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Conférence Européenne sur le Crime Organisé

Holy Frankish Empire

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15 miles outside Clervaux. Eckert Royal Naval Air Station.

A cool breeze made its way inland off the sea. Even at this time of year, Southern Marquette remained pleasant. A few palms could be found in a few regions.

The tarmac was clear except for a few fighters. The aircraft had been arranged in such a way that between the tails of the aircraft were the flags of the visiting nations. A unit from the Imperial Guard, The Imperial Guard Band, and National Police Honor Guard were in attendance as aircraft of various nations were scheduled to arrive. They stood at parade rest on the tarmac, prepared to do their very best to welcome the visiting dignitaries. Prince Grant was waiting to meet with the arriving parties before traveling to the Chateau about a mile outside the city proper.




OOC: Everyone is welcome even if you didn't RSVP. You can skip the arrivals if you choose to.
 

Rheinbund

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Crime fighting was taken seriously in Eiffelland. The police were well-educated and not afraid of taking action, 50% of all cases reported to the police were solved, the punishments were quite high and forced labour in the coal mines was common for the more severe crimes like murder, drug dealing, robbery, rape and comparable actions. Because of this, Eiffelland's cities were safe.
But Eiffelland did not escape from the problems around organised crime, like every democratic country with an open economy. Therefore, it was considered needed to send a delegation to the conference on organised crime which was to be held in Marquette.

Eiffelland's Minister for Judicial Affairs Karl Frost landed with the governmental A340 on Eckert Royal Navy Air station.
 

Serbovia

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Zeljko Mijatovic had entered the Ministry of State Security in 1987, soon after its formation and the establishment of Social-Nationalist rule in Serbovia and fresh out of conscript service in the Federal Army. The seeming advancement of the Social-Nationalist regime and the opportunities that the newly formed MDB offered for men like him had enticed him to enroll in the Academy of State Security, and two years later he'd found himself working for the Directorate of Political Security in Komoran.

Suffice to say, Zeljko's personal ambition had driven him to pursue other things than keeping tabs on potential dissidents and going through reports filed by neighbors bitter at each other, so he'd sought a career within the Directorate of External Security - Serbovia's foreign intelligence. His years in foreign duty had been interesting ones, perhaps the best ones in his entire life, working under diplomatic cover in Miedzymorze, Kryobaijan, Volga and Franken. It had been this foreign duty that had left him with a liking for foreign travel, and he'd welcomed the opportunity to go to Marquette, for his present duties allowed little foreign travel. A General in the MDB, Zeljko Mijatovic was effectively the second-in-command of the Serbovian state security force.

Still, the only practical applications he saw for the conference had to do with propaganda. A delegation of officials from State Security, External Affairs and Justice making a few token statements on the importance of combatting organized crime and terrorism in concert with foreign governments would undoubtedly be of high propaganda value, Zeljko noted cynically. The real enemies of Serbovia abroad were not some gangsters, but the AGE-backed terrorists and dissidents plotting against Petrograd and the Social-Nationalists. However, External Security had seen more than a few hints of Islamic Resistance and Ozgurian People's Army members attempting to engage themselves with drug traffickers and arms smugglers, and there was some concern that organized criminal groups beyond Petrograd's influence could be collaborating with these enemies of Serbovia.
 

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His hand rushed up to his neck, minute adjustments made to the crimson and black tie about his neck. Brushing it down swiftly, an almost anxious glance directed about, Jose Antonio Rodirigas nodded to himself, a roll of his shoulders in a self-assured shrug. His coarse black hair was dotted with lines of white and gray, his face lined with creases and the wrinkles of the aging. He was no military man. The acting High Chairman would never allow one of his to attend such a conference, only one of the Bureau's vaunted 'plutocrats' would be allowed to participate. It was a matter of pride then anything else, the importance deigned upon the conference being negligible, not something to necessitate any real delegation on the part of the Commonwealth.

The Bureau of Security in the Commonwealth was not generally concerned with criminality. Despite it's name, it was more concerned with the prevention of illegal border crossings, smuggling, and anti-terrorism. It served as more of an external force then an internal one, and with the policies of the law enforcement, both military and not, being hardly permissive, why not? It had been almost half a century since the mobsters and mafia's of the fourties had been replaced by the corporations. In effect, they acted similarly only now they were officially condoned. A wry smile forming across his face, Rodirigas made a note of that mentally. The participation of the Commonwealth in the conference was purely nominal, he had not been authorized by neither the parliament nor the bureau to say anything but what had been laid out for him as the 'official' viewpoint he was obliged to hold on behalf of the Commonwealth.

A few comments to be offered, a few questions of apparent import raised, and that was all he was sent to do. Upon contemplation, it filled him with a sort of loathing, understandable policy as it was. The Bureau could not have it's representatives running about stating things of which they had not an inkling of knowledge about, and truth be told, Rodirigas didn't. He worked a low-key desk job in the editing offices, and had only left the country once before on a similar visit to the Free Cities Union. He had been chosen to go based on a lottery, not because of his merit. Still though, he effectively had three days to explore so long as he managed to endure the ramblings of something wholey irrelevant to him for a few hours.
 

Holy Frankish Empire

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Prince Grant met each man with a handshake and an interpreter in case one would be needed. For a man of royalty, Prince Grant did not often dress the part. With the regalia surrounding them, Prince Grant strode out onto the tarmac in a suit that was less than expensive.

Each diplomatic mission rode to the Chateau with the Prince in company, navigating the hilly area. Approaching the Chateau, the line of vehicles passed several police checkpoints and finally a military one. The line of black MMC Explorations finally passed through the gates and approached the Chateau. The Prince led each delegation into the building, nonchalantly giving random facts about it's history and the history of the region.

The sitting room was well lit from the open windows. While the architecture of the room was very mid 19th century, the furniture was quite contemporary. Imported from Franken and Belmont, leather couches and arm chairs dotted the room. The King had been waiting for the delegations to personally greet them before the conference. Offering each Marquen Whisky or another drink, the King chatted with each delegation's head.



OOC- Think of Marquen Whisky as Scotch
 

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Utpal Sarkar was a recognised hero in Vangala's war on organised crime. Having long served in the National Police, he had raided laboratories manufacturing amphetamines, stormed ships transporting huge sums of heroin and marijuana, broken up child prostitution rings, been in firefights with gunrunners and arrested kidnappers. Now, after writing several leading books on criminology and bestowed with the meaningless title of Special Plenipotentiary for the Ministry of Justice, he was in Marquette for Europe's first ever conference on organised crime.

Despite badges proclaiming membership in the Communist Party and its various affiliated mass organisations, Utpal was a pragmatic character. While some senior Communists tried to blame Vangala's rising crime rates on the capitalist world, whose insatiable demand for the illegal apparently was the cause of death for countless Vangalan police officers, he recognised the need for firm action at home. Having left the uniformed ranks of the Police for the bureaucracy of the Ministry of Justice, he agitated for a clampdown on smuggling in the border regions with Ratomkira, clashing with the vested interests of local administrators, most of who profited from the illegal trade in narcotics, weaponry, humans and stolen goods.

Yet there was a grain of truth in the propaganda and rhetoric from the party leaders. Having travelled across most of the country, Utpal knew the majority of Vangalans were struggling to feed themselves and their families and could not afford the drugs and guns Vangala's gangs were offering: international co-operation was a necessity in destroying criminal organisations.

Ignoring the advice of his paranoid bodyguards, Utpal swiftly downed his glass of Marquen Whisky, shuddering slightly as the harsh liquor burned his throat and rested uneasily in his stomach. Never one for diplomacy, he had a hurried conversation with Prince Grant, before rushing into the conference room and dwelling on his thoughts in the corner, waited for the meeting to start.
 
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Recognising the importance of making a show at the conference, and knowing that being here in Marquette was a show of faith to the Marquetten government, the Emperor had been adamant in sending a high-profile delagate to the meeting. As such, the Imperial Secretary for Public Security, General Trieu Hong, had traveled straight from the operational Staff in Mai Trinh to Clervaux. Truth be told, apart from getting to know other delagates, and in particular Marquette's royal family, he wasn't sure he could actually do anything. Dai Viet already had a good base for international co-operation within the LFS, and Dai Viet's methods revolved around ending an insurgency. And those methods were not things which he would ever dream of sharing, they were only for LFS ears. Still, he would do his best to make promises which Dai Viet could keep, and make a good show. After all, he had come in the spirit of co-operation, had he not?

The General made a note of speaking to Prince Grant before the conference began, to pay his respects.

"Your Royal Highness, it is a pleasure to be here, and I hope that these days will be productive. May I personally extend you and your family thanks for they agreement our nations have come to regarding the art pieces, and that I warmly look forward to Her Royal Highness, the Queen's visit to our nation."
 
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Fernando Pastero sat reviewing the papers giving to him by the Chancellor before he had left the airport. Crime was always in the mind of the government, including those of the regions and while they were great at catching individual crimes, organize, specially internationally organize ones.

Being member of the Chancellor's foreign policy made making trips like this - to conferences he could really care less, but he had to obey if he wanted to step up the ladder. Thankfully he was not alone. With him were members of both the Frescania foreign intelligence agency and domestic agency. While these agencies did not send high ups, the main presences made Fernando unease.

The car soon stopped and the five men lead by Pastera got out and walked in the room where other representatives where already waiting.
 

Holy Frankish Empire

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Prince Grant was flattered by General Trieu Hong's statements but felt they were perhaps obligatory comments. "Thank you General. You are too kind sir" said the Prince. It was after all, the thought that counts.

The King stood, slowly and cleared his throat. Gesturing, the King showed the way for those who did not speak french. The gesture was in a way that was apparent. "This way gentleman." The King led the men down the hall, past numerous tapestries hundreds of years old, some taken by Napoleon I. He led them into a room which was quite unlike anything else in the Chateau.

The room was quite modern with brand new chairs and a beautiful, yet massive, cherrywood round table. The chamber had formally been a chapel until 1852, then a library, and now a meeting room. It's massive stained glass windows featured Loyola, Christ, Napoleon I, Richelieu, and Charles III. They were perhaps the only part of the room which was historical. Wall mounted fixtures threw their light against the walls, throwing it upward into the vaulted ceiling, illuminating the entire room.

"Gentlemen, you will find your seat with a name placard at its place. Earphones and translators have been provided should you need them..." began the King as the visiting members started to find their seats.

"An aid will be around shortly to serve water, coffee, tea, and lemonade. Now, let us get started. Organized crime is a topic which some are uncomfortable discussing. The statistics are disgusting. The black market, smuggling rings, narcotics rings, gambling rackets, point shaving, and many other operations, work daily." said the King, stopping for a sip of tea.

"These operations sometimes cross national boundaries. No matter which country you visit, you will find some form of organized crime. Organized crime constitutes nothing less than a guerrilla war against society. Today, I hope we can cripple organized crime throughout Europe. Though we can never totally eradicate it, let us at least try." The King stopped as Public Safety Minister Prince Grant slid a folder in front of him.

"Organized crime in Marquette. In 1991, a war on the black market was launched. By 1995, the black market in Marquette for weapons and illegal materials was nearly eradicated. This has forced customers in Marquette to seek black market goods elsewhere; in other countries. This is the trend common in many nations who see a black market suffer. As of 1999, it was a 29 Billion Joliet per year industry. After implementing methods, we have cut their income to an estimated 14.5 Billion per year. This includes organized crime families, narcotics rings, and every other sort of organized crime. So. I ask we address these topics and any others you may have..." The King excused himself as he lit a pipe, watching the smoke drift upwards towards the vaulted ceiling.

"First, how do we shut down black markets. Second, how do we handle the 'ripple effect' caused by the closure of a black market. Third, how do we cripple an organized crime unit without creating a power vacuum and thereby creating chaos. Lastly, how can we cease the smuggling that supplies black markets and how do we stop the smuggling of narcotics. Gentlemen, the floor is open."
 

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"There is no seller if there is no buyer," Frost said. "One way or the other, there is obviously a need for the products sold by black market dealers. Well, a need, there are people who want those products for whichever reason. As long as there are buyers, it will be of limited use to take up the dealers. We will also have to do something with the buyers.
In any case, Eiffelland has a very repressive policy when it comes to crime fighting. On the one hand, that keeps crime rates low. On the other hand, the criminals we did not manage to catch simply left the country and continued their businesses abroad. And the rates on drug-related crime are higher in the South of Eiffelland than in its other parts.
We must also realise that much of the crime mainly comes from the very lowest social classes, from the slums. Many leading figures in organised crime started their careers as back street kids. Those kids can only be kept out of crime by doing two things: 1. making them clear that only a few of the kids choosing a criminal career reach the status of an Al Capone, and that all the other ones either get shot at age 25 or spend more than half of their lives in prison, and 2. offering them a perspective.
Furthermore, it is important to prevent quarters from deteriorating into a slum, and to ameliorate the circumstances in the slums, so that they become less bad slums.
We in Eiffelland are successful in this. We always make very public what happens to criminals, and we have a very good education system. In that way, we currently prevent our slums from becoming really bad slums."
 

Serbovia

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Something made obvious by Zeljko's background in foreign intelligence was that what he considered mundane organized crime had not ever been an intellectual priority for him, so he nodded in the direction of one of the junior MDB officers that had accompanied him. The rank insignia in the black MDB uniform of the man whom Zeljko nodded at, Radomir Milincevic, identified him as a Lieutenant Colonel of State Security.

Zeljko had brought Lieutenant Colonel Milincevic here exactly for the reason that his own specializations were terrorism and foreign intelligence, not countering organized crime. Despite his young-ish age, Milincevic was one of the most valued members of his personal staff, a special analyst who had graduated with top marks from both the police officer program of the Academy of National Policing and the senior officer program of the Dimitar Zdraveski Academy of State Security. When Zeljko had caught eye of then-Captain Milincevic, the former had just taken over the role of the State Secretary and been in need of aides and officers qualified in the matters of organized crime for his personal staff. He'd given the young Captain a place, and Milincevic had as a one of the protegés of the second most powerful man of the MDB risen to the rank of a Lieutenant Colonel in six years.

Suffice to say, fast-tracking one's way through the MDB hierarchy was rare, except for people in External Security. The fact that an officer with a policing background could rise so fast in the hierarchy had breeded a number of rumors among the organization, with the wildest one that Zeljko had heard suggesting that there was a homosexual relationship between the two. In truth, however, Zeljko merely sought to favor talent and competence where he saw it or by the very least thought that he was doing just that.

Still, Lieutenant Colonel Milincevic did not flinch as he begun his brief presentation, despite the fact that persons of Ministerial and even Royal rank were present. Zeljko valued that in the man. After all, even royals were merely men, flesh and blood like everyone else. Remembering that was the best antidote to nervousness in the face of such people.

"I am Lieutenant Colonel Radomir Milincevic, a member of the personal staff of my superior General Miljatovic. Ladies and gentlemen, Serbovia enforces the death penalty for murder, terrorism, espionage, treason, pedophilia, racketeering, smuggling and desertion", Milincevic begun his presentation in Serbovian, which would be translated so that each of the delegates could understand through the earpieces used. "Why I choose to begin my presentation with this fact of certain morbidity is that it is, to a point, reflective of the approach with which the Social-Nationalist state pursues offenses against the state and the wellbeing of the Serbovian people."

"People in foreign countries say that we have a mafiya. A stereotype, but all stereotypes are ingrained with a certain element of truth. Gangsterism in our country has unfortunately long-standing traditions which, some people say, date back to the aftermath of the First Oriental War. As the brief historical presentation which I intend to share with you will point out, the Social-Nationalist state and the Supreme Leader have done their best to eradicate this cancer, this plague from Serbovia and the Serbovian society. The police in our country and the security services are endowed with extensive powers to combat such criminal elements, and accordingly these powers have been put to use with distinction. I might add that I have personal experience on this, having served in the Greater Petrograd Judicial Police before I transferred to work beneath my present superior General Mijatovic."

"Much like in Eiffelland, we Serbovians are flexible in regards to the powers we permit to the members of our law enforcement, which has allowed an extensive response on behalf of the government to counter the activities of criminal elements", Milincevic continued, and General Mijatovic noted that much of the success in this regard was due to the extensive penetration of MDB informants into every layer of the Serbovian society. Though Political Security ran the overwhelming majority of such informants, they frequently passed on intelligence to the Police and Internal Security alike. Hence a system primarily built to immobilize political dissidents and prevent them from acting against the regime came to be useful in the fight against crime.

"There is no seller if there is no buyer, as the gentleman from Eiffelland said", Milincevic continued, emphasizing his point by making a throat-cutting gesture with his left hand. "Suffice to say, the power of deterrence is our primary advantage in the fight against gangsterism and criminal elements, though I must also iterate the advantage of rendering due assistance to potentially disadvantaged elements of the society. This is also another matter in which Social-Nationalist Serbovia prides itself in."

As Lieutenant Colonel Milincevic concluded, General Mijatovic allowed himself a slight smile. Of course, it wasn't entirely true that gangsterism had been entirely eradicated in Serbovia. Certainly, the bratstvo had been driven underground, but what neither Mijatovic or anyone else in the Serbovian delegation would be willing to admit was that the MDB did have a small stake in the organizations that remained in Serbovia. He knew from his time in foreign intelligence that such groups provided avenues for black operations abroad, and in Serbovia's case avenues for penetrating Serbovian gangs operating among Serbovian emigrant communities and subsequently the emigrant communities themselves.

OOC:Wall o' text, beware.
OOC:As a general note, "police officer" in Serbovia isn't an America-style police officer, but an actual senior member of the internal security force.

Recruitment and training for the regular police, paramilitary forces and the secret police occurs in a system where the officer ranks are partly filled by people who've previously served as junior members of the force and subsequently risen up, and partly by officers who've graduated from one of the three MDB academies (Dimitar Zdraveski Academy for secret police people, foreign intelligence and political staff, Policing Academy for policing and the National Security Academy for paramilitary forces) and subsequently been commissioned with officer rank. I need to wikify this stuff.
 
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The delegation from Franken had watched the discussion more or less silently, only giving some brief comments on this and that issue addressed. The delegation was led by one of the two State Secretaries of the Interior, i.e. deputy ministers. State Secretary Felix Krull was in charge of supervising the federal level law enforcements agencies of the interior ministry and coordinating with the law enforcement agencies of other ministries, e.g. the Treasury's customs authority. Secret services were coordinated by a State Chancellery office, however. Part of Krull's delegation were the president of the Reichskriminalamt (federal bureau of investigation), one vice-president of the customs office, an organised crime specialist from the justice ministry and several senior duchy level police officers specialised on organised crime.

Hardly surprising, Felix Krull, or rather his government, shared the ideas of Eiffelland to a large extent. The State Secretary smirked as he thought of occasional Eiffellander reproaches Franken was too soft on first time offenders. This was possibly both an heirloom of the socialdemocratic period and a result of successful lobbying by criminal law professors who convinced the authorities of taking alternative approaches to first-time offenders. Anyway, when it came to organised crime Franconian justices and/or the investigating police officers were as merciless as their Eiffellander counterparts. While Felix Krull made some notes about the Serbovian law enforcement officer's address, he pondered whether it had been a good idea to do away with the death penalty decades ago. This was an issue he hadn't been able to sort out for himself yet. Dissatisfied with these very particular considerations, he sighed and tried to focus on the conference again.
 

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Prince Grant finished removing his jacket before speaking.

"There is no seller if there is no buyer is true. However, we must also address the seller. There is no seller if there is no seller for the most part. For instance, if I want to sell illegal firearms, I must acquire them from somewhere unless I manufacture them. While this model may not apply in the case of narcotics, I do believe it is a valid point which may be addressed. I am not trying to say my colleagues are wrong because this model reverts to the 'no seller, no buyer' model. There will always be a demand for illegal things. With the demand comes a salesman. This trend continues throughout history. I agree with my Serbovian counterparts deterrence is important. The key to deterrence is punishment and prosecution..." said the Public Safety Minister as he opened a folder before him.

"Next month, the King will issue the Racketeering Influenced and Corrupt Acts Policing Edict, or RICAPE. Under RICAPE, those who are a member of an enterprise that has committed any two of 27 national and 9 provincial crimes,within an 8-year time span, can be charged under RICAPE. Those found guilty, can be fined up to J540,000/or sentenced to 18 years in prison per count. Each of you will receive a copy of the Edict and crimes. We encourage other nations who have not yet enacted a similar standard to do so. Under RICAPE, when somebody is charged, all of their assets, with the exception of up to 2 personal vehicles and medical equipment, may be seized temporarily before the proceedings begin. This was done in order to prevent the transfer of assets gained during illegal actions. We predict great progress due to RICAPE. With largely extended sentences and penalties, we can see that not only will it possibly deter some acts but also provides a bargaining tool for information." concluded Prince Grant.

He had almost settled from his speech before further concluding, "While some of you may not have the same legal system, or even a similar one, we believe this model is one of the best tools that can be used against organized crime."







Crimes Included:


1. Any violation of the 9 provincial statutes against gaming, homicide, holding people against their will for profit or not (kidnapping), extortion, acts of arson, theft and robbery, bribery, or dealing in a controlled substance.

2. Any act of bribery, counterfeiting or contribution to, theft, robbery, embezzlement, fraud resulting in profit over J1, racketeering, illegal gaming, laundering of funds, and commission of homicide for hire.

3.Any act which obstructs justice with intent.

4. Securities fraud

5. Embezzlement of union funds

6. Laundering of funds and related offenses

7. Act of/aiding of bringing illegal aliens over international borders.

8. Acts of Terrorism under the 1982 Code reform.
 

Serbovia

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Zeljko reviewed the paper in front of him, then passed it forward to Lieutenant Colonel Milincevic and the other members of the Serbovian delegation, including the junior members of his staff that had accompanied him to Marquette, as well as a number of officials from the Ministries of Justice and External Affairs.

He reminisced that the prosecution of racketeering and terrorism as particular offenses in the Serbovian law was exclipitly based on a similar statute, one that defined any of a list of thirty-some offenses committed for financial gain by a hierarchic group of at least five people as racketeering, and warranted the prosecution of any members of such a group for any offenses identified as being committed by the group under the title of racketeering. At the same time, the direct perpetrator of any offense stated in the act could have his sentence doubled. Racketeering could even lead to death penalty, but customarily this had been only applied to leaders of criminal groups.

In 1985 after the Social-Nationalist election victory, the law had been amended to warrant the prosecution of terrorist groups over those same thirty-some offenses, except when they were carried out for political rather than financial motives. Initially this had been considered a great success by the Serbovian public, but less so after the Social-Nationalist government and the newly founded MDB had begun to apply the law against the political right and other counter-revolutionaries.

Zeljko himself was intimately familiar with this part of Serbovian criminal law from his days in Political Security, and reminiscing of this made him think of his first arrest, a man whose scorned wife had reported him to the MDB for covertly copying opposition materials in his basement. His reactions then had been odd. Though he'd waited for the opportunity to do fieldwork for a long time, he'd found himself sympathizing with some of the people he'd had to arrest. Time, however, had eroded such sentiments. It was a necessary thing to do. Not perhaps pleasant, but still necessary for the system and the Serbovian project to function.

He put down the paper and replied, "Yes, we have similar laws in place in Serbovia to deter gangsterism and terrorism, that permit the collective prosecution of any members of a criminal enterprise or a gang of terror for offenses committed by a single member of the group. Collective responsibility is typically not a feature of Serbovian law but we feel in the case of this particular category the responsibility of criminal deeds is shared."
 

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Eiffellandians combined a strong dislike of criminal deeds with a strong respect for life. Frost frowned upon the death penalty, like almost every Eiffellandian. First, there was always the risk of executing the wrong person, and in fact the death penalty was abolished in Eiffelland after that happened a few times. Second, there was compassion with the man who was ordered to kill the convicted person. Indeed, soldiers got the same order to a much bigger extent, but then it served a higher goal. A punishment was not considered high enough to justify killing someone. Then sending the convicted to the coalmines was considered a better idea.

Frost looked at the papers lining out the law Marquette was about to issue. After that, he said: "I can confirm that we have a comparable law on being a member of a criminal organisation, and a comparable law on being a member of a terrorist organisation. We also have a law making it possible to seize all properties of suspects of a certain list of crimes. That law can be used both in the case that a criminal or terrorist organisation is in the game, and in the case that such an organisation is not in the game."
 

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"Another tool we have not discussed is the threat of extradition. It can be a powerful tool. Say Criminal X in Nation 1 makes a criminal transaction with Criminal Y in Nation 2. We are Nation 1. We would be willing to agree to extradite Criminal X to Nation 2 if the penalties are higher and actions are criminal in both countries. Now I understand there can be resistance. Nations want to show they are both capable and effective in dealing with crime. However, if this works as a deterrent..." said Prince Grant pausing to look at the others who were present.

"If this works as a deterrent, we may see an increase in those who 'turn government witness' in exchange for a reduced sentence or immunity from extradition. We can all still appear as being tough on organized crime. In short, we wish to create extradition treaties with everyone here."
 

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Zeljko nodded in acknowledgement, at the same time noting to himself the advantages such an extradition treaty could present in the event that elements of the Serbovian opposition would happen to reside in Marquette and could be implicated (truly or not) in criminal activities serious enough to warrant extradition. And, he mused, if a similar scenario was to take place with roles reserved the Serbovians had traditionally held on to insisting that the individual in question was not on Serbovian soil to begin with.

Beyond that, of course, an extradition treaty could be useful in matters of mundane criminal justice. As well as gaining political prestige for the Social-Nationalist regime, Zeljko mused cynically.
 

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Karl Frost did not exactly know what to answer. On the one hand, an extradition treaty could come in handy in the case that criminals flee the country after they committed their criminal deeds. On the other hand, Eiffelland could land into a difficult situation in the case that a country would ask for the extradition of a political refugee. Furthermore, what should be done in the case that a certain amount of evidence would be enough for conviction in one country but not in the other country? And what should be done in the case of a criminal who could await the death penalty in the other country?

After some thinking, Frost answered: "An extradition treaty can indeed be a powerful tool in fighting organised crime. I will discuss it with my colleague ministers as soon as I return."
 

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Oct 31, 2006
Messages
7,856
Location
Planet Mercury
Capital
Chagny
Nick
Fleur
The King glanced at each representative within the room. The extradition treaty would allow everybody to gain. On the other hand he realized the implications of such a treaty. There was copious red tape.

"I believe a treaty like this can cause many logistical issues. I would appreciate suggestions. This after all, should be a cooperative effort."
 
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