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The International Military Exhibition - Sidra, Hajr

Beautancus

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The discussion at the Cassiopeian Consulate the previous evening had been rather lively- as raucous as nearly any other meeting amongst such powerful, and utterly self-important men was in the Most Serene Commonwealth. Working their way through a full carton of cigarettes, and just shy of a full gallon of whiskey, the three "primary" delegates that would be representing Cassiopeia and her interests at the IMEX had been given a virtual blank check in regards to going about conducting business in Hajr. With two major corporations (and a great deal more subsidiaries), and what was supposed to be a mostly impartial government commission represented around that table at the Consulate, it was only to be expected that things turned out the way they did. One of those corporate reps had ended up knocked out- with a rather nasty black eye- and the other had ended up with a rather serious threat handed down upon him- by the government man, who was if nothing else, to be taken as seriously as any man that had ever had the power to claim a life.

And so it was, that when Mikołaj Pac, Assistant-Commissioner of the Cassiopeian National Defense Force's Quality Control and Oversight Commission, Absalom Tsiyon, youngest son of the CEO and of Ajnenkiel-Seburo Arms now to be known for his strong right hook, and Feliks Kiszka of Branicki Lotnictwa (Branicki Aviation)- who had not thought he would be the chief representative for his company, but was determined to make the most of this chance to shine- set out for East Sidra Air-Force Base, assured that all of their hardware had already been transported and was prepared for inspection by his Majesty, the Sultan.

The main body of their cumulative "presentation" involved Ajnenkiel-Seburo Ułan 3 model MBT's, great hulking beasts that had been in service with the Cassiopeian National Defense Force since the mid 1990's, and had seen a number of developments and modifications since then, with the U-3b, and U-3c models on display here today. Though The U-3 had been originally designed and produced by the now defunct Balanjar Armory, Ajnenkiel-Seburo Arms had purchased the rights to that design in total, and were already promising to turn out a new modification- which they would be discussing with interested parties in private. There were also two APC's on display alongside the U-3's, not quite as large, and based upon the chassis of the U-2. One was modified for anti-armor capabilities, and the other for anti-air.

Ajnenkiel-Seburo Arms was also showing off a number of artillery systems, in particular one designed with countering a massive invasion of Slavian armor in mind, and a seemingly twin anti-air system with the same foe in mind. The personnel manning that particular display were rather tight-lipped with everyone, save for the Hajris, and would remain so- but for those with some knowledge of what they were looking at, the intent and major features of the systems were rather obvious.

Ajnenkiel-Seburo was also showcasing a number of really quite new personal arms, and armor- most notably the newest iteration of the now legendary 7.62x39mm TLAK series of assault rifles and carbines- in this case, the TLAK-7. Though certainly not as cheap as the fair that the Kryobaijanis were offering, it was still a far cheaper choice- and of comparable quality- to some of the other "heavy hitter" designs. Likewise, there was a 6mm sub-machine gun, and a 9mm automatic pistol in display, all currently in use by the NDF.

Branicki was also "bringing the heat," by displaying the 4.5 gen Kanarek (Canary) multi-role fighter, the workhorse of the NADF. Precious little was known of this fighter outside of Cassiopeia, and her LFS allies, save that she had been designed to match, and best whatever that alliance's most likely enemies would be able to throw at them.

The other offering from Cassiopeia's largest aerospace company was the Husarz Ir-25, the main attack helicopter of Cassiopeia. Nearly as large as its Slavian cousin, and just as heavily armed, this vehicle was obviously designed with one thing in mind: carnage. From the eastern steppes of southern Khazaria, where it had bombed out deeply entrenched Cuman militants, to the Slavian border, where it waited for the inevitable war, its pilots secure in the knowledge that they would be ready to face whatever was thrown at them.

***

The Cassiopeian "delegation" at the IMEX had intentionally waited for both the Kryobaijanis and Slavians to make their mad-rushes upon the Sultan before deciding to approach the man themselves. It hadn't taken much effort on Pac's part to impress upon both young men the importance of this meeting- going so far as to assure Tsiyon that even his father's extensive contacts wouldn't save him- not in Himyar.

Approaching the Sultan with their best smiles, each man offered a flourishing bow, and accepted the monarch's hand with the utmost level of graciousness. Pac- perfectly fluent in Arabic if slightly unaccented, one of the foremost reasons that he'd been chosen for this assignment- spoke for all three men in saying: "Your Majesty, on behalf of the Most Serene Commonwealth of Cassiopeia, I thank you for this opportunity to visit your majestic patrimony. It is a rare occasion that a nation proves to be so hospitable to Cassiopeia's sons as has Hajr, and regardless of any contracts made here today, this fact will be long remembered in Kasjopeja."

After making his most polite introduction, Pac waited for the Sultan to make the first move into a deeper discussion, rather than attempting to force such a thing upon a foreign head of state.
 
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When the announcement of the IMEX was heard, Defence Minister Khan Noonian Singh had thought to at the most send a low level delegation from the Procurement Office just to take a look, because what kind of exhibition could the Sultanate of Hajr actually present. Now, when it turned out that nearly every major arms dealer in existance would be represented, Khan quickly changed those plans and actually decided that he himself would lead the party. With Brigadier Banda Singh Bahadur, head of the Office of Procurement, in tow, Defence Minister Singh arrived in Sidra that morning and in vehicles provided for by the Khalistan embassy, went straight from the airport to the exhibition.

Though it was hot, the Khalistani group didn't mind it too much, as it was a dry heat, and in some ways more comfortable than the humid heat back at home, but it wasn't the hot weather they had come to enjoy but what hot deals they could find on weapons of war. So it wasn't long before they heard the word going around of the EDF offering discounts on their weapons, it didn't take long for the them to find the exhibits.

EDF weapons systems were not unknown to the military of the Khalsa Raj, as they have used Mayalander equipment for decades, but, the idea to be able to also get discount from the other rest of the EDF was something that was just had to be looked into.
 

Hesperia

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While on the outskirts of Sidra the International Military Exhibition, successful beyond any of the hosts' expectations, continued, it was in the shining new tower complex just outside of the ancient city's center that the defense convention's real deals would be sealed, as far as the Hajris were concerned.

The Burj Al Taimur complex, a set of four new skyscrapers in Sidra's business district, had only been completed last year. The main tower, a giant of steel and glass rising 300 meters into the sky, contained the headquarters of the Royal Hajri Oil Company, the national oil corporation and one of the most important players in the global petroleum industry. Royal H.O.C. had graciously allowed the Diwan of Foreign Affairs to use the fiftieth and fifty-first floors to host the delegations from two nations which the Sultan and his government hoped to greatly expand ties with in the near future. Not that they had much of a choice: Royal H.O.C. was the property of the state, and the state was the property of the Sultan. If His Majesty said jump, they'd jump, by jingo.

So it was that more than two hundred meters above the streets of Sidra, Ali ibn Maktoum al-Ma'muni, the Minister Responsible for Foreign Affairs, led General Yahya al-Khoraish into the lavishly decorated fiftieth floor of 234 Sultan Faisal Road. No expense had been spared: rich Hajri carpets decorated the marble floor, seating of the finest leather money could buy was scattered throughout the room, which took up the better part of the floor, and there was even a small pond with Oikawan koi fish lazily traversing the water. A large mahogany table stood near the panoramic windows, a short distance away from the bar, which was manned by two servants and stocked to the brim with the finest liquor of the world.

The fiftieth floor had been designed and decorated to receive corporate delegations in the oil business. It would do just fine receiving delegations of diplomats, too, thought Ibn Maktoum (as the minister was known).

“General al-Khoraish,” he said, as the Anbati soldier and his delegation followed him out of the elevator, “I hope you shall enjoy our surroundings. It is our opinion that important decisions are best taken while comfortable. Please, come further.”

Passing the lounge area with its traditionally low Hajri seating and decorative rugs (the hookahs were all neatly lined up on the side), Ibn Maktoum headed for the mahogany conference table. With a flourish he gestured for the Anbatis to take a seat. “Would you like a drink?” he asked, knowing most of the men would be Christians. “We also have coffee or tea, or the milk of the noble goat or camel, if that is your preference.”

Gesturing towards the servants at the bar to take any of the Anbatis' orders, the Hajri minister took his place at the table, seated in the middle, his aides to each side. As the bartenders took care of the drinks, Ibn Maktoum folded his hands in front of him on the smooth surface. “Shall we begin the meeting, then? I shall relegate, first, a message from His Majesty: His Majesty is eager to make out of brothers, allies. The great Arab nation must unify. We cordially invite Anbat to join with us to defend the Arab lands against all invaders and oppressors. It is in that light that His Majesty proposes to sign a treaty of mutual defense and alliance between Hajr and Anbat as a result of our meeting today.”

Ibn Maktoum smiled at his guests. He was never one to mince words. Diplomatic courtesy was fine and all, but he preferred to get down to business with alacrity.
 
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His retinue of uniformed officers of the Republican Army in tow, General Yahya al-Khoraish walked - or, more correctly limped, for a wound sustained when an Islamic Formation suicide bomber had attacked his convoy in Aziz back when he'd been a Brigadier General had never quite healed - to take his seat, making a quiet grunt as the wound in his left leg reminded him of itself. Al-Khoraish stubbornly refused to wear a cane on public occasions, only walking with a limp, for he took such a gesture as a sign of weakness. And Anbati culture was not particularly appreciative towards signs of weakness, especially when one was a career officer.

The Exhibition itself had been of certain interest to al-Khoraish, even if he'd left making detailed observations on topics relevant to the Ministry of Defense and the Republican Army for junior officers and officials. However, studying the trends of foreign military industries was certainly a duty for anyone who claimed to be an expert in military affairs, and also an interesting change from the usual routines of Phezzan. He'd taken particular notice of the products of the Wieser, Belmonti, Montelimarian and Franconian arms suppliers, for they were already established and proven suppliers of foreign arms to the Anbati Republican Army.

His gold-colored General Staff beret firmly perched under the left shoulder strap of his dress uniform shirt, al-Khoraish studied the Hajri foreign minister carefully. Though some of the junior officers of his retinue were clearly taken by surprise by the boldness of Ibn Maktoum's proposal, General al-Khoraish had seen it coming. It was not exactly a secret that Al A'raf was more concerned of the Persian-dominated Islamist states of Himyar than it was about the machinations of the largely Christian Anbati government, and indeed this was what al-Khoraish would've done himself had he been had he been in a similar position.

"A fascinating proposal, indeed", the General said as he fiddled with a glass of Anbati arak that he'd had a waiter pour for him. The splendour evident in the corporate office that the Hajri hosts had booked for the occasion reminded him of his own offices in the Ministry of Defense, and he could appreciate it. Despite the origins of the Anbati people in hardy desert life, all sorts of trinkets and valuables attained from traders far away had always been signs of power and prestige for princes and chieftains, and thus wealthy Anbatis had never been much for modesty. "I can with confidence say on behalf of His Excellency the President that he's receptive towards your idea of joint measures against-"

A brief pause, for al-Khoraish was not one for fancy diplomatic talk, and almost spoke about joint measures against Islamists before remembering whom he was speaking to.

"-the populists in Kediri and Wazistan, and to advance our mutual interests in the region."
 

Hesperia

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Ibn Maktoum had not expected it to be quite as easy as this. He had not been prepared for Anbat to be as clearly willing to put aside historical grudges to work together for the pan-Arab cause as the Sultanate.

Baring his white teeth in a wide smile, he replied, "That is very good news, General. This will surely please His Majesty. Unified, we Arab brothers can begin to change the balance of power in Himyar against the demagogues and in favor of the undivided Arab nation."

He sipped from his own glass of arak (the Anbati liquor had become popular amongst the Hajri elite in the past few years) before continuing. "To business, then. Let us hammer out a general draft for the treaty between our two countries.

"The treaty between the Republic and the Sultanate we envision consists of several elements: mutual defense against any third power; military and scientific cooperation; a clause promising a gradual abolition of tariffs between our nations; and contacts between our two governments at the highest level.

"In essence, we would be signing three treaties: one establishing our military alliance, one in regards to scientific and cultural cooperation, and a free trade agreement. We would like to hear the Anbati opinion in regards to how closely our countries should cooperate."
 
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"Ahem", General al-Khoraish coughed quietly and then in an assertive, laconic tone of voice added, "Let's not get that far yet."

Truth to be told, there was another matter which President Zureiq and his brother Bashar - the head of Anbat's politically influential Ministry of Intelligence and National Security - had wanted to take up with the Hajris before any treaty was signed or discussed. Throughout the existence of the Republic Islamic separatism had been a major source of concern for every Anbati government, and more so since the Northern insurgency had manifested itself during the 1980s. The Hajris had to expect that this would come up, especially if they were aware of the General's personal history: When President Zureiq had taken over and instituted the anti-terrorist measures that had struck against the Islamic Formation and the Martyrs' Brigade of the Islamic Brotherhood, Yahya al-Khoraish had commanded the 14th Infantry Brigade which had been at the forefront of the campaign in Aziz and Subay. Up until he'd been wounded in an Islamist bombing and transferred to rear duty.

Hell, he'd had to work to overcome his personal distrust of Muslims even to sit in the same table with the Hajris. But he was rational enough to realize what Anbat's focuses should be, and he knew that as a soldier he needed to obey orders. As far as he knew, President Zureiq didn't care about Christianity or Islam as far as he could stay in power.

For Anbat to be able to work with an Islamic power, certain assurances needed to be received. Al-Khoraish guessed that the Hajris had taken this into an account before the meeting started.

"There's a certain issue related to the activities of Islamist separatists and subversives within the Republic. I'll speak frankly and state that there is suspicion that certain Islamic communities in our country that have received funding from Hajri individuals have connections with the banned Islamic Brotherhood and other militant groups. President Zureiq believes that a requirement for any cooperation must be that Hajri authorities will help us track this funding to make sure that it is not passed to subversive elements."
 
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Vikurin Industries has been one of the primary foreign providers of weapons to the Republic's armed forces for decades, in fact since the first days of the Republic after the Revolution ousted the monarchy, so Boris Ravkov and Capt. Androvich made the VI exhibit their first visit. Though they did not expect any surprises in the way of equipment offered, they were both very surprised on who the company was doing business with.

"Well, Captain. It would appear the Kryobaijanis will do business with anyone these days, even monarchists. An interesting turn of events, don't you think?"

"Da! Comrade Counselor. Indeed it is. Such a public meeting with the Franken Defence Minister should be of great interest to our superiors back home."
 

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Ibn Maktoum was unpleasantly surprised by Al-Khoraish's demand. He had just elaborated extensively on the terms of several groundbreaking treaties for the two countries to sign, treaties that meant an end to a centuries-old rivalry. Al-Khoraish had not objected at all during his monologue.

It was embarassing.

If this was such a big problem for the Anbatis, why didn't they bring it up earlier?

Over fifteen years of service in the Sultanate's diplomatic corps, however, had taught Ibn Maktoum that giving in to one's annoyances was not an option. He forced himself to keep a blank face.

"General Al-Khoraish," he began, "I assure you that the Sultanate has the same interests as Anbat does when it comes to fighting terrorism within our borders, and beyond. The threat emanating from Ijad and Karaj is as real and as dangerous to us as it is to you."

Emphasizing the role of the two Islamic Republics in the region, Ibn Maktoum hoped, would get the point across: Hajr is not to blame. Moreover, it had to contend with the threat of popular support for an Islamic revolution much like the ones that had toppled the monarchies in Wazistan and Kediri.

"It is with that in mind that we keep close track of the financial and charity activities of private organizations, in order to pre-empt any attempt by those hostile to us at funding subversion and terrorism.

"We are more than willing to share our resources with Anbati law enforcement in order to catch these criminals. However, I must remind you that the Sultanate's laws prohibit the extradition of citizens. If the Republic is willing, a fourth treaty, to regulate cooperation in matters of cross-border crime, could be signed incorporating these facts."
 

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Huseyn ibn Saad, the Sultan of Hajr, knew well that it was important for a leader to mingle at important international events. So mingle he did: IMEX was, after all, the most important public event to be hosted in the Sultanate in decades. If not ever.

His Majesty made sure he spent at least some minutes chatting (small talk, of course) with every delegation present. It would simply not do to antagonize any of them at this key moment.

Especially the Belmontiens seemed eager to converse with the monarch. They considered the Sultanate a friendly nation in Himyar, even an ally, and the Sultan had no cause to correct them at this moment.

"Tell Her Majesty that Belmont is a good friend, and give her Our most sincere regards in return," he told the man who had introduced himself as General Vuillemin. "We pray to the Most Merciful God that she may have a long reign. And of course that our transactions here may be most profitable!" The royal gaffe drew laughter all around.

A monarch to the bone, however, Sultan Huseyn was not eager to mingle amongst too many commoners too far away from the safety of his court for too long. After little more than an hour of exchanging pleasantries (and some gossip with the aristocrats present), the guests were informed that His Majesty would be withdrawing to attend to affairs of state (his harem) and that the rest of the night's program included free drinks, a live jazz band and a dance floor, and the presence of the Hajri Minister Responsible for War and several Princes of the Blood, heads of House Al Taimur's cadet branches and powerful industry moguls in their own right.

* * *​
Day 2
East Sidra Air Force Base
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The next day, IMEX continued, opening at the hangover-friendly hour of three o'clock, a time chosen to avoid the searing midday heat as well (though the air conditioning in the emptied hangars was once again working at full blast). Earlier, the hotel rooms of every delegation present had received a package, marked with the Sultan's own seal. The series of documents inside detailed to the foreign defense contractors present what it was exactly that their host was looking to purchase.

First was what the Sultanate's military leadership considered one of the most important contracts to fulfill: the modernization of the Royal Army's second echelon tanks. Bought in batches in the late seventies and early eighties under Huseyn's father Sultan Saad, they were beginning to age dramatically and needed to be upgraded. Many were the candidates capable of fulfilling this need; the Hajris wanted to see a lot from them before they made a decision.

The second memo was another major issue which Hajri generals were keen to solve: a new fighter aircraft of the latest generation. Perhaps more important than modernizing the Sultanate's large fleet of aging tanks (Air Force commanders definitely thought so), this was the contract for which the state had set aside the most money. It was particularly with this issue in mind that His Majesty had decided to host such a thing as IMEX.

Third came an invitation for the foreign military corporations to compete for a contract to provide the Sultanate's military with a new first echelon assault rifle. In the opinion of the Army's leadership (which was the most dominant amongst the Armed Forces' three branches), front line infantry, and especially special operation units, were in need of a compact, powerful and light weapon with the same caliber as the other weapons already in use by the Hajris.

Finally, there was a fourth contract for the foreigners to compete over: the acquisition of a new artillery system, again for the Army. Equipped at the moment with aging towed systems, His Majesty had agreed with his generals that the nation had to acquire modern self-propelled artillery first and foremost, and perhaps expand its arsenal of towed guns as well.

The Hajris hoped that the delegations would arrive at the East Sidra Air Force Base not with hangovers, but eager to show their hosts their products and with sound plans to convince them they had the best stuff for the job. Anyone in the defense industry understood, upon reading the prospective contracts forwarded to them, that a massive amount of money was involved. In fact, Hajr was planning to spend over 75 billion in the coming years just to modernize its military. Al A'raf was thinking ahead, and had big plans. Big plans, Europeans had come to understand, required big clubs.
 

Caelia

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The Slavians were not hungover, but they might as well be. After the Sultan's memo had arrived they had stayed up long into the night discussing options to put forward both among themselves and with their staff in the Commandry. After much deliberation they had settled on a final lineup of offerings.

The tank bid was particularly contentious. There was enormous pressure from the Military Armaments Directorate to offer the Type-94 even though it was not clear if the Hajiri's were interested in a new-built high end tank. They had even hauled a Type-94 with them Hajr for mobility and firepower demonstrations. Eventually a compromise was hammered out, they would offer news built Type-94's as their high-end and upgraded and refurbished ex-CGF Type-64's as their low low-end. Rounding out their offering the Kharkiv tank factory also had an upgrade package available should the Hajiri's prefer to keep what they had.

The fighter offering was more straightforward. The Commandry would make a dual offering of both the T-84 heavy fighter and T-81 light fighter. Both fighters were in service with the CAF and CADF and they were optimistic about their chances. The MAD had not cleared either the top level radar or EW systems used on Commandry aircraft though, instead they had needed to line up export approved alternative systems. It was not a complete loss though, the MAD had consented to exporting Assegai long range ramjet powered AAM's and the application of radar-absorbent materials to the aircraft for the first time.

Assault rifle offering was straightforward. The Type-91 re-chambered for Hajiri ammunition was their main product. They had brought several demonstration models with them, though in CGF calibers. They had brought a second product though to improve their chances. The Type-95 was more a radical design, a compact bullpup with integrated grenade launchers. It had seen some experimental use with the Interior Corps but had not secured major purchases from the MAD for any of the forces. At the very least it should generate some interest.

For artillery the venerable Type-89, the backbone of the CGF's artillery corps, was their primary product. It was not particularly flashy but it was a capable machine with a long service history and established production line. Likewise the Type-87 towed howitzer, the Type-89's towed cousin, would be their basic offering for a possible towed artillery contract. And well it was not exactly what the Hajiri's had requested they also brought along the Type-86 120mm gun mortar. It was a unique weapon, able to fire both the full range of 120mm mortar shells and special 120mm shells. Well it couldn't match larger guns and howitzers in terms of sheer power it weighed just 1.2 tons and could be crewed by 5 men.

OOC:
Type-94: T-84 Oplot
Type-64: T-64BM
T-84: Su-35BM
T-81: Mig-29M
Assegai: RVV-AE-PD
Type-91: AEK-971
Type-95: A-91M
Type-89: 2S19M1-155
Type-87: M-390 155mm (2A65 in 155mm...)
Type-86: Nona-K
 
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While VFS's fellow exhibitors were busy offering bargains, negotiating and finally striking deals at the East Sidra Military Base, things were a little more slowly at the port, where the Laura submarine class, the Louisa and Christina frigate classes were anchoring. Up to now the VFS representatives there had the pleasure of receiving the Kryobajiani delegation, Cassiopeians, Khalistanis and some further ones. Every delegation had been politely shown around by VFS engineers and Royal NCOs, who patiently answered all questions. In fact, these three ships were in Royal Navy service.

This second day VFS sales director Peter Moor, leader of the VFS squad at the IMEX, had the pleasure to meet the minister of war of Hajr. The sultan's defence chief came to negotiate a lucrative deal on refitting the national navy. The divan himself would be accompanied by his Franconian colleague Graf Otto von der Eulenburg. As they arrived, Moor welcomed them duly observing the proper protocol.

"First, your excellencies, let me invite you to a brief but very insightful tour of these three fine vessels. Subsequently we will have a few refreshments and you will be shown a presentation of a couple more vessels. Unfortunately the Admiralty wouldn't have me borrow a whole fleet to show you the total scope of our vessels, diwan. The auto-conditioning is working again, isn't it? Anyway, without further ado, please follow me.", Peter Moor told the defence minister and his Hajri counterpart.
 
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General al-Khoraish noted to himself that it would have been sheer naiveté not to presume that there would not be individuals in Hajr willing to support organizations that sought to undermine the Republican authority in favor of Islamist causes, or perhaps even to support violent organizations like the Islamic Brotherhood and its numerous subsidiaries.

True, it was undoubtedly in Hajri interests to preserve its own monarchy against violent Islamism - Sunni and Shia alike - but neither al-Khoraish or President Zureiq could discount the possibility that there were individuals in Hajr who saw differently and were in a position to act to that effect. His personal experiences with the terrorists in Aziz and Subay made al-Khoraish even more careful than usual when it came to dealing with threats to the internal security of the Republic of Anbat.

A strategic mind could see that it was in Hajri interests for a strong Arab block to emerge, but at the same time al-Khoraish had his doubts about the capability of the Hajris to prevent certain elements in their country from acting against Anbati interests. After all, Anbat was a primarily Christian country, with a political elite almost entirely composed of Christians and a country where this political elite was at odds with radical Islam.

"Such an anti-crime treaty would, for now, satisfy the desires that President Zureiq has when it comes to the security of our nation", al-Khoraish nodded, neglecting to state his belief that Ibn Maktoum's invokation of the Hajri law served as a blatant excuse to evade matters of inconvenience.

* * *

While General Yahya al-Khoraish and his closest advisors were negotiating with the representatives of the Hajri government, the other members of the Anbati delegation were busy studying what IMEX had to offer.

Lakhm Engineering had taken note of the Hajri need of modernization for their battle tanks, and had forwarded a note to the Hajri military that Lakhm itself had carried out a similar program of modernization to a large number of Wieser-made tanks in service with the Anbati Republican Army. Using the As-Saiqa modernization of the Leopard 1 MBT as an example of what Lakhm Engineering could accomplish, they hoped to convince the Hajris that a similar modernization could be devised to the tanks in use of the Hajri military and at a low cost. The Ministry of Defense Arsenal had also made a decision to try to market its 81 and 120mm mortars and the Saiqa series of rocket launchers to the Hajris.

In addition, officials from the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff were seeking to fulfil certain Anbati requirements. The Republican Army's ageing small arms models were to be replaced in the near future, and at least some of the replacements would be either imported or license-manufactured firearms. The Land Forces also wanted to buy a dedicated combat helicopter, and the Air Force needed a replacement for its 60 Belmonti F4 fighters. This replacement model would eventually be acquired in larger numbers.
 

Hesperia

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Ibn Maktoum nodded, content that this crinkle in the negotiations had been ironed out. From the look on his face, he wasn't sure the General was entirely convinced that the Hajris would uphold their end of the bargain, but then again: a military man like Al-Khoraish could hardly be expected to trust his northern neighbors after so many years of conflict and frosty relationships.

He reshuffled the notes in front of him, and watched as his aides finished up theirs. "General al-Khoraish," he said, "I have said all that needed to be said, as far as the Sultanate is concerned. From our side, we are ready to hand all of this over to the bureaucrats, so they may hammer out the technicalities and give both of us, and our superiors, a document to sign.

"Does Anbat agree we have an agreement in principle, or are there any more points on the agenda which have not been addressed?"
 
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The Minister of Defence Uttama Chola, has been visiting the various exibits all day and was impressed by what he had seen, but due to Butuan's history of purchasing from Mayaland was careful not to make he perusal too obvious lest it get back to the Mayalanders. So it was it was in his and his country's best interest to visit the Mayaland exibit as well as those of Mayaland's other allies in addition to the non-allies.
 

Hesperia

Mr. Capitalism
Joined
Oct 30, 2006
Messages
11,283
Location
Under the sea
Capital
Aliança
Nick
Kapi
Military section of the port
Sidra, Sultanate of Hajr


The Hajri Minister Responsible for War, Sheikh Ubayd ibn al-Hassan al-Tufi of Aqar, had come to the military port of Sidra on an important mission. Though four memos had been sent to all delegations present at IMEX, there was one remaining element of the modernization of the Sultan's armed forces that remained: the upgrading of the Royal Hajri Navy. There was really only one contender for the task, and that was Franken's famous VFS shipyard, which had close ties to the Franconian, and therefore the Hajri navies.

The aging fleet of frigates that the Marine maintained was leaky, rusting and horribly outclassed by the modern guided-missile destroyers, submarines and frigates that were available to a good navy these days. The Sultanate, with an extensive coastline and a vast island a thousand kilometers into the Vostok Sea to defend, needed better material. And it had the capital required to do so.

That was why the Sheikh of Aqar was more than happy to be shown around the Louisa together with the Franconian minister of defense himself: it meant Hajr's former colonial overlords were willing to do business. He chuckled politely at the sales director's joke, but was far more eager to conclude a deal with the famed shipbuilders than he was for their sense of humor.

"Tell me, Herr Moor," the Sheikh said as the tour of the ship brought them to the Louisa's bridge, speaking in the effortless German he had been taught from a young age, "You are of course aware that I am not here as a mere tourist. The Sultan is very concerned with possessing a large and well-equipped fleet to defend his realm with. It is our wish to begin building such a fleet as rapidly as possible. What is the capacity VFS possesses for the construction of new vessels?"
 
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