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The Liberation of Borovanger

Tyonic Confederacy

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Chancellor Schmeid's office

Several high ranking officials and generals were in the office briefing the Chancellor on the current situation and what can be done to ultimately win this war. Most agree that more men were needed to help combat the enemy, who has received the support of the Revolutionary Guard. They also agreed that these new forces should be equipped with more modern equipment, instead of using they propose that maybe the underused should be used in its place. They have however not agreed on how many new troops should be sent and if more modern aircraft would make a difference. Soon the civil debate on using more and more equipment devolved into an argument Schmeid slammed his hand on his desk and all grew quiet.

Chancellor Schmeid: We will send another 12,000 ground troops, place Major General Johannes Hauck in charge of this new force. They should land in the North and march south towards the capital.

He paused and regained his composure, then continued.

We shall replace the current air forces there with our 48 's. We need to have pilots with experience with the new jet aircraft rather than old propeller planes. Now leave, I must make a phone call.

The officials quietly shuffled out of the room, they knew that he had anger issues. Especially when people wouldn't give him an answer that he had asked for. He is patient but when he wants an answer be sure to give him one and not waste his time. He then reached for the secured phone and began to call the ambassador to Eiffelland, Raimund Bain, to secure a secret meeting with Eiffellandian officials to find out any more details in regards to the ongoing conflict in Borovanger.
 

Rheinbund

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Stefan Fricke was an agent of the Staatsschutz, the Eiffellandian secret service, as well as an official of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. One of his tasks was to be a liaison between the Eiffellandian Ministry for Foreign Affairs and diplomats from Lauenburg, Geotri and the Chetnik Empire. He was also the person who received a request from the Geotrian Embassy in Trier for a secret meeting. The first thing he did was arranging a private dining room in the Alte Fischerhütte, an expensive restaurant near one of the lakes in Southwestern Trier. Then he sent a message to his contact in the Embassy of Geotri to go to that restaurant and ask for him.
 

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Adressee: Heinz-Otto Plöger, Ambassador of Eiffelland in Serenierre

Subject: Situation after Easter Holidays

Dear Sir,

As is the common situation around Easter, half your staff traveled to Eiffelland with their families to celebrate Easter. I have to strongly advice you to send the families of all remaining staff to Eiffelland as well, together with half of your currently remaining staff. When choosing who has to stay, focus on the staff members without families. The official reason why the families and additional staff members travel abroad is an Easter Event in Eiffelland for all the families of Eiffellandian diplomats. A plane from Luftfahrt Eiffelland has been chartered to fly them out of the country tomorrow. If the Serenierrese authorities force the people to stay in Serenierre, let them travel to the embassy immediately.

The families and staff members that left Serenierre will not return until further notice.

I apologise for this situation, but I cannot do anything else than give this order at this moment.

Best regards,

Rudolph Kögler, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Vice-Chancellor

 
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A carrier fleet had been formed around the smaller aircraft carrier of the Eiffellandian Navy, the Kaiser Lothar II. It consisted of the aircraft carrier itself with 20 helicopters (among others 10 Wellenritter), 10 surveillance planes and 20 fighters, the hospital ships Trier and Köln (both with helicopters as well), the destroyer escorts Ratzeburg and Villach, the frigates Paderborn, Dornbirn, Jena and Biedenkopf, the attack submarines Inn, Spree and Lahn, the replenishment oilers Ö‑5 and Ö‑6, the transport ships T‑1, T‑2, T‑3, T‑6 and T‑9, and the mine sweepers M‑13 and M‑19.
Now this carrier fleet set sail to the Thaumantic Ocean to conduct a humanitary mission. It had a 100% humanitarian mission. The reason why an aircraft carrier had been added to the fleet, was that it should contain the main part of the helicopters with which patients would be carried from Borovanger to the hospital ships. It was expected that quite a lot of helicopters would be needed for that. The government and the admirals had thought about sending the larger aircraft carrier Kaiser Friedrich I instead of the smaller one, because the Herakles could land on and take off from the Kaiser Friedrich I. However, that idea was abandoned; that ship was so valuable that it would require a larger escort, giving room for the thought that the fleet would also have a battle task. Now the fleet was of such a size that it was capable to defend itself, but not large enough to carry out a naval attack.
All the factions in the battle for Borovanger had been notified. The Governments of Engellex, Mendiak, Serenierre and Winfrew had been notified as well. The fleet would position itself in such a way that it was perfectly clear that it was situated outside ay territorial waters and any exclusive economic zones that were present in the Thaumantic Ocean, but also close enough that helicopters could fly to Borovanger, take up patients there and fly back.
Four of the five transport ships contained food, beverages and medications destined for Borovanger; the fifth one contained materials for the fleet itself.
 

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(OOC- sorry for not posting sooner my computer decided to not want to work for the past two days so... better late than never.)
Trier, Eiffelland 4-9-1957

When Raimond Bain received the phone call from Chancellor Schmeid last night he knew it was urgent. Chancellor Schmeid would've told Secretary Taussig to send a message that would most likely take a week to be received. Schmeid gave him specific questions that needed answers, specifically what Eiffelland knew about the Borovanger Civil War and which side they support in the conflict. He also was tasked with finding out more information about the current situation in Cumbria, more or less to hide his true intentions but there was much that was mostly unknown about Cumbria. He then contacted the liaison, Stefen Fricke, for a secret meeting who then gave a place for them to meet. His last bit of instructions were to convince him to send weapons and munition to the Royalist forces, and possibly send forces to assist them.

The next day

Mr. Bain had arrived at the Alte Fischerhütte and had walked up to the hostess who was about to seat him and said, "I'm here to see a Mr. Stefen Fricke."
"Oh right this way sir," the hostess responded quickly. She walked them both to the private section, with only one man who he assumed was Stefen Fricke. He walked over and shook his hand and greeted him, "Thank you for meeting me on such short notice, I am Raimund Bain. The ambassador from Geotri. And you must be Stefen Fricke, a pleasure to meet you."
 

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SARO THEATRE
Battle of Treviso

9th April 1957
The twenty four long ultimatum had expired and the BNA garrison in the city had not surrendered as had been demanded. Over the previous day, the Revolutionary Guards had left some roads open to allow as many civilians as possible an opportunity to escape from the city. When only two hours had been left till the expiry, the radio frequencies were flooded with messages from Captain General Rollet, advising all civilians to leave the area, and several loud speakers were blaring with the same sombre message. The efficacy of this strategy was so far unknown - but the Revolutionary Guards did their utmost to make sure the civilians had time and opportunity to leave. So, when the heavy artillery pieces stationed in position commenced their barrage on the city, they did so without any weight on their conscience.

As the heavy shells landed on the city, the ground shook with the rumble of those mighty explosions and smoke rose high over the city. Black as night. The barrage would continue for hours with no mercy. The Revolutionary Guards' planes were circling the area, with jets and propeller fighters zooming above the skies picking out key targets in high speed attacks. The first thing they attacked were the electricity pylons, followed by the flak towers and radar facilities in the city, and then eventually (and most critically) the water silos which held the most essential resource for any city.

On the ground, the infantrymen of the Regiments surrounding the city had begun their march to surround the city and encircle it completely, thus cutting it off completely. The radio was now broadcasting a message on loop which was calling for the commander of the city to surrender immediately so as to end all hostilities in Treviso. Additional support units from the 23rd Reserve Infantry Division were augmenting the positions of the Regiments. But so far, none of the Serenien troops had entered the city itself. They remained busy in the suburbs. And while the defenders were resolute, it was a rather sad day for them because the Revolutionary Guards were numerically superior and better supplied.

VILLESEN, PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF SERENIERRE
Office of the Generalissimo

12th April 1957
Phillipe Serazin had been having green tea when his phone had rung. It was the Director of the DFI. The DFI had picked up on intelligence which suggested that the Kadikistani state was playing a double-crossing game against the People's Republic vis-a-vis the Red League. This split between Ivar and Villesen was quietly heating up. While it was not clear what exactly the Kadikistani were pushing onto the Red League - it was easy to assume that Ivar, too, must have heard of some of the suggestions that Capt. General Rollet had made and not particularly liked the prospect of being sidelined. It was rather rich that Kadikistan wanted to play that game particularly when Borovanger was, in truth, in the Serenien sphere of influence.

The Generalissimo had heard the matter carefully. He remained calm - though the anger within was rising. He thanked the Director and hung up the phone. He placed his tea cup back in its saucer and paced in his office for a moment or two. This matter would require tact. He knew who to call. He dialled 344.

"Madame Martinique, we need to quickly call an urgent meeting of the Politburo. Leninov may just try to fuck us over."
 

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BNA Headquarters,Treviso, Saro Province.10th of April, 1956.

Grand-Duke Ortega watched as the Red League Ultimatum came and went, Ortega had opted not to dignify it with a reply. He had used the precious time to further fortify the city, all available men from the ages of sixteen to fifty were being conscripted into the Local Defense Volunteers, there was little to do now but wait. He was lost in his own thoughts when an adjutant burst in " Sir the Bishop is on the phone, he says it is urgent". He took the phone slightly puzzled, the Bishop rarely contacted him directly also what could he think was more urgent than the current situation in Saro." Greetings Ortega, I have something urgent to discuss with you, it concerns the Prometheists, Valois had reached out for me asking for an alliance against the Reds". Ortega damn neared broke the phone he was gripping it so hard, the fucking self-righteous priest had gone behind his back and and made a deal with those anarchist scum." Now here me out Ortega, neither me or Valois are happy about this, but we all need to unite against the Red League, otherwise we will be defeated it is senseless to continue fighting when the only one benefiting are the Marxists". The fucking priest had a a point, as much as he hated to admit it, the Prometheists had men to spare and hopefully they and the Reds would kill one another.

"Fine Sierra but this isn't over".


Borovanger City, First Ministers Office.

The Bishop had phoned back the Pact was sealed, all that was required was to tell the people, which was bound to be interesting, but first he needed to call Blum to discuss the plans for his latest offensive. But now with one less enemy to fight the war was bound to be over quicker.
 

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VILLESEN, PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF SERENIERRE
THE POLITBURO CHAMBER

13th April 1957
The headquarters of the Communist Party were the very epicentre of power in the country. But the very core of that was the room in which the members of the Politburo would convene to discuss only the most serious of matters. All ten members, with obviously Generalissimo Serazin at the very top, were the senior-most party members and ranked foremost among all the millions of revolutionaries. The room, itself, had high ceilings and large windows, almost as high. Located on the third floor of the party headquarters, the room had a majestic view of the historic quarter of Villesen, with the spires of the ancient fortress of Villesen standing tall in the distance. The room had been the Cabinet Room in the days of the royalist government and carried much of the pomp that was associated with the architecture of that era.

Claude Xavier, the General Secretary, spoke first: "As we all have been briefed on the matter, we are aware of the seriousness of the matter regarding Borovanger, especially now as we have seen the effect of Kadikistan's influence on the Red League vis-a-vis the new constitution. The fact that they have gone behind our back and moved in the way that they have is most unbecoming of the fact that they are intervening in our sphere of influence."

"Yes, absolutely, Comrade Secretary," Serazin spoke, "You cannot begin to understand the anger which this information has evoked in me. So, I ask the Politburo to provide us with strategies on how to exert a stronger influence in that country politically but also to stem the tide of Fascism and Anarchism in a country so very close to us."

The Politburo managed to come up with three possible approaches. One called for the immediate withdrawal of all forces; the idea being that the Red League should simply be allowed to crash under the weight of its own misplaced sense of loyalty to Kadikistan. Second, continue as is. Third, scale up the presence of the Serazinists and expand the scope of involvement. It was decided that the Politburo would meet again the day after, after everyone had mulled over the three options.

SARO THEATRE
Battle of Treviso

14th April 1957
The defenders had fortified their positions the best they could but the Revolutionary Guards were not attacking the city as yet. The emphasis had been to encircle and cut off the entire city. The sewerage lines leading out from the city had been mined to prevent any break out from the tunnels and the siege of the city would continue. They would be forced out in due course of time.

Battle of Valera

14th April 1957
The eight thousand or so soldiers of the regiments attacking the city were robustly attacking the city and urban warfare had commenced. The regiments had entered the suburbs of the city and were making their way in deeper, though the fighting was slow, the troops were aided by aerial bombing runs by squadrons of ground support fighters. The artillery had been knocking down buildings to prevent any tanks or armoured cars to move around too freely. And anti tank squads had been carefully setting up their positions alongside the infantry to knock out the tanks that were having a hard time navigating through the rubble.
 

Rheinbund

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Alte Fischerhütte
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“Good evening, Your Excellency, good that you could make it,” Stefan Fricke said to Raimund Bain. “Please do sit down.”

After both ordered the hors d’oeuvre and the main dish, the waiter left the room. Then Fricke started to talk.

“Is it correct that you wanted to contact me about Borovanger?” he asked.

Bain confirmed.

“OK. This is what we know about the recent history of Borovanger. There are currently five parties in this confilct: The Prometheists, who are currently officially the rulers of Borovanger after having dethroned Grand-Duke Ortega, Grand-Duke Ortega together with Bishop Ignatius, the Red League, the Serenierrese Revolutionary Guards, Korystia, and your country. We also know that the Revolutionary Guards are supporting the Red League (which is also supported by Kadikistan), and that Korystia and your country are supporting the Grand-Duke cum suis,” Fricke said. “For practical reasons, among others concerning passports, visa, laissez‑passer documents and so on, we currently recognise the Prometheist government in Borovanger City as the official government of Borovanger. However, this recognition does not imply that we officially chose sides in this conflict. Officially, Eiffelland is neutral. If the civil war ends, we will recognise the winner as the official government of Borovanger.”

Fricke took a sip of his water. He would start with the wine when the main dish would arrive.

“The reason why we officially remain neutral in this conflict, is that my government considers Borovanger a wasp nest. Whoever wins this war, will have a difficult time afterwards. The only thing Eiffelland will do on the surface, is trying to mitigate the consequences of war by means of humanitary aid, and through that gain enough credit to be able to obtain a mediating role between the factions,” Fricke said.

At that moment, the waiter came in with the hors d’oeuvre. He placed the dishes on the table, precisely described for both men what they were going to eat, and said “Guten Appetit”. Both men said “Dankeschön” and started to eat.

“Another reason why we want to stay on the background in this conflict is Bourgogne. We have very close ties with that country. As you know, the tensions between Bourgogne and Serenierre were rising enormously earlier this year. Bourgogne and Serenierre are currently working on improving their relations. We don’t want to disturb that process, at least to keep any disturbance of that process minimal in the case that we cannot avoid an action possibly disturbing that process,” Fricke said.

Fricke took another sip of his water.

There was also another reason why the Christiandemocrats were hesitant about intervening in Borovanger. There are two ways in which Eiffelland can get involved in a war: Either by declaring war itself, or in the case that Eiffelland itself or one or more of its allies come under attack. In the latter case, it was simple: Eiffelland will go to war if it is attacked or if it is forced to go to war because of alliance obligations. No parliamentary decision is needed for that. A declaration of war, however, is a different situation. Both chambers of parliament have to vote about that. When only professional soldiers and volunteering conscripts are involved, only a simple majority in both chambers of Parliament is needed. However, when also non-volunteering conscripts are involved, a twothirds majority in both chambers of Parliament is needed.
This made a possible Eiffellandian intervention in Borovanger complex. Such an intervention could only be carried out with the Navy, but there were quite a lot of conscripts in the Navy. Either a massive relocation of people between ships was needed to obtain a couple of vessels with only professional soldiers and volunteering conscripts, or the government had to obtain a twothirds majority in both chambers of Parliament. Such a twothirds majority could only be obtained by convincing either the Sociodemocrats (who would only agree if Eiffelland would support the Prometheists) or the Liberaldemocrats (who would categorically refuse because of the wasp nest argument and because of Bourgogne).
But this was something Fricke didn’t tell Bain, to prevent the Government of Geotri from planning an attack against Eiffelland in such a way that it looked as if Serenierre had conducted the attack.

That was not the only thing Fricke didn’t tell. It was true what Fricke said about the government’s stance. What he did not say, was that this was not a unanimous government decision. Chancellor von Seydewitz made the final call: No military intervention in Borovanger. He had the support of all the ministers from his own party, the Christiandemocrats, for that. However, the ministers from the Market Liberal party were in favour of an intervention in Borovanger, even if the only reason would be to gain war experience. Their reasoning was, that the tensions between Bourgogne and Serenierre had already cooled down to such an extent that it wouldn’t matter any more if one of Bourgogne’s closest partners would go to war against the Revolutionary Guards, a reasoning the Christiandemocrats disagreed with.

“There is one thing that we can do, however,” Fricke said. “And that is something we are currently doing. We are supplying Grand-Duke Ortega with military equipment. Among others newly built Mysterium II planes.”


12 April 1957
Villesen, Serenierre

The news that all families of the diplomatic staff of the Embassy of Eiffelland had to leave the country had caused quite some nervousness. The families did what they were told, however: They packed their things, went to the airport and boarded the two planes from Luftfahrt Eiffelland to leave the country. As soon as everybody was on board, the planes taxied to the runway and took off.
 

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1st Expeditionary Force
Adsubia


The First Expeditionary Force had almost reached the small port city of Adsubia when they came across the combined defense network of the Revolutionary Guard and the Red League. With a few layers of trenches it would prove difficult for the 1st Expd Force to push through. They would not be able to push through until the 2nd Expd Force landed and help push through the intricate defenses and push south to Treviso and Valeria and more importantly the BNA. The Revolutionary Guard proved to be well trained and difficult to defeat. They were able to give the Red League a chance of victory that was almost theirs, however it resulted in a week long stalemate that drained both sides on needed resources and manpower. This battle will result in the 1st Expd Force to retreat afterwards and recoup the losses sustained in this battle. The many anti tank guns used exploited the weakness of the tactic the 1st Expd Force relied on, armor. With this being the most costly battle this will be classified as a defeat due to the amount of casualties sustained from the 1st Expd Force and the failure of the blitzkrieg tactic.

Brakw, Geotri

News had reached Chancellor Schmeid about the shaky alliance between the Prometheists and the BNA, this would allow him to shift his focus on the Red League making this a single front war. Albeit only temporary, this will allow the downfall of the Red League and the resurgence of the BNA. He just hoped that the BNA would live long enough to see victory, currently surrounded by the combined forces of the Serenissian lap dogs and the Red League. He knows this conflict is easily winnable but they have not had the best of luck, especially with Serenierre becoming involved and with the Kadikistani Government dividing the loyalty of the Red League. This may however prove to be their undoing. With loyalties beginning to split this may break up the Red League into two smaller factions that will be much more easily crushed. He gave himself a little chuckle and began to look at some paperwork and continued on with his day.
 
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Tyonic Confederacy

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10 April 1957
Alte Fischerhütte
Trier, Eiffelland


"So you do know of our involvement," he paused and thought of how many others knew of our involvement, "And I think those planes sadly won't make it to the Borovanger National Army in time to do any good. Last I was told they were on the retreat, and our forces landed too far away to reach them in time." He paused and thought of what he can say. Finally after he took a sip of water he continued, "If those planes have yet to be delivered there is an airfield that is currently being used, it is in the north between Banyus-sur-Mer and Vilablareix. I would recommend sending them there for the time being unless they have already been delivered."
 

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Alte Fischerhütte
Trier, Eiffelland

“Up to now, we delivered 10 planes to the Borovanger National Army since the beginning of April,” Fricke said. “I will take a note about the alternative airbase for the remaining 30 planes. By the way, we are also delivering 50 Tiger tanks and 10,000 guns to them, together with anti-tank weaponry. Let’s indeed hope that they can still do something with it.”
 

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14th of April 1956
Verviers, Borovanger


It had been exactly two days since the Central Committee of the International Association of Marxist-Leninovist Parties, controlled firmly by Ivar, called upon their Red League comrades in Borovanger to reveal their colours and politically sideline the Serazinists. Indeed the Kadikistani strain of socialism was always highly sectarian in nature, but the timing of it all undoubtedly surprised friend and foe. Just when the tables were beginning to turn in favour of the communist rebels an internal twist had the potential of taking away the momentum. Even within Kadikistan there was much division on whether this move was affordable at this point. The Leninov and Burukova Revolutionary Clans supported the exclusion of the Serazinists, fearing a Serenierrese dominated Borovanger and more importantly the loss of a foothold in the region despite it being within the Serenierrese sphere of influence. Before the Villesen intervened the Red League was on the loosing end, but with Kadikistan's many pricey foreign involvements it was unlikely for them to intervene in protection of their followers in Borovanger. Maintaining instability in the region while not going too far and avoiding as much as possible to provoke local giants such as Bourgogne seemed like the most viable option. The Tsjekova faction of the Kadikistan Communist Workers' Party was against it, stating that Kadikistan had to honour the separation of spheres of influence as was agreed with the Villesen regime last year. More isolationist in nature the Tsjekova's blocked every intention to create 'volunteer brigades' to help their comrades in Borovanger on the battlefield. With the bad state of the Kadikistani economy and the heavy burden of the Leninovist interventions across the world the Tsjekova's had been able to convince the non-aligned KCWP members into their camp while those traditionally followed the General-Secretary. Last but not least the small but decisive Obrjanov Clan took a third position on the matter and supported the unpopular option to relinquish control over the Red League in favour of Serenierre. They remained committed to the agreement reached with their francophone allies in Villesen and felt that Kadikistan had no business being that far west.

The small provincial city of Verviers, only twenty kilometres south of Saulot, had become the centre of Kadikistani activity within the newly proclaimed Workers' Republic of Borovanger. Through Verviers the Kadikistani military presence would be close by, but not overly visible in the capital or major cities of Borovanger. Not that the Kadikistani presence even remotely resembled the amount of men Serenierre and other countries were pouring in to the Gallian nation. From Verviers the Kadikistani's and their Borovanger counterparts tried to get a grip on the political changes that the world's newest socialist country was going through. Supervising those operations was Colonel Sergei Aksentijevic, a large, bald, bearded man who was a staunch supporter of Nikolai Leninov and his policies. Since the directives had been given from the International to politically weaken the Serazinists and force them to the margins of the political decision making there had been a coming and going of several high ranking Red League officials and functionaries in Verviers so they could receive their orders from Ivar first hand. While meeting various high ranking figures Colonel Aksentijevic made it clear that the higher echelons of the Red League needed to maintain a strict and disciplined commitment to Marxist-Leninovism. All over the revolutionary state high ranking Serazinists where being demoted and given combat positions in the heat of battle. The latter was meant to ensure that their ranks, ever swelling since Villesen's involvement, would be thinned out over the course of the civil war.

Serving as the official liaison of the Kadikistani Communist Workers' Party the Colonel had already sent through the recent intelligence indicating that the Serazinists were trying to consolidate their power in Saro. The Colonel was as clear to his colleagues in the Red League as the directorate in Ivar had been to him, "We must not confront the Serenierrese Revolutionary Guards in Saro. Given the strength of their military presence it would not be feasible to face them with the likely chance of escalation while maintaining our presence on the front lines and in the cities. However, should this be a part of a larger geographic separation between Leninovists and Serazinists and should pro-Serenierrese units within the Red League follow their Serazinist masters we have no other option than to enforce the most severe of punishments. With the Serazinists effectively removed out of the higher chain of command, safe for a hand full of popular commanders that needed to be dealt with more carefully, the Villesen supported factions in the Red League can not operate without receiving orders from their Marxist-Leninovist commanders. By following the example of the Revolutionary Guards and regrouping in Saro those men would thus be disobeying their direct orders, which is in times of war punishable by death. There can be no leniency, even if it are men who we have fought and died with. To prevent a large movement of Red League assets to Saro the next step after removing the Serazinists out of the chain of command is splitting up overly Serazinist units and spreading them out across the various battlefields. While a unit might dare defy their orders under the false pretence that the Revolutionary Guards might protect them and muster the courage to head south, single individuals are much less likely to do so." The tone was set, the newest theatre in the civil was not on the field, but rather the Battle for the Red League.
 

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Treviso, Kingdom of Borovanger. 21st of April 1957.

the fighting was fierce in the city of Treviso, Red League forces had managed to penetrate into the city but were repulsed by the defenders, although starved of food and water by the siege the Royalists had plenty of weapons and munitions, and were able to use this and their knowledge of the city to inflict terrible casualties upon the Marxist forces who dared to venture further into the city.

yet vast portions of the city had been destroyed in the fighting, while most of the artifacts kept in the city's many churches had been evacuated many more had to be left behind and the Cathedral of Saint Goratrix was extensively damaged its ancient stained glass windows once the envy of Christendom now reduced to dust by the fighting.

worse still was the lack of food and water, while the Royalist's had guns and ammunition in plentiful supply they could not survive on what meager rations they had in store.


Valera, Kingdom of Borovanger, 21st of April 1957.

The battle was going poorly for the Royalists yet they tenaciously held on, the guns of the Royalist fleet had managed to bombard the Red League forces from the port, despite the valiant effort of the defenders much of the city lay in the hands of the Red League,however thanks in large part to the Royalist Navy the area around the city's port remained in the hands of the Royalists with supplies being smuggled in by boat from the North.
 

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SARO THEATRE
The Battle of Treviso

21st April 1957
The fight was difficult. Casualties here were higher than at any point before in the campaign in Borovanger. But a point came where the Revolutionary Guards pulled back and held firm to their defensive positions. It was clear that the food supplies of the defending forces were growing less and less and the water shortages were no secret either. At this point in time, it was thought best to simply wait it out and starve the BNA to their knees. Since the night of the 19th, the Revolutionary Guards had been cooking in the direction of the wind, to make sure the smells would waft down into enemy held territory. The radio frequency featured sounds of water being poured or of rivers gushing past and of people eating. These measures would wreck havoc on the minds of an exhausted, hungry, and thirsty defending force.

The Battle of Valera

21st April 1957
The guns of the Royalist Navy had wrecked havoc on the attacking side. Thus, it had been decided that a squadron of jets, armed with the latest anti-ship missiles would be making a raid against the ships that were in the port. The attack would be swift and brutal, followed soon after by a raid by two squadrons of propeller planes which would target the other defensive facilities in the port area. This would be done in the early hours of the morning. Once the ships were silenced, the port would be within reach of the Revolutionary Guardsmen. The fight for Valera would be a great victory. The order had been given to raise the city flat, if need be, to make sure that the city surrendered under the might of the Red Banner of Revolution.

Additionally, it had been communicated to the units attacking the city that the commander of the BNA was holed up in the city. It was expected that the units would either capture the man alive or secure his body. It was imperative, for propaganda purposes, to have the man in hand. That would be the end of the BNA. A major step forward in securing the Red League and of demonstrating clearly the might of Villesen.

Saulot City

21st April 1957
It was no secret that the Kadikistanis were playing games against the interests of the Serazinists in the Red League. The SLO Chief had gone directly to Chairman Maqueda's office and told him in no uncertain words that if he was to be ungrateful for the blood that has been shed by Serenien troops, Villesen would simply leave his Worker's Republic exposed to the onslaught of Prometheists and Fascists. The SLO Chief would remind the Chairman that were it not for Serenierre's involvement, the Red League would be on the verge of defeat. He need only remind him of the situation following the Prometheists' Spring Offensive. He, in diplomatic terms, said that it would be truly unfortunate if 40,000 fighting men were to be held in equal value to the pitiful hundred of so that Kadikistan had sent as advisers. Villesen did not like those who were ungrateful. And, the SLO Chief also reminded Maqueda that prior to the victories in Saro, the Red League with its Kadikistani support was losing horrifically. Further, the defense of Adsubia was continuing because of Serenien troops and equipment aiding the forces present there.

On the ground, the Serenien intelligence agencies had begun distributing cash packets to troops belonging to the Red League in an effort to win them over. Food rations had been distributed and canned food products were shipped straight from Serenierre to ensure that the hearts and minds of the civilians in Borovanger were being won over. All Kadikistan had done so far was to send weapons and threats to the Red League leadership. Though in secret, in Villesen, plans had already been made to assassinate Maqueda and all the other senior Leninovists in the Red League and the Directorate for Foreign Intelligence was actively scouting for weaknesses in their security protocol and embedding their agents as close to them as possible. If Maqueda took too many steps in Ivar's direction, fairly quickly Villesen would have his head for it.
 

Bezonvaux

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Saulot City, Workers Republic of Borovanger, 25th April 1957.

Jules found it somewhat ironic that one of the safest places in the nation would be in an active war-zone, well at least for a Sezeranist, he knew several of his fellow Sezeranists who'd fled to the relative safety of the south because of the increasingly hostile Kadikistani backed Marxists. He'd sent his wife and the children to stay with one of her cousins in the country till things quieted down, he on the other hand was making his way south towards Saro, taking care to avoid any Marxist patrols, after all any man travelling alone heading towards Royalist territory would most likely be shot as a spy, either that or a deserter.

Borovanger City, Commonwealth of Borovanger, 25th April 1957.

Field Marshal Blum looked over the plans for the latest offensive, it would undoubtedly be a costly exercise but it would allow for the Prometheists to join with the Royalists and receive vital supplies and create a united front against the Marxists.
 

Great Engellex

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Dulwich, Angellex, Engellexian Republic 21 April 1957

It was three minutes to two o'clock in the morning on 21 April 1957, and Air-General Admiral Catherine Janeway of the Republic Air Force was standing on platform one at Embankment Station in Dulwich, with Air-Chief of Staff Thomas Eugene Paris and other members of the Republic Air Council. They were awaiting instruction on boarding the designated train of the Lord-Protector, the First Republic, for Hammersmith from Dulwich. The late hour was decided as the earliest hour of convenience for both the general public, who are very few at that time, and the Cockfoster Regiment, who needed to secure the largest train station in Engellex as the force charged with personally protecting the Lord-Protector. Admiral Janeway? Asked Beatrix Bailey, a Southern belle in a navy pencil skirt and a fine brown fur, who was a long time personal secretary to the Viscount Drake. Yes, ma'am, answered Janeway politely, herself and staff attired in the full blue service dress of the Republic Air Force. You are to travel in the Lord-Protector's coach, she informed the Air-General. Thank you, ma'am, Janeway replied. It wasn't long - three minutes exactly - before the train was on its way from the capital to Hammersmith, the centre of the Republic's naval strength and where the Lord-Protector remains the First Lord of the Hammersmith Admiralty.

There was a knock on Admiral Janeway's door. Yes? She asked. Admiral, if you're available now, the Lord-Protector would like to see you, informed an attendant on the train. Thank you, I'll be over in a jiffy, replied Janeway. Rising from the bed in her compartment that she was lounging upon, the Admiral turned on the light and saw that the time said two-twenty-one. Having put on her jacket and peaked cap, she was escorted to the Viscount Drake's compartment where she proceeded to knock twice on the Lord-Protector's door. Come in Admiral, invited the Viscount Drake. Sorry I could not get to you sooner, I didn't finish with the Captain-General until just now. I hope I did not break any beauty sleep, Admiral? Questioned the Viscount Drake humourously. The Lord-Protector was seated in a tall leather armchair, with official documents in hand and a lit cigarette sitting in an ashtray on the table next to him. It was not at all elegant, but the Republic did not possess official trains for the Lord-Protector, or anyone. Not at all, Sir, answered Janeway with a small smile. Good. You should sit down, Admiral, the Viscount Drake said, gesturing to an identical chair across the small space. Admiral, he started once the Air-General had sat down, the Revolutionary Guards are pounding the city of Treviso, day and night. They are surrounded and will have that city utterly starved and destroyed not before long. It will fall before anything the Captain-General can deploy will reach it. I know you are aware of this. The Air-General nodded, I am, Sir. The Viscount Drake took a drag on his cigarette, filling half the compartment with a momentary cloud of smoke. Do you believe the volunteer figures from Serenierre? He asked. Yes, Sir, I do, the Admiral replied. Yes, so do I. I can see no reason to doubt them, the Viscount Drake agreed.

The point is, he begun, once I am inaugurated, I will be empowered and expected to intervene directly in this war. I have been reasonably informed that a Letter is being drafted by members of the Engellexian Republic Parlement to call on me to declare war once the inauguration is concluded. The Air-General looked concerned, do you believe the Letter will receive considerable support? The Lord-Protector nodded, I do. But then what? The Engellexian Republic has no business being drawn in to a prolonged land campaign. It simply isn't our style. It is terribly important that we do not forget that. By air and sea, that is something we can, and will do. The problem is, however, supporting the Borovangian factions - the ones most reasonable - against foreign activities, to the point where they can then handle and manage this mess themselves. But no Engell troops on the ground. The First Republic Army will be stretched too quickly if we tried. What do we do? He asked, as took another drag. An air drop, Sir, Janeway considered openly. I was thinking, Admiral. Supposed that the Republic Humanitarian Council made enough noise about humanitarian aid - to Borovanger - that it was on front pages across Europe. Noise, Admiral, not from us, but from the Humanitarian Council. All for medical supplies, clothing, food - that sort of thing. Then, suppose somehow - or from the public pressures, the Engellexian Republic Parlement would be compelled to support a humanitarian operation on behalf of Europe, then the Council of the Republic chimes in support, offering the Air Force for an air drop of supplies over these cities? In the process of organising the operation, the Air Force would have the opportunity to include other supplies. The Revolutionary States would not be able to oppose a humanitarian operation without escalating this to all out war. Do you believe Serenierre would be a little bit discouraged from firing on our planes? The Air-General nodded, a little bit, yes, Sir. But what if Serenierre fires anyway? The Viscount Drake stubbed out his cigarette butt. That is the whole gamble, Admiral, he answered concerned. I do not believe they would do that, he continued before pausing. Admiral, I will decide in Hammersmith whether I want that done. Am I right in believing you can get this done? The Air-General nodded, of course, Sir.

Now tell me, Admiral, what do you honestly think? I have not discussed this with any other yet, I need your opinion on the idea first. If you think it is bad, do say so, asked the Lord-Protector. I do not believe those Revolutionary Guard on the ground will be trigger happy, Sir, they are not unattached from Villesen, but are directly controlled. They will call in for instruction, all the way to the top. It may take some time. I believe it can work, Sir, answered the Air-General. Good, remarked the Lord-Protector. It will only work once, Sir. They will discover those arms. It would be far, far too risky to repeat, advised the Admiral. Yes. Yes, it will only work once, agreed the Viscount Drake. It is vital that we stall any urban victories, he continued. I'll draft a plan, Sir, Admiral Janeway informed. Quite right, spoke the Viscount Drake as he stood up to shake the Air-General's hand. We'll speak about this plan again in the morning, he informed as they shook. Very well, Sir. Good night, replied the Air-General before leaving.

HAMMERSMITH BOROVANGER CONFERENCE
During 20 April 1957, the day following the Lord-Protector's election, the staff of the Republic Naval Council, the Generality, and the Republic Air Council were perfecting plans with which they intended to confront one another at Hammersmith on 21 April. The Republic Naval Council and the Republic Air Council were quite clear what they wanted and, under the Lord-Protector Walter Drake's and the Air-General Admiral Catherine Janeway's leadership, presented to their colleagues of the First Republic and First Continental Armies an unshakeable front. Behind the Air-General and her staff, and behind the Admiral-General - that is the Lord-Protector - and his First Lords, were two streamlined and particularly excellent professional organisations, the result of decades of serious organisational evolution and experience. For every argument they advanced they were able to produce chapter and verse, with plans and statistics worked out to the last detail. The policies the Air Force and the Navy advocated were that the political victory of the Lord-Protector should be swiftly followed up with intervening action in Borovanger :- that in the course of the following week, just before the capitulation of major cities and the consolidation of urban districts in Borovanger, the Republic air, sea, and land forces should strike these urban targets where factions are already deployed and strike them where they are most vulnerable, having been engaged in intenseive conflict. Forcing the factions to retreat from the cities would crumble their morale, throw their strategies and organisations into chaos, ferment the Borovangian locals against them, and, possibly, persuade governments abroad to withdraw their ideological interests. No time should be allowed to the warships of any nation not of the position of the Engellexian Republic within an exclusion zone encompassing Borovanger, much of the Wergorent Sea, south toward the Varden Strait, and west to the island of Brecqhou, with diplomatic pressures being applied to the Grand Duchy of Bourgogne to make itself readily available for direct intervention.

Meanwhile the Borovangian War Command, to be established from that conference in Hammersmith, will urgently draw up plans for a prolonged escalation of the crisis, with bombings of Serenierrese industrial centres and communications from the Republic with the greatest intensity from the outset; a bombing campaign would be reinforced by the blockade of Serenierre's Thaumantic and Long Sea access, including bombing runs from two carrier groups and, later, from Borovangian and, hopefully, Burgundian bases. And while, apart from the air and naval campaigns against industrial and government targets, the Serenierrese were to be contained with a minimum of force, allowing the First Republic and First Continental Armies in Engellex to be organised and built up for operations across the channel into Borovanger, and then possibly Serenierre, as rapidly as was compatible from the Republic. We believe, the Air-General Admiral Catherine Janeway wrote for the conference, that this policy will afford earlier and greater relief, both direct and indirect, to the Engellexian Republic's independent position, than if we were to concentrate on a single, grand operation involving all three services, observing that at the best we could not put a force of more than fifty-thousand on the Continent so soon. To make a fruitless assault before the time is ripe would be disastrous to ourselves, of no assistance to Borovanger, and devastating to the Free Nations of Europe.

This programme was based on a close and realistic appreciation of the strength and capability of the Engellexian Republic, and particularly of the aircraft, ships and landing-craft available. The deciding factor in planning the coming offensive was the Republic's resources in the Air Force and Navy. During the course of 1956 it was proposed to have a great naval building programme, but the circumstance of domestic politics allowed it to be essentially shelved; it was discussed openly within the conference that an Exceutive-Order-in-Council will be drafted, essentially decreeing an emergency defence procurement programme covering all three services, to be signed immediately upon inauguration; politically, the Lord-Protector and the Council of the Republic do not believe the Engellexian Republic Parlement will move to block it. Once the programme had been signed, and financially allocated for, it should become immediately possible, they believed, to commit a much grander capapbility of the Republic's strength to offensive operations in Borovanger and, if necessary, Serenierre. The programme would return the Republic as the most formidable naval Power in Europe, adding at least five new aircraft carriers to the strength of the Republic Navy, which would see its present two carriers immediately stretched in operations relative to Borovanger, and an almost doubling of the numbers of submarines, crusiers, destroyers and frigates. The completion of such a programme would not just be the reaslisation of victory in Borovanger and possibly Serenierre, but the offensive capability of the navy in the entire Thaumantic, Clarencian, and the breach of the Implarian, would be correspondingly increased; the reassertion of Republic dominance of such waters would be a return to levels of stability and security that have since been in decline since the beginning of the twentieth-century. But the Engellexian Republic firmly believed superiority of air power truly defined the qualification of a Great Power, and the Republic desired absolute supremacy in that regard, also; a race in Europe for the most technologically advanced air force was underway, and Engellex was being slow, therefore the Lord-Protector intended to increase reasources dramatically; production for five-hundred more jets, of the most advanced specification available to the Republic would commence immediately, the advancement of technological capability would be a more prolonged, timely investment, but budgets would see equally dramatic increases along with possible new centres of military innovation being established. Because of this threat from the Revolutionary States in Borovanger, the building up of military forces in Engellex, that the popular opinion of the Republic was decided as essential, had to be given away against political considerations.

Toward the end of the conference there was, as expected, the focus on the Republic's air power; the Republic Air Force (RAF) maintained a capable bombing force that numbered just under one-hundred Hammer B6s. It was agreed in the conference that the Lord-Protector needed to give serious consideration to production of a decent number of heavy jet bombers which the Republic presently lacked, the Hammer B6 was a medium jet bomber; the growth of bomb-bearing capacity, and, new technical developments that were being aggressively stalked, would significantly increase the success of attacking strongly-defended targets, and those targets quite deep within enemy territory from high altitudes, both of which would underline an Engell victory against any one of the Revolutionary States, not just Serenierre, and the Air-General made the case with an insistence. But it was decided unanimously, however, that regardless of outcome or of any development that may emerge following the conference, the Air Force should be in a position to strike any target in Borovanger at a moments notice. The subsequent decision and command made, was for the mobilisation of No. 1 Air Wing and of No. 1 Bomber Group, putting just under two-hundred jet fighters and twenty-four jet bombers on readiness.
 

Bezonvaux

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Treviso, Kingdom of Borovanger. 29th of April 1957.

Things had become truly dire in Treviso, men where forced to eat rats or in some cases their own boots, men were deserting in droves, after all surely a Red League prison camp was a better alternative to slowly starving to death.

But despite this there were some still loyal to the cause, choosing to fight on, however not even the most fanatically soldier held any hope of victory, only that their defeat would prove so costly that the Marxist's victory would be a bitter one.


Valera, Kingdom of Borovanger, 29th of April 1957.

Marxist airplanes had severely damaged several of the ships guarding the port,the cruiser General Pervain was sunk but luckily most of its crew were able to evacuate the vessel and joined in the defense of the city, the destroyer Sancho however was destroyed and the majority of its crew killed when a Marxist bomb ignited the ship's magazine, worst still was the news that the ship had been carrying urgently needed supplies of food and medicines from the north. Despite the Marxist's superiority in numbers and air power the defenders of Valera were resolute after all if they fell than all of Saro would be lost to the tyranny of the Red League.
 

Bezonvaux

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Saulot, Workers Republic of Borovanger, 4th of may 1957, emergency of the Workers Congress.

Recent events in Kadikistan had shaken the Party to the very core, Kadikistan the shining beacon of Marxist-Lenovism had fallen to civil unrest, the Coupists had made it clear that they would no longer support " far-away engagements such as those in Borovanger and Loago". without the support of Kadikistan many in the Workers Congress were worried that they would have to crawling cap in hand back to the Sezeranists. And even if by some miracle the old clan regime won it would still be in no fit state to support Borovanger.

Secondly there was the issue of the numerous Kadikistani specialists and advisors, after all if the Coupist won then they would stop any further aid being delivered and no doubt order those Kadikistani personnel in Borovanger to return home which would prove disastrous for the Workers Republic.

One solution to this particular issue was to encourage those advisors willing to stay to resign from their posts and join the Workers Republic and resume their old duties albeit after given a higher rank and a generous pay rise. After all while they could not force any of the Kadikistani advisors to remain if they chose to stay.

last on the agenda was the latest Prometheist Offensive, The Prometheists had managed to make significant territorial gains, routing several of the recently raised units, regrettably most of Workers Republics veteran troops were stationed in the north and south fighting the fascists leaving the Prometheist front with largely second rate troops. of course that would have to rectified if the Prometheists were to stopped from entering the Republic's heartland.
 

Bezonvaux

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Prometheist front lines, 1st of May 1957.

" Urrah, Urrah Viva la Republic" war cries leapt out of the lips of the advancing Prometheist soldiers as they charged towards the Marxist positions, many died in the charge but the were always more behind them, and once they reached the Marxist lines they were quickly able to push the Marxists back in brutal hand to hand fighting. most of the Marxist forces had little stomach for the fight many were either boys or old men and promptly surrendered. even so losses for the Prometheists were particularly heavy, after all attacking an entrenched enemy would always be a costly exercise.

the key aim of the Offensive had been achieved, the Prometheists no shared a border with the Royalists and even now arms and ammunition were flooding in.
 
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