labour Service can restore at least one of them to an acceptable state in a couple months, maybe less. Would Kadikistan consider the deployment of strategic assets in said military infrastructures, to further improve reactional capabilities in case of attack?".

    Never, during his short career as People's Chancellor, Horst had imagined he would have invited Kadikistan to move troops, tanks and airplanes on the territory of the People's Republic of Ostmark. He realized it was a move to save national-syndicalist Ostmark from a much feared aggression by the post-delegationist bloc, from the harsh sanctions imposed by the latter and the political and military isolation that was pushing his country in a corner. Nobody in his entourage ever criticized his social and economic policies, which brought tangible improvements in the quality of life of his citizens, but worries about an ultimatum reaching the People's Republic of Ostmark were becoming widespread amongst government members and the Partei's nomenklatura. Horst had no other choice but to accept. He did so out of a genuine belief that the Kadikistan did not consider Ostmark as a bullwark of ideological heresy, but as a country that deserved recognition and respect after all it went through during the infamous Days of Sorrow.

    "Signing a mutual-defense pact, aswell as a guarantee of sovereignty by the Kadikistani Union, will undoubtely alleviate Ostmark from the international pressures we have been facing in the past months. A few months ago the People's Government was forced to increase its defense budget after the Long Sea escalations. It was decided with immense regret, because that money had been allocated to improve the living conditions of the citizens of Ostmark and the construction of new residential neighborhoods to accomodate the poor and the unemployed. Draining money from such endeavour must have been one of the hardest choices, so far" Grasser said with a tone of resentment. After all, Ostmark's commitment to peace and stability made Grasser believe that despite his flambolyant ideology and the controversial decrees and reforms implemented by his administration, Ostmark had no reason to increase its military budget out of fear of a military attack. He was clearly proven wrong when the navy of the Anti-State pressured the Aurarian Republic with an ultimatum, pushing the Long Sea and the whole region one inch closer to a continental war.

    "Regardless, we accept your mutual-defense pact offer, and we do so to preserve peace, to preserve the sovereignty and integrity of the People's Republic of Ostmark, of the Kadikistani Union, of the rights and the achievements of the working class, and to further give echo to the People's Republic of Ostmark's desire for peace and stability in the region. Our neighbors will understand". Horst felt immediatly relieved, and after his last words he exhaled as if he couldn't hold it anymore.
     
  9. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

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    All-People's Palace
    Belgarsk SR


    It was no surprise that while all men sitting at the Kadikistani side of the table kept their composure they were very glad with the progress that had been made so far. Within the first hours of the meeting it had been decided that the Kadikistani Union would modernize the Ostmarkian military with a mutually beneficial deal. A second deal was more outward in nature and was bound to send a clear message throughout the world; a mutual defence agreement between the People's Republic of Ostmark and the People's Federative Socialist Republic of Kadikistan was a fact. While committing themselves to the independence and protection of Ostmark, Ivar let its rivals know that its role Germania was not yet played out. A much needed diplomatic victory after the Crotobaltislavonian government publicly humiliated the Kadikistani Union a few days ago. While scores with the traitors in Banja Luka still needing to be settled today there was room for celebration in honour of a historic pact.

    With a dominant culture determining that men showing emotions are weak there was often little to derive from the face of a Kadikistani male. Regardless Moravscik and Mihajlovic could not help but show a smile when Grasser decided to discuss a permanent Kadikistani military presence in Ostmark. The number one and two of the Kadikistani Union respectively both had a deep resentment for the Kingdom of Eiffelland and the prospect of them responding to Kadikistani military facilities in a neighbouring country caused them much inner joy. Despite their personal pleasure it did objectively solidify the positions of both nations significantly. The alliance of reactionaries and adventurists would not have to make any more illusions for themselves concerning Ostmark. What was perhaps the final reflex of the Eiffellandian politics of grandeur by trying to gain a foothold in Ostmark was in shambles.

    The Kadikistani delegation praised the Ostmarkian regime and its esteemed leader for their efforts in the Long Sea and their victories for the working class. Moravscik personally commended Grasser for his role in the Long Sea Cooperation Initiative. Some well deserved credits were given to a respected statesman. The flattery would help create a mood for a more detailed negotiation concerning the strategic placement of Kadikistani military personnel in the People's Republic. Preparing for every scenario, including very positive requests coming from their guests, the Kadikistani delegation was ready to anticipate. In coordination with specialist bureaus and commissions the Central Committee had come up a detailed defence plan. Expert on the matter Admiral Dimitri Niktov grabbed the attention of the table with his deep authoritarian voice. A voice that felt intimidating despite the respectful and courteous nature of his words.

    Niktov and the Kadikistani delegation would propose a military presence of four branches of the Revolutionary Armed Forces. The Kadikistani Air Force would dispatch a modified 31st Mixed Aviation Division, which included one bomber regiment, containing five squadrons of twelve aircraft's, in all accounting for 60 bombers plus crew. The bomber regiment would serve as a first means of retaliation should Ostmark come under attack. To defend the skies of the People's Republic itself there were two fighter regiments in the 31st, each with four aviation squadrons of fifteen aircraft's with Wasp-27 as the bulk. They would becoming the first barrier along with the Anti-Air and Anti-Missile systems for anyone trying to contest Ostmarkian airspace. It was also significant enough so it could assist in retaliations in an early phase of combat. Last of the regiments belonging to the 31st was a reconnaissance regiment with four squadrons of 12 aircraft's. These would gather intel and were the only regiment who's activity rate would differ little from war to peace time.

    On the ground the 8th Tank Division, holding a very strong heavy artillery detachment and state-of-the-art AA systems was proposed as a prime candidate to aid in the territorial defence of the People's Republic. There would be no clearer message to the West than a tank division standing at the border, the psychological effect was not to be underestimated. Leaving it to Grasser and his entourage to decide there was also the possibility of adding another Motor Rifle Division as support for the 8th Tankers and the Ostmarkian forces. Last but not least a Naval facility in the autonomous southern islands was also deemed as an opportunity to better defend Ostmarkian territorial waters while also solidifying Kadikistani naval presence in the region. The Kadikistani's were anxious to see how far their western neighbours were willing to go.
     
  10. Ostmark

    Ostmark Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 18, 2018
    Messages:
    335
    Capital:
    Wien
    Nick:
    The Wise Leader
    ALL-PEOPLE'S PALACE
    BELGARSK SR

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    Who would have challenged Grasser's rule, with a Kadikistani tank division guarding the border and bomber squadrons deployed all over the country, risking a devastating retaliation from the world's strongest superpower? The Volkskanzler once again gathered around his aides and functionaries to analyze and discuss the Kadikistani proposals. His opposers in Ostmark were shattered and cornered. All the surveys and investigations of the State Security Service provided him positive reports on the inconditionate support he received from the overwhelming majority of the population. Now, with the open endorsement from the Union, even his detractors outside Ostmark will have to reconsider their plans.

    The Ostmarkian delegation placed a map of Ostmark on the table, highlighting all possible locations for kadikistani military infrastructures. Grasser granted his Kadikistani counterparts the privilege to decide where and what assets should have been deployed, he even offered to build brand new army, naval and airforce bases at Ostmark's expenses to better meet the needs and requests of Admiral Niktov. The Ostmarkians agreed on the deployment of the navy at the naval base of Sudinsel, the archipelago off the coast of Ostmark, between Germania and Himyar, aknowledging its strategic importance in the strait between the Long Sea and the Hamar Sea. With the Ostmarkian navy in Wien and the Kadikistani navy in Sudinsel, the defense of the national waters and the coastline would have reached an optimal level and deterred ab attack on Ostmarkian military and civilian vessels.

    Horst Grasser did not care about the diplomatic consequences with the nations of Germania, out of a genuine belief that his country never engaged or threatened hostile actions against its neighbors. He owed nothing to the west, he said to himself. Regardless of what other countries might say, he knew that this mutual-defense pact treaty, and all it brought with it, had to be signed in the interest of Ostmark. Kadikistan surely had good reasons to offer such good terms for its small south-western neighbor, aware of Ostmark's precarious economic conditions. But as opposed to Crotobaltislavonia and Polesia, Ostmark had lived over 150 years of peace according to the doctrine of armed neutrality.

    Ostmark's infrastructures were not crumbling, not anymore at least, the people were fed, public services were up and running, and there was no risk for Kadikistan to entangle itself in a perpetual financial aid programme. Probably for the first time, Kadikistan was dealing with a country that liberated itself from the yoke of capitalist exploitation without its direct intervention, even tho rumors suggest that prior to his involvement in the ostmarkian political scene, Grasser had studied for several years the works of Leninov and the economic and political system of the Union, only to readapt it the National-Syndicalist variant, sometimes known as Grasserismus.
     
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  11. Kadikistani Union

    Kadikistani Union Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 2, 2006
    Messages:
    2,620
    Location:
    Belgium
    Capital:
    Ivar
    Nick:
    Spelev
    All-People's Palace
    Belgarsk SR


    Both Horst Grasser and Sergej Moravscik could return to their respective capitals bearing great news. A mutually beneficial military deal that would modernize almost the entire Ostmarkian armed forces, a mutual-defence agreement between the two nations, Kadikistani military bases on the border with the West and some economic deals in the margins. For both leaders an their entourages it was a great day indeed. But the end of the meeting didn't mean the end of Grasser's first state visit to the Kadikistani Union. After having lunch, during which a small army of cooks prepared a wide variety of both the Ostmarkian an various Kadikistani dishes, the two head-of-state embarked the centre of a convoy that would take them on a personalized tour both in Belgarsk and the surrounding areas. While the leaders were out sight-seeing the rest of the entourages stayed behind in the All-People's Palace to work out the details of the various arrangements.

    Grasser and Mihajlovic briefly visited various sites in the course of 6 hours; the local tank factories to the east, the steel factories besides that, the nearly fully constructed planned new neighbourhood, a grand statue of Nikolai Leninov in the city centre and the impressive power-plant on the periphery. The media of both nations and even some international news agencies had been mobilized to document every second of this historic meeting. At scheduled moments the two leaders took a few minutes to address the gathered press at every site. They would talk freely about every part of this meeting except for the Kadikistani divisions that would install themselves in the People's Republic of Ostmark. Both delegations had agreed that this specific part of the self-described 'Belgarsk Pact' was better left unsaid until the point when the divisions were actually there or at least until they were discovered by rival espionage.

    By the time for dinner the pair of leaders reunited with their respective entourages, the latter having prepared the agreements and fleshed out the details of the accords. All Grasser and Moravscik still needed to do was sign what the Kadikistani state-media would call the 'Belgarsk Pact' and once again they did so under heavy media attention. With Moravscik's damaged retinas he was temporary blinded by the flashes of the photographers, good that he simply had to stand still so the world would never know. A small movement with his thumb signalled his adjutant that he needed some subtle guiding, Moravscik obviously preparing for every scenario as a Kadikistani always does. The dinner itself made the lunch look like a poor man's meal. The abundance was over the top, the Kadikistani's still trying their very hardest to export the image of wealth and plentifulness.

    Both leaders had gotten to know each other, the start of what no doubt would become a notorious friendship. Knowing a man like Horst Grasser would always prefer to sleep in his fatherland the state visit was ended shortly after desert with a trip back to the airport and eventually a good night sleep in their own beds. Unlike the two leaders the propaganda machines would not sleep.
     

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