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The Parliament of the Islamic Republic

Clarenthia

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Jurzidentia
The National Parliament of the Islamic Republic


"The Jewel of the Alghari" is the Jurzani Capitol Building located along the banks of the Alghari River in the capital city of Alaghan. It was originally constructed as the royal palace of the Jurzani King in the style of Gallian neoclassical and baroque architecture with a blend of traditional Jurzani architecture. The Palace is home to the legislative, judicial, and executive branches of Government, however it is not the permanent residence of the Jurzani President nor Prime Minister.

With more than fourteen tonnes of gold and adorned with crystal chandeliers, the Capitol stands as a priceless testament to Jurzani pride.




8th Parliamentary Session
December 1, 1956 - December 1, 1958

 
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Clarenthia

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Jurzidentia
MINISTRY OF DEFENSE
ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF THE JURZAN
TOP SECRET


After completing the preliminary report on the Islamic Republic’s defensive capabilities against the Democratic Republic of Kadikistan, the Ministry of Defense has compiled the following report for the consent of the Imperial Parliament and the President.

In Brief,
- Weapons caches have been placed at various locations throughout the Herat Mountains. Both the I Corps and the III Corps have deployed their best mountaineers to orchestrate the Jurzani defense. All bridges and roadways into the Jurzan are monitored with teams prepared to destroy the access points when necessary. Kadikistani’s technological advantage would be minimized in this terrain.
- Negotiations with the Kurmanji Parliament are moving slowly, though it is highly likely the militia will engage Kadikistani forces should they cross into the proper territory of the Jurzan. While not to be relied on, the militia will add nearly 100,000 bodies to the overall war effort.
- The remaining I & III Corps are moving quickly to secure Peshwari Industrial capabilities are not infringed during the war effort. While concentrated along the Indus River, the facilities are located safely enough in the Jurzan that Kadikistani air attacks would prove futile.
- Amphibious assault in Sholgara or Kalahari City presents the most significant threat to the industrial capabilities in Peshawar. However, it is not likely a Kadikistani force could secure a foothold in the area strong enough to advance further inland.
- The flatlands between the Northern Frontier and the Herat Mountains represents the most significant threat from a Kadikistani invasion. The IV Corps is a large, highly trained army, however it is unable to deploy the similar resources of the Kadikistani Army. It is unlikely that the Jurzan could engage Kadikistani forces in a conventional fashion for too long. Quick, decisive attacks will be necessary to halt a Kadikistani advance.
- The Kadikistani have been spread thin from constant foreign engagements, a strain on their economy. That being said, the Kadikistani are battle hardened whereas the Jurzani are not, but our people have the benefit of a nationalistic zeal that Kadikistani forces would only inflame – this has the bonus of making Kadikistani occupation difficult.
- Much of the Kadikistani Army is used as a police force for an unruly populace, the more Kadikistan deploys, the more unstable their rural areas.
- Ultimately, this war will be decided not by large, conventional battles, but by which side can hold out longer than the other. As an international pariah, it is essential that the Jurzani use the unpopularity of the Kadikistani to enlist foreign aid.​
 

Clarenthia

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OFFICE OF FIELD MARSHALL ZABIHULLAH RASSOUL


“Congratulations, Mr. Prime Minister,” Field Marshall Zabihullah Rassoul was genuine in his sentiments.

“Oh not yet, I’m afraid,” Imran Farrukh smiled, shaking the Field Marshall’s hand “But soon, I do hope.”

“By tomorrow you’ll be the designee, by next week you’ll be Head of Government. Anwar Khattak had been Prime Minister for two years, but I only recently met him in person, not last month. I think communication between the Jurzan’s high rollers is important, not just from a military perspective, but a personal one as well,” the Field Marshall explained.

The Field Marshall’s Office was ornate, far nicer than the Prime Minister’s and even the President’s. Odorned in gold and the highest quality of furniture. The mahogany desk was sitting at the far end of the office, cornered by the flag of the Jurzani Military and the Islamic Republic. Three large windows were also behind the desk, but the view was obstructed by trees. The desk was covered in papers, giving a glimpse of the Field Marshall’s hefty work load in the wake of the Kadikistani crisis. In front of the desk were two couches of green leather and mahogany wood. It was much more the baroque style of Bourgogne than anything developed in the Jurzan. The Field Marshall sat on one of the couches and motioned for the soon-to-be Prime Minister to do the same.

“What I’m about to tell you is very classified information and you’re privileged to it solely because of the necessity to end the current crisis with Kadikistan and the fact that it is likely you will be Head of Government for the next two years,” Rassoul’s tone was very, very serious.

“Of course, Field Marshall,” the Prime Minister answered.

“It has not been easy, but I have managed to delay the Jurzani mobilization as much as possible. President Khayrat sees this as an overall weakness in our military preparedness, and that does not necessarily bother me. You see, here is the issue: I am not confident in the president’s judgement.”

“His judgement?”

“For the past twelve years he has done relatively nothing in office. Faith in God is so very important, but it does not win wars, it does not guarantee our safety. This was a wakeup call for Jurzani Foreign Affairs, we have been acting strong with little to no ability to back it up. I am truly worried that if I told the president that our forces were prepared, he would order an invasion.”

“What if the Kadikistani invaded the Jurzan?” Farrukh was shocked by the Field Marshall’s admission “You compromised our safety?”

“They wouldn’t have, look deep inside yourself and you’ll find that answer too. Even if they did, there is no stronger rallying call than repelling an invasion. It would have been our best case scenario. Bottom line, a foreign enemy would have invaded the Republic and I would be honored to fight for us. I did what I did and there’s still peace, we can disagree on the methodology all you want, but the facts are present,” Rassoul asserted.

“Your loyalty must be to the civilian government,” Farrukh stated “Forgive me Field Marshall, but an order is an order.”

“My loyalty is to the Islamic Republic, to its people,” Rassoul disagreed.

“and their political voice is vested into the civilian government,” Farrukh protested.

“The very same government that would have had millions of them die. This was the right thing to do, putting my faith in you was the right thing to do. Now, I need your help,” Rassoul pleaded.

“My help?” Farrukh asked.

“Your government must end this crisis immediately. We know that the Kadikistani are not committed to our death because we still stand. You must take advantage of that and I imagine your people have been talking. If you don’t mind, would you share your thoughts with me?” Rassoul’s tone went more diplomatic.

“I’ve thought about ending our claim on Khandahar and attempting to bring as many Jurzani across the border as possible. It would seem to solve the crisis for Kadikistan, their Muslim problem is solved without bloodshed,” Farrukh stated.

“What of the Jurzani already being deported?”

“What’s done is done,” Farrukh sighed.

“Fair enough,” Rassoul answered.

“You have no comment on ending our claim on Khandahar?” Farrukh was confused that such a politically controversial move generated no response.

“The politics aren’t my job,” Rassoul’s explanation was lacking.

“Fair enough,” Farrukh replied.

“I trust you’ll get this done, you don’t need all the people’s support--,” Rassoul was interrupted.

“Or even most of them, just the right ones,” Farrukh affirmed what Rassoul wanted to hear.

“Good then,” Rassoul smiled “I have faith in you, I really do. We’ll discuss the president later, I am sure you are a busy man and I wish you all the best. Thank you for taking the time to meet with me today.”

The two men rose and shook hands. Farrukh then turned and left the Field Marshall’s office. Rassoul sighed and returned to his desk, sifting through the mountains of paperwork on his desk, pulling the file on Imran Farrukh.

“He’s a safe bet,” Rassoul said to himself “We’ll see how it plays out.”
 

Clarenthia

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Office of the Chief Councilor
Jewel of the Alghari, Jurzani Capitol Building
Alaghan, F.D.

Perhaps not so surprisingly, the Office of the Chief Councilor was even nicer than Field Marshall Rassoul’s. The Office of the Chief Councilor was located in the Jurzani Capitol Building, which was situated along the Alghari River and had built for the Kings of Old as a symbol of the wealth and prestige of the Jurzani people. Coincidentally, the palace was designed after neoclassic, baroque architecture of the Gallian nations. The Palace stood as much a symbol of Jurzani pride as it did envy of the western world. A constant reminder of what could, but never would be.

Dubbed the “Jewel of the Alghari” due to its placement along the banks of the Alghari River in the capital city, the palace certainly lives up to its name. Adorned with gold and crystal, more than fourteen tonnes of gold went into gilding the ceiling and crystal chandeliers dominate the long hallways. Attempts to price the building have often lead to much controversy as no estimate is quite able to appease those who adorn the palace’s halls.

As Chief Councilor, one of the most central figures of the Jurzani Government, the personal office of the individual simply had to match the title. The welcome room featured a red tint, with red tapestries and furniture dotting the room as well as two crystal chandeliers. The Councilor’s office itself was more toned down, specifically to meet the style of the current office holder who had little patience for the glamor of the Capitol.

“Chief Councilor Delbar Jan Hekmatyar,” Imran Farrukh called, extending his arm to the gentlemen.

“Imran,” Hekmatyar spoke, rising from his chair to greet the man “Although I suppose it’s Mr. Prime Minister now, please accept my sincerest congratulations.”

Delbar Jan Hekmatyar was a legend. He had served as Chief Councilor in the Council of Elders since the first Council. His name commanded respect amongst the council and his political presence was strong enough to rival the cult following of Faraj Khayrat. It made him a powerful ally and enemy all at once. The years had taken their toll on Hekmatyar, however. Now he was a grayed man, with a short beard that showed remnants of the dark hair he once had. His wrinkled face did a terrific job of displaying age, but the wise men of the country would only dare to say it was anything but wisdom.

“It has certainly been a while old friend,” Imran stated, sitting across from the Chief Councilor.

“That it has,” he agreed “I must say I never thought I would be sitting across from a Prime Minister of a different faction, but I do suppose that if anyone was to accomplish such a goal it would be you. It certainly helps when your predecessor is incompetent, I suppose.”

“Prime Minister Khattak did what he could, governing to the best of his abilities,” Imran took the diplomatic route.

“I certainly hope not,” the old man shrugged “All the more reason for education investments I suppose.”
“I am sure that is something we can discuss,” Imran laughed, but was promptly interrupted.

“Not today though,” Hekmatyar confirmed “We have other business to discuss. First, I’d like to say that Gulshan Kumar was an excellent choice for Foreign Minister. He will certainly prove more worthwhile than Abdul Zahani and he is a man that the Council has worked with before. He’s respected around these halls and that makes him welcome.”

“Yes, but you need not thank me. He was the natural choice. I do not believe in getting praise for doing something that any decent man in my position would have done,” Imran’s false humility showed.

“I wish I could say the same about your shit deal with the Kadikistani,” Hekmatyar’s tone went to the classic cold, dark one that had caused such fear in those who would oppose him.

“It is not an easy deal, but my team and I remain convinced it will bring peace,” Farrukh protested.

“It won’t leave committee. Even if it does, any good faithed Kar would vote against it. Considering those good faithed Kars control the Council, this presents a problem for you,” Hekmatyar stated.

“There are those who are loyal to their party and there are those who are loyal to their country. It is my job to know the difference between the two,” Farrukh rebutted.

“Fair enough, you’ll only need a handful. I’m sure those who represent districts along the border may be more inclined to support such a ridiculous proposal. Or perhaps we can skip it all together and pass it with a flurry of support,” Hekmatyar suggested “Look, it’s a shit deal, but if I want it to be passed, it will be passed. In the end, it may very well avoid the war. That’s an interest we all have.”

“What do you want?” Farrukh cut to the point.

“Good, good,” Hekmatyar agreed “This talk of a province for the Mountain Dwellers. It stops, now.”

“The Kurmanji People are a loyal, important part of the coalition government and they have more than proved their worth for something as simple as heightened political representation,” Farrukh was stern.

“I don’t much care. There are more good reasons to oppose this move than I know to count. Not least of which, I will not compromise a relationship with the Kashtanese to appease a backward tribal lord,” Hekmatyar was even more stern.

“I must say that I am surprised of your negative opinion of your countrymen,” Farrukh stated.

“It doesn’t matter to me. If I get this deal through the Council – which I both can and am willing – then I expect never to hear talk of creating a Kurmanji Province again.”

“I can push the vote,” Farrukh replied.

“And I’ll defeat it and send it to its grave. You think that’s the only controversial vote I’ve made in my life? Keep your position in mind, Mr. Prime Minister. I am interested in working together, and I believe we can accomplish a lot, but I will not entertain this talk. My position is clear and I hope that it impacts you in a favorable way,” Hekmatyar wouldn’t budge.

“If it’s all the same to you,” Farrukh pivoted “perhaps we should table this discussion to a later date. Let us discuss the deal with Kadikistan now. I plan to introduce it as soon as I take office.”

“You know, elements of this deal I’ve seen before,” Hekmatyar spoke “It contains remnants of a certain Field Marshall.”

“The Field Marshall did have input,” Farrukh replied “However, the deal is my own.”

“I’m sure,” Hekmatyar laughed “Such a magnificent man. I am quite jealous of him, you know. He’s the kind of guy who got to his position not because of the people he knows, but the respect of his subordinates. I swear every soldier under his command would be honored to throw their life away in support of that man.”

“He is truly an asset to the Republic,” Farrukh stated.

Hekmatyar smirked, “an asset” he said under his breath.

“Mr. Prime Minister, my office and yours will be in negotiation over this deal. That, you have my word. If I may lend you one last word of advice before you part,” the Chief Councilor offered.

Farrukh was taken back that the Councilor would cut their meeting so short, but did not want to appear ungrateful “Of course.”

“There are those who are loyal to their factions, their comrades and there are those who are loyal to their country,” Hekmatyar mimicked the Prime Minister’s earlier words “It may serve you well to pay attention to which of these men also have a gun on their belt.”
 
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