Pelasgia
Established Nation
Propontis, Pelasgia
03/03/2022 | 09:00
Stylianos Ploumidis always had a soft spot for the Politburo Building. Built in the purest of Propontine marble, its pale silhouette stood amid the large palatial gardens that surrounded it like an ancient sculptor's masterpiece. In all aspects, the old Palace of the Crown Prince was exemplary of traditional Propontine architecture: the colonnade that surrounded the main compound, connecting it with various wings and adjoining buildings, was decidedly of the ancient Pelasgian style, incorporating the a tile roof with corners in the shapes of anthemia and griffons; the main building also had plentiful Corinthian pillars on its balcony and facade, demonstrating the transition to Tiburan and medieval Propontine architecture; moreover, its sharply angled roof extended beyond the body of the building, a feature that had been developped in Pelasgia in the late medieval to early modern period (most likely under Moorish or Far Eastern influence). The metal window frames and doors of the palace incorporated elements from every period, but were unmistakably Pelasgian. The same was true of the building's interior: mosaics, columns and pillasters, internal courtyards, small windows and spacious rooms all combined to create the most quintessential of Propontine interiors. Seen as a whole, the edifice was an emblem of everything non-Gallo-Germanian and unique about the mainly northern Himyari nation.
Walking through the ornate halls of the Politburo Building, right at the heart of the Central Government Compound, Ploumidis paused to examine the furniture and decorations of the room adjoining the main meeting hall. Richly designed wooden tables, chairs, and cabinets, all with ornamental carvings of birds, floral patterns, and, most prominently, double headed eagles were methodically and symmetrically organised around the internal fireplaces, courtyard spaces, and atop the rich carpets of the room. Silken curtains and cloth pieces, all made from indigenous Pelasgian silk (the techniques and insects for which had been smuggled into the country from the Far East centuries ago) completed the set, while bountiful internal lighting compensated for the relatively scant sunlight of a nation whose days were long and often hot. It was the loud salute of one of the guards, an officer of the Revolutionary Guard's elite Special Protection Regiment, that reminded Ploumidis to knock on the door before entering.
"Comrade Premier," said an grey old man, with fierce, dark brown eyes and a pitch-black mustache that contrasted well with his all-white hair. "You've finally decided to join us."
"Apologies, Comrade Chairman," replied Ploumidis. "I was delayed due to a conference call with the Foreign Minister and Comrade Antoniou of our E.F. delegation. It appears that the Reactionaries from Kremlyov have decided to derail the Bourdignian crisis for their own benefit."
"I have been briefed on the matter, Comrade," Chairman Ioannis Drakos answered in turn. "Please, take a seat."
Ploumidis nodded and scanned the table with the half-a-dozen-or-so attendees, as if he did not know where his assigned spot was to be: between Chairman Drakos and the Deputy Premier, Andreas Vasiliadis (who was also the Procurator General). Around them were the Finance Minister, Theodoros Papadopoulos; the Defence Minister, General Alexios Ioannopoulos; the Director General of the Pelasgian People's Secret Service (Krypteia/PLK), General Petros Alexandridis; and the Chairman of the People's Assembly, Aristeidis Ophiotelis. The members, then, of the Central Political Bureau or "Politburo" of the Socialist Workers' Party of Pelasgia (SEKP)--Pelasgia's de facto highest organ of government, for which even the Council of State and the People's Assembly were but mere rubber-stamps.
Taking his seat Ploumidis heard the sound of a notification on everyone's phones: The Tarusans were to establish control over Sankta Katherina by force, in the name of their Csegian client state.
"We will deal with the creeping intercontinental metastasis of Gallo-Germanian reaction and monarcho-fascism in due time, comrades," Chairman Drakos proclaimed. "For now, let us focus on the matter at hand: the 104th National Congress of SEKP. It is, as you all know, but a week away." Drakos paused to clear his throat before continuing, ensuring everyone's attention. "As you all well know, comrades, I am, as of November of last year, over eighty years old. It is inevitable, comrades, that I shall soon depart this world; the only reason I have not retired is to avoid friction with whoever my successor is to be, or the impression that he is merely a frontman and not fully in control. The leadership of the Party, the State, and Army is one, and it must be clear and undisputed, both to those within and without. Therefore, let us not hide behind false pretenses like a bunch of bourgeois man-whores or aristocratic courtesans: we are here to choose my successor."
The men assembled around the room traded glances, at once demarkating the factions assembled: Papadopoulos (Finance) and Ploumidis (Premier) were the Reformers, the liberalizing forces who wished for Pelasgia's economy and political system to become as open as possible; Ioannopoulos (Defence) and Alexandridis (Krypteia) were the Militarists, the men who wished for a strong military and strategic dominance over Pelasgia's immediate region at all costs; Ophiotelis (People's Assembly) and Vasiliadis (Deputy Premier/Proc. Gen.) were the Hardliners, the men who still espoused statism-socialism and wished for as much stability and as little reform to the system as possible. All three groups had conflicting interests and views, but none had a majority on the Politburo (or in the Pelasgian State as a whole, for that matter). It was the Chairman, Drakos, himself a hybrid of the Reformers and Militarists who had come to be known as the Pragmatists, who held the deciding vote, and whose personification of an alliance between the two blocs had allowed them nearly unfettered control over the People's Republic for the last fifty or so years. It was not a coincidence that Drakos had not retired--the Hardliners, wounded and sidelined over so many decades, had waited patiently as they were gradually removed from the "deep state" of Pelasgian intelligence, diplomacy, bureaucracy, and military-industry, growing increasingly frustrated at their marginalisation by a National Bolshevist party that was increasingly anything but communist. They awaited for a chance to strike--but they knew they never could, so long as Drakos was alive and in control. But with his death drawing near, they smelt blood in the water.
"I believe that it is time for change to ensure stability," said Vasiliadis, stunning everyone. "We have spent the last fifty years reforming and liberalising Pelasgia, certainly with great result, but also leading to much instability. We must consolidate the gains of the Socialist System and the Revolution, and we must make sure that Pelasgia remains Red. For that purpose, someone with in the party, within its long-established structures, within the political core of the governing institutions of the State, must take over--someone such as myself."
Vasiliadis had been made Deputy Premier as concession to the Hardliners--yet it was abundantly clear to everyone that that would no longer be enough. They were aiming straight for the top. General Ioannopoulos, a military man who had been trained to respond readily to aggressive action, took to the field at once. "Regardless of change or progress, what is paramount is that Pelasgia remains strong. Only a leader who can focus on that end and achieve it can lead Pelasgia--a leader who is committed to using reform and stability as need be. Military leadership has served Pelasgia and the Party well, which is why I recommend that it continue. I nominate myself."
Ioannopoulos had made his point clear: the Military and the Krypteia would side with whichever of the other two factions won--and, in exchange for playing kingmaker, they would seek to maintain their seat at the top. It was a tough play, but one that could succeed--and if it did not get them the Chairmanship, it would at least get them a host of other concessions instead. Ploumidis knew that he had no choice but to join the fray. "Reform has taken Pelasgia from the status of a nation on the brink of starvation due isolation and embargo by capitalist powers, and it has turned her into a mighty powerhouse, the likes of which the capitalists of the world bow down before. Just the other day, the Justosians had no chance but to recognise the legitimacy of our Revolutionary State at the mere insinuation that we would cut them off from our prosperity. This, comrades, is what fortifying the Socialist State, the National Bolshevist programme, is really like. And this is the policy that I have pursued as Premier, under the leadership of Comrade Chairman Drakos, for some twenty years now. It is this policy, Comrades, which took us from a country dependent on copying decades-old foreign assault rifle designs into one producing state-of-the-art, long-range strategic weapons and nuclear submarines whose might is renowned and feared the world over. And it is this policy, Comrades, which I aim to pursue--if and when I am elected as Chairman of SEKP. I therefore nominate myself."
The three contenders traded stares; Ioannopoulos was calm and stern, knowing that he did not need to win the Chairmanship to come out with his head high and his faction's position strengthened. The other two, however, Vasiliadis and Ploumidis, had burning fire of enmity within their eyes. They knew all would well that,
Chairman Drakos coughed and loudly placed his hands on the table to stand, just short of slamming them--he was a massive man with the height and shoulders of a veritable Atlas, so that took little effort. "Very well, comrades. It is settled then: we have our candidates. If there is anything else of urgency to discuss, we can see to it tomorrow at the Council of State meeting. Now I must bring this meeting to a close, because I have to meet with His All-Holiness, Ecumenical Patriarch Basil V. The Church, you see, has some input on our new educational curriculum--which I presume to be a convenient excuse for them to negotiate the parameters of their collaboration with whoever my successor turns out to be; following which I have to see to certain arrangements for my coming meeting with a certain El Presidente. I hear that the man parties like an animal, so, for all we know, he might very well be the death of me, our Comrade from @San Jose."
Laughter followed the Chairman's statement. Yet, deep underneath it all, the true sound was that of knives being sharpened. Pelasgian politics, from the days of the Emperors to those of the Reds, was nothing but a bloodbath in waiting, a game of thrones, a perpetual cold civil war, ready to spring into action at any moment. The days of the coming National Congress would determine whether the peaceful transition of power established some fifty years ago would hold--or whether Propontis' streets would run red with blood once again, as one winning faction purged its opponents.
03/03/2022 | 09:00
Stylianos Ploumidis always had a soft spot for the Politburo Building. Built in the purest of Propontine marble, its pale silhouette stood amid the large palatial gardens that surrounded it like an ancient sculptor's masterpiece. In all aspects, the old Palace of the Crown Prince was exemplary of traditional Propontine architecture: the colonnade that surrounded the main compound, connecting it with various wings and adjoining buildings, was decidedly of the ancient Pelasgian style, incorporating the a tile roof with corners in the shapes of anthemia and griffons; the main building also had plentiful Corinthian pillars on its balcony and facade, demonstrating the transition to Tiburan and medieval Propontine architecture; moreover, its sharply angled roof extended beyond the body of the building, a feature that had been developped in Pelasgia in the late medieval to early modern period (most likely under Moorish or Far Eastern influence). The metal window frames and doors of the palace incorporated elements from every period, but were unmistakably Pelasgian. The same was true of the building's interior: mosaics, columns and pillasters, internal courtyards, small windows and spacious rooms all combined to create the most quintessential of Propontine interiors. Seen as a whole, the edifice was an emblem of everything non-Gallo-Germanian and unique about the mainly northern Himyari nation.
Walking through the ornate halls of the Politburo Building, right at the heart of the Central Government Compound, Ploumidis paused to examine the furniture and decorations of the room adjoining the main meeting hall. Richly designed wooden tables, chairs, and cabinets, all with ornamental carvings of birds, floral patterns, and, most prominently, double headed eagles were methodically and symmetrically organised around the internal fireplaces, courtyard spaces, and atop the rich carpets of the room. Silken curtains and cloth pieces, all made from indigenous Pelasgian silk (the techniques and insects for which had been smuggled into the country from the Far East centuries ago) completed the set, while bountiful internal lighting compensated for the relatively scant sunlight of a nation whose days were long and often hot. It was the loud salute of one of the guards, an officer of the Revolutionary Guard's elite Special Protection Regiment, that reminded Ploumidis to knock on the door before entering.
"Comrade Premier," said an grey old man, with fierce, dark brown eyes and a pitch-black mustache that contrasted well with his all-white hair. "You've finally decided to join us."
"Apologies, Comrade Chairman," replied Ploumidis. "I was delayed due to a conference call with the Foreign Minister and Comrade Antoniou of our E.F. delegation. It appears that the Reactionaries from Kremlyov have decided to derail the Bourdignian crisis for their own benefit."
"I have been briefed on the matter, Comrade," Chairman Ioannis Drakos answered in turn. "Please, take a seat."
Ploumidis nodded and scanned the table with the half-a-dozen-or-so attendees, as if he did not know where his assigned spot was to be: between Chairman Drakos and the Deputy Premier, Andreas Vasiliadis (who was also the Procurator General). Around them were the Finance Minister, Theodoros Papadopoulos; the Defence Minister, General Alexios Ioannopoulos; the Director General of the Pelasgian People's Secret Service (Krypteia/PLK), General Petros Alexandridis; and the Chairman of the People's Assembly, Aristeidis Ophiotelis. The members, then, of the Central Political Bureau or "Politburo" of the Socialist Workers' Party of Pelasgia (SEKP)--Pelasgia's de facto highest organ of government, for which even the Council of State and the People's Assembly were but mere rubber-stamps.
Taking his seat Ploumidis heard the sound of a notification on everyone's phones: The Tarusans were to establish control over Sankta Katherina by force, in the name of their Csegian client state.
"We will deal with the creeping intercontinental metastasis of Gallo-Germanian reaction and monarcho-fascism in due time, comrades," Chairman Drakos proclaimed. "For now, let us focus on the matter at hand: the 104th National Congress of SEKP. It is, as you all know, but a week away." Drakos paused to clear his throat before continuing, ensuring everyone's attention. "As you all well know, comrades, I am, as of November of last year, over eighty years old. It is inevitable, comrades, that I shall soon depart this world; the only reason I have not retired is to avoid friction with whoever my successor is to be, or the impression that he is merely a frontman and not fully in control. The leadership of the Party, the State, and Army is one, and it must be clear and undisputed, both to those within and without. Therefore, let us not hide behind false pretenses like a bunch of bourgeois man-whores or aristocratic courtesans: we are here to choose my successor."
The men assembled around the room traded glances, at once demarkating the factions assembled: Papadopoulos (Finance) and Ploumidis (Premier) were the Reformers, the liberalizing forces who wished for Pelasgia's economy and political system to become as open as possible; Ioannopoulos (Defence) and Alexandridis (Krypteia) were the Militarists, the men who wished for a strong military and strategic dominance over Pelasgia's immediate region at all costs; Ophiotelis (People's Assembly) and Vasiliadis (Deputy Premier/Proc. Gen.) were the Hardliners, the men who still espoused statism-socialism and wished for as much stability and as little reform to the system as possible. All three groups had conflicting interests and views, but none had a majority on the Politburo (or in the Pelasgian State as a whole, for that matter). It was the Chairman, Drakos, himself a hybrid of the Reformers and Militarists who had come to be known as the Pragmatists, who held the deciding vote, and whose personification of an alliance between the two blocs had allowed them nearly unfettered control over the People's Republic for the last fifty or so years. It was not a coincidence that Drakos had not retired--the Hardliners, wounded and sidelined over so many decades, had waited patiently as they were gradually removed from the "deep state" of Pelasgian intelligence, diplomacy, bureaucracy, and military-industry, growing increasingly frustrated at their marginalisation by a National Bolshevist party that was increasingly anything but communist. They awaited for a chance to strike--but they knew they never could, so long as Drakos was alive and in control. But with his death drawing near, they smelt blood in the water.
"I believe that it is time for change to ensure stability," said Vasiliadis, stunning everyone. "We have spent the last fifty years reforming and liberalising Pelasgia, certainly with great result, but also leading to much instability. We must consolidate the gains of the Socialist System and the Revolution, and we must make sure that Pelasgia remains Red. For that purpose, someone with in the party, within its long-established structures, within the political core of the governing institutions of the State, must take over--someone such as myself."
Vasiliadis had been made Deputy Premier as concession to the Hardliners--yet it was abundantly clear to everyone that that would no longer be enough. They were aiming straight for the top. General Ioannopoulos, a military man who had been trained to respond readily to aggressive action, took to the field at once. "Regardless of change or progress, what is paramount is that Pelasgia remains strong. Only a leader who can focus on that end and achieve it can lead Pelasgia--a leader who is committed to using reform and stability as need be. Military leadership has served Pelasgia and the Party well, which is why I recommend that it continue. I nominate myself."
Ioannopoulos had made his point clear: the Military and the Krypteia would side with whichever of the other two factions won--and, in exchange for playing kingmaker, they would seek to maintain their seat at the top. It was a tough play, but one that could succeed--and if it did not get them the Chairmanship, it would at least get them a host of other concessions instead. Ploumidis knew that he had no choice but to join the fray. "Reform has taken Pelasgia from the status of a nation on the brink of starvation due isolation and embargo by capitalist powers, and it has turned her into a mighty powerhouse, the likes of which the capitalists of the world bow down before. Just the other day, the Justosians had no chance but to recognise the legitimacy of our Revolutionary State at the mere insinuation that we would cut them off from our prosperity. This, comrades, is what fortifying the Socialist State, the National Bolshevist programme, is really like. And this is the policy that I have pursued as Premier, under the leadership of Comrade Chairman Drakos, for some twenty years now. It is this policy, Comrades, which took us from a country dependent on copying decades-old foreign assault rifle designs into one producing state-of-the-art, long-range strategic weapons and nuclear submarines whose might is renowned and feared the world over. And it is this policy, Comrades, which I aim to pursue--if and when I am elected as Chairman of SEKP. I therefore nominate myself."
The three contenders traded stares; Ioannopoulos was calm and stern, knowing that he did not need to win the Chairmanship to come out with his head high and his faction's position strengthened. The other two, however, Vasiliadis and Ploumidis, had burning fire of enmity within their eyes. They knew all would well that,
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Chairman Drakos coughed and loudly placed his hands on the table to stand, just short of slamming them--he was a massive man with the height and shoulders of a veritable Atlas, so that took little effort. "Very well, comrades. It is settled then: we have our candidates. If there is anything else of urgency to discuss, we can see to it tomorrow at the Council of State meeting. Now I must bring this meeting to a close, because I have to meet with His All-Holiness, Ecumenical Patriarch Basil V. The Church, you see, has some input on our new educational curriculum--which I presume to be a convenient excuse for them to negotiate the parameters of their collaboration with whoever my successor turns out to be; following which I have to see to certain arrangements for my coming meeting with a certain El Presidente. I hear that the man parties like an animal, so, for all we know, he might very well be the death of me, our Comrade from @San Jose."
Laughter followed the Chairman's statement. Yet, deep underneath it all, the true sound was that of knives being sharpened. Pelasgian politics, from the days of the Emperors to those of the Reds, was nothing but a bloodbath in waiting, a game of thrones, a perpetual cold civil war, ready to spring into action at any moment. The days of the coming National Congress would determine whether the peaceful transition of power established some fifty years ago would hold--or whether Propontis' streets would run red with blood once again, as one winning faction purged its opponents.