ศรีรามาสมบัติ
Siraama Som-bat
Sri Rama Wealth
SINHAI
Guns and Money
Recent reforms within the national government are looking to shape up the future of Sinese economics, but most investors are apprehensive and skeptical of possibilities for success. Most of the big Sinese investors are unsure that Generals and soldiers understand the intricacies of economics, a field they consider much too fragile for the handling of the military. But this has not stopped the Sinhai Defense Force from pushing their polic of reforms, and the bite may be more vicious for some businessmen than the bark.
Of the many military-led reforms pushing through a government that lacks any capacity to resist such policies, perhaps the most exciting for foreign investors, and frightening for Sinese, is the potential revision of competition laws which attack trusts and monopolies. While the current Sinese economy is often considered quite typical of Eastern models, previous governments permitted large businesses to continue to grow without regulation, primarily in services such as banking and telecommunications. The current Sinese banking system is often considered a paradise, where government laws protect bank accounts from being accessed under any circumstance. Many clients on the international stage are watching carefully for any mistakes made by the new government to affect these laws; however the military government has denied any intentions to touch the laws. Instead, the new Sinese regime seems to be looking at preventing banks from undercutting and stalling competitors.
More importantly is the telecommunications market, which is essentially a monopoly by SINCOM. While the Visariya-regime attempted to liberalize the sector by encouraging foreign, primarily Jizhou, companies from expanding in the sector, little success was made prior to the recent troubles in Jizhou. Now the military regime seems to have set their guns on SINCOM, and executives are getting nervous. Economic advisors to the military regime have posed the idea of briefly nationalizing the companies assets for reprivatization, so as to prevent any unnecessary sabotage or subterfuge on SINCOM's executives behalf. Others have cautioned such a radical move, and instead suggest that a cap on SINCOM expansion be enforced, which could potentially allow for increased foreign interest in the Sinese communications market.
Whatever the end product, it is certain that big business in Sinhai have begun to stir in their seats as they watch the military continue to have their way with the government.
Recent reforms within the national government are looking to shape up the future of Sinese economics, but most investors are apprehensive and skeptical of possibilities for success. Most of the big Sinese investors are unsure that Generals and soldiers understand the intricacies of economics, a field they consider much too fragile for the handling of the military. But this has not stopped the Sinhai Defense Force from pushing their polic of reforms, and the bite may be more vicious for some businessmen than the bark.
Of the many military-led reforms pushing through a government that lacks any capacity to resist such policies, perhaps the most exciting for foreign investors, and frightening for Sinese, is the potential revision of competition laws which attack trusts and monopolies. While the current Sinese economy is often considered quite typical of Eastern models, previous governments permitted large businesses to continue to grow without regulation, primarily in services such as banking and telecommunications. The current Sinese banking system is often considered a paradise, where government laws protect bank accounts from being accessed under any circumstance. Many clients on the international stage are watching carefully for any mistakes made by the new government to affect these laws; however the military government has denied any intentions to touch the laws. Instead, the new Sinese regime seems to be looking at preventing banks from undercutting and stalling competitors.
More importantly is the telecommunications market, which is essentially a monopoly by SINCOM. While the Visariya-regime attempted to liberalize the sector by encouraging foreign, primarily Jizhou, companies from expanding in the sector, little success was made prior to the recent troubles in Jizhou. Now the military regime seems to have set their guns on SINCOM, and executives are getting nervous. Economic advisors to the military regime have posed the idea of briefly nationalizing the companies assets for reprivatization, so as to prevent any unnecessary sabotage or subterfuge on SINCOM's executives behalf. Others have cautioned such a radical move, and instead suggest that a cap on SINCOM expansion be enforced, which could potentially allow for increased foreign interest in the Sinese communications market.
Whatever the end product, it is certain that big business in Sinhai have begun to stir in their seats as they watch the military continue to have their way with the government.
INTERNATIONAL
The Baguette War
The new Foreign Minister for Belmont approached his job with some optimism when he took office in early October, but has since learned that the path before him has not only fallen into disrepair, but is completely overgrown with suspicions and selfishness. Mr Vavasseur has grabbed his baguette and taken to chopping down the vines, heading immediately into a press conference where he hopes to dissuade early notions that his term in office will be a parallel to the one before him.
Mr Vavasseur may have underestimated the ease of accomplishing this, however, as the Francophone region continues to trumpet its disfavour with the Belmontien government's recent move to suspend it's associate membership with the EDF, the most powerful military bloc in the region. Both sides have their points and faults; the Belmontien believe that an alliance should support their members against foreign pressure, and the rest of the French believe that nations should exercise more patience and be less prone to rash and irresponsible actions. The crisis came to a head with several weeks ago the Talemantine oil embargo which saw the EDF unwilling to support their new ally in Paris. Membership within the EDF has always been a hot topic among Belmontien, while many citizens recognize the inherent benefits to a military alliance, others believe that neutrality and staying out of war is the best path for Belmont.
Further damaging relations within the Francophone region is the failed attempt to create an ethnic regional union, which seems to be the fad in Europe these days. Belmontien economic policy is geared towards the progress of Belmont, any ties it pursues with other nations are gauged against it's own interests, only mutually beneficial agreements are viewed at with any real consideration. Belmont is not a nation to arbitrarily sign treaties that detract from it's own stability; and while political relations abroad may suffer from this policy, both domestic and foreign investors are pleased to see government's stalwart support for Belmontien business.
The new Foreign Minister for Belmont approached his job with some optimism when he took office in early October, but has since learned that the path before him has not only fallen into disrepair, but is completely overgrown with suspicions and selfishness. Mr Vavasseur has grabbed his baguette and taken to chopping down the vines, heading immediately into a press conference where he hopes to dissuade early notions that his term in office will be a parallel to the one before him.
Mr Vavasseur may have underestimated the ease of accomplishing this, however, as the Francophone region continues to trumpet its disfavour with the Belmontien government's recent move to suspend it's associate membership with the EDF, the most powerful military bloc in the region. Both sides have their points and faults; the Belmontien believe that an alliance should support their members against foreign pressure, and the rest of the French believe that nations should exercise more patience and be less prone to rash and irresponsible actions. The crisis came to a head with several weeks ago the Talemantine oil embargo which saw the EDF unwilling to support their new ally in Paris. Membership within the EDF has always been a hot topic among Belmontien, while many citizens recognize the inherent benefits to a military alliance, others believe that neutrality and staying out of war is the best path for Belmont.
Further damaging relations within the Francophone region is the failed attempt to create an ethnic regional union, which seems to be the fad in Europe these days. Belmontien economic policy is geared towards the progress of Belmont, any ties it pursues with other nations are gauged against it's own interests, only mutually beneficial agreements are viewed at with any real consideration. Belmont is not a nation to arbitrarily sign treaties that detract from it's own stability; and while political relations abroad may suffer from this policy, both domestic and foreign investors are pleased to see government's stalwart support for Belmontien business.
