Conference on the future of Montelimar in Danmark

[Großlausitz]

A conquering army on the border will not be stopped by eloquence.
~ Graf Montgelas, Father of Modern Franken

Conference Centre in Danmark

This was probably one of the most important conferences of the last few years, Ministerpresident Graf Peter Solms pondered. After months of fruitless preliminary negotiations Engellex, which used Montelimar as the stage to enter the limelight of international politics, and Franken, which acted way too reluctantly during the whole affair and was still embarrassed of itself, had finally agreed to agree to a peace conference on the future of poor Montelimar. On the one side, there was the proud Kingdom of Franken, its western cousin by choice, Anglyn; on the other side there was Engellex and its faithful lapdog, the Duke of Fountain-Haicourt, what was his name again, Graf Solms thought grimly. Cozily in-between there were the hapless King of Montelimar, as well as the Germanic League delegation led by Danmark and Eiffelland. To both demonstrate his subtle disdain for the Engellexic and his monarchy’s readiness to talk Prince Regent Jakob had decided to delegate his seat at the table to the Duke of Bamberg, who held the senior-most position in the Franconian monarchy beside the King and Prince Regent, Reichserbverweser (Lord High Steward). Officially Prince Regent Jakob was unable to attend due to an unfortunate stroke of influenza. Very unofficially this gave the Duke’s liege lord and cousin (1) some spare time to indulge in a wee hobby of his: Tending to the often neglected model train landscape in one of the Burg Gründlach’s basements.

So there they were, in merry old Danmark. Within the Germanic League Danmark was the state which enjoyed the least controversial relationship with Engellex. Thus it was a natural bridge between Engellex and the EDF. The idea of having the meeting in Talemantros had been toyed around, too, but it was swiftly discarded, for Danmark’s solidly friendly relationship to both Franken and Engellex was considered more useful to the meeting’s ends. Following a brief welcome by the Danish hosts and Duke Sebastian III in his capacity as the Lord High Steward, the usual exchange of pleasantries Ministerpresident Graf Solms wasted no further time and formally introduced the meeting’s agenda to the delegations:

1. Convention on military affairs and occupation
2. Convention on political affairs: the future of the Montelimarian nation, its residents and national institutions
3. Convention on economic affairs and indemnities
4. Convention on a conditional peace

“Will the Greater Engellexic delegation put forward their proposals on the first item on the agenda, please? The EDF and the Germanic League will follow en suite with their respective opening statements and then we can proceed to negotiate.”

---

(1) Remember, the Bamberger are the most senior cadet branch of the Knýtlings, one of the Duke’s daughters is the Crown Princess of Eiffelland.

 

[Great Engellex]

DANISH CONFERENCE ON IMPERIAL WAR

Christiansborg, Kingdom of Danmark

As the war continued into the new year of 2012 the cabinet had no reason to feel dissatisfied with Engellex’ position. In the north-east Lille was secure and the Montelimariens had failed to inflict a convincing defeat on the Engellexic armies. Despite casualties almost reaching ten thousand, the north-east of Montelimar would not be troubled again until the later stages of assimilation into the Empire and in the meantime Valmy and Mormant were being reinforced. In the far north, on Engellex’ Cambrian front, Federation naval forces had been thoroughly devastated, and in the east the strategically important regions of Montelimar, the last hope of that army had been bottled up near Strausberg and Fontaine-Harcourt. And from the Engellexic observation of the forces in the south and east the Chiefs of Imperial Staff were only too well aware of the desperate plight now facing the imminent destruction of the Montelimariens in those regions. True, Great Engellex had suffered the indignity of losing the confidence of strong economic growth, with social unrest, and of seeing the Karlskrona Accord invading the territory of an ally but there was still substantial reason for optimism that, come the summer, the position of the Empire could be that of commanding the Occident. In that hope the Queen-Empress, and certainly every party of the Imperial Parliament, was much encouraged by the renewal of peace talks, even though it looks as though Augsberg will use the unique position of the alliance to negotiate the position of Engellex down.

From the outset of the conflict Wiese attempted to cast itself in the role of peace-maker, while at the same time reserving the right to protect its immediate, and ambitious, interests.

Having forced the Federation to abandon Preuti and the Strait of Cambria during the autumn and winter, the declared intent of Engellex had been achieved but the government and parliament were both well aware that the Empire’s prosecution of the war posed sensitive problems for Engellex’ future well-being. The longer the fighting continued, the more shrill would become threats of Europaland to throw in its feminist lot with the Federation and, if that were to happen, Great Engellex would be placed in a hazardous position. Not only would Dulwich be forced to divert every naval assert to the Great Sea but, whatever the outcome of the war, it would incur the wrath of an absent confidence in the Empire’s economy. It was a difficult balancing act but Molesworth, with his wide diplomatic experience, including several spells as ambassador to Nurnberg and Augsberg, was not unequal to the task. Tall and charming, with dashing features, he was a traditional Engellexic diplomat who believed that he had to subjugate his own preferences to the Empire’s wishes and in that respect he served Dulwich well. Crucially, he had the ear of the Queen-Empress and the confidence of parliament, and would be able to direct the country’s policy in this conference with little interference from the imperial metropolis, largely because he shared the same economic fears of prolonged conflict as the cabinet did. Molesworth’s enemies, especially those within the Armed Forces who disagreed with him supporting a less aggressive foreign policy, thought him seditious at times and too liberal. There was some truth to it as he frequently allowed his concern for economic and political stability to blind him to the wider picture of what was Great Engellex’ European position. Molesworth had persuaded the cabinet in Dulwich to rather deceptively invite a representation of the Grand Duchy of Potenza and the Kingdom of Breotonia to observe the progress of negotiations – more so to bring balance to the conference in favour of Preuti, this somewhat diluted the Engellexic position but he saw it as necessary.

Molesworth had been made uncomfortably aware that the approaching economic catastrophe of the region made a course of failed negotiations impossible and, especially, must not surrender any territorial advantage to the Federation, or their new overlords in Augsburg, in Montelimar. For the part of Dulwich, the politicians in the metropolis knew only too well that a failure of any fresh military demonstration in Montelimar would compromise the Empire’s position at the conference. Fortunately there was no stalemate in this respect. The cabinet needed not to make any renewed pressures to help the military make any further advances in the east and south. When Baron Piccadilly, the Engellexic ambassador to Christiansborg, pressed Molesworth to end the Borussian obfuscation to the right of Dulwich in Preuti-Borussia the foreign delegate responded smoothly that there appeared to be a supposed misunderstanding on the subject of my mission to Christiansborg. He was confident that his mission was to break the deadlock that allowed the war to take place, not necessarily to assert Engellexic hegemony across the region. He wasn’t alone however. The Marquis of Molesworth was accompanied by the Earl of Ipswich. Molesworth was not impressed with his partner. There was a lack of confidence within him, describing him to colleagues of the Northern Department as a foolish old man who was out of touch with the reality of European Affairs. Ipswich had served previously as minister in Emyn Arnen, he was a fluent Aren, Danish and Suionian speaker who had good rapport with Saamiskavia. One other virtue gave him additional credibility in Christiansborg; he was passionate about agriculture and had been responsible for the growth of Danish imports of produce into the Engellexic markets. Throughout the negotiating process the two aristocratic men had been instructed to work assiduously with their counterparts to bring the Federation into accepting the larger part of the terms from Dulwich.

The Marquis of Molesworth was not one for the elaborate lectures of Palmerston and was inclined to get quite to the point of interest :- her Majesty my Queen-Empress has instructed me to communicate the contents of the Convention on Military Lines and Occupation to this great congress of ministers. I shall express the necessity, and, less so, hope that no opposing party should feel the need to canvass questions against the need of this convention; what is certainly anticipated is a compromise to be reached concerning the financing of the occupation by Montelimar.

OOC:

Convention on Military Lines and Occupation

It shall be recognise that neither Great Engellex or the Kingdom of Montelimar will occupy the following territory :-

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The convention shall also extend to regulate the matter concerning the temporary occupation of the Valmy Metropolitan Area and the Metropolitan Area of Nancy with 250,000 troops :-

Valmy – 150,000
Nancy – 100,000​

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Montelimar will supply all the wants of the 250,000 Engellexic troops who remain in the country. Lodging, fuel, light, provisions, and food will to be furnished in kind, to an extent not exceeding 300,000 daily rations for men; and for pay, equipment, clothing etc.

The period of occupation will extend beyond the ten years of compensation by an additional five; negotiations for withdrawal can begin after ten.

 

[Großlausitz]

Danish Conference on a peace in Montelimar
Christiansborg, Kingdom of Danmark
Ministerpresident Graf Solms raised but an eyebrow over the attendance of the Breotish and Potenzan delegations. Certainly Engellex was entitled to reinforce its position, but you could not really trust either observer. The former should be treated cautiously due to its lack of a firm and stable central government, whereas the latter one would only see to its very own interests in the end of the day. What was more, Breotonia was viewed as a rival sea power, with whom Franken did business but didn’t trust as much as it did with Wiese. Graf Solms could also recognize the typically – at least from a Franconian point of view – overly aristocratic demeanor of the Engellexic senior delegates.

“Ladies and Gentlemen, Franken would like to discuss the size of the occupying troops as well as the scope of the supply obligations put on the Montelimarian people. The Kingdom is well aware of the current status quo, but it will be in neither parties’ interest to burden the people which such a strenuous task. It will cause bitterness, distrust and consequently destabilize the region once more. There is no Montelimarian military to speak of and neither a militia Engellex would have to fear,” the Ministerpresident started. This could either way: On the one hand Engellex would embrace Franken’s proposed narrative; on the other hand this could be a neat starting point for inviting Europaland to start trouble in Montelimar.

 

[Breotonia]

Conference on Peace in Montelimar
Christiansborg

Rear Admiral Harold Stanton was one of the "dry" admirals in the Royal Navy. The dryness referred not to alcohol consumption (which he partook in with some enthusiasm when the occasion called for it) but to his being an administrator rather than a commanding officer at sea. An apparatus as vast as the Breotish Navy necessitated an equally enormous army of organizing agents. He had made his career in the Office of Investigations (OI) which, for reasons which were still, after decades of service, unclear to him was a part of the Logistical Operations Command (NavLogCom). In any case, he was a perfectly orderly military bureaucrat and could pursue well defined tasks with a highly efficient and effective single mindedness. This was the quality that had suggested him to play Breotonia's eyes and ears at the conference. His brief was simple, he was ensure that however this war ended the peace would have to result in a stable and balanced outcome. For the moment he would let the warring parties quibble but was prepared (and empowered) to flex Breotonia's not inconsiderable muscle should it become necessary to procure a favorable outcome.

 

[Rheinbund]

Dr. Norbert Schmelzer was a senior diplomat from Eiffelland and a confidant of Chancellor Matthias Graf von Seydewitz. He would have been a very good Minister for Foreign Affairs, if Eiffelland would not have the tradition that the Chancellor and the Minister for Foreign Affairs are from different political parties, unless one political party forms the government on its own. He practiced the gallantry of a 19th century nobleman (he would always let a woman pass, for instance). He was also a very vain man and paid very much attention to his looks. He wore a hand‑made dark blue suit with vest and breast‑pocket handkerchief, a white shirt, black shoes, a wine‑red tie and dark blue socks. His hair had become grey early, but he had it painted in his original hair colour (dark blonde), so nobody apart from his wife and his hair stylist knew that he was grey.

“Your highness,” he said to the Marquis of Molesworth, “I have to agree with His Highness Ministerpresident Graf Solms in this matter. Please note that the economy of Montelimar has been reduced to that of a developing country. Now you are asking them to feed a complete army. They will never be able to fulfil that task.”

 

[Danmark]

In the grandiose and ancient surroundings of Kronborg Slot, a fourteenth century castle-palace and royal residence in the centre of the Danish capital of Chrisitiansborg, the dignatories and their variably sized entourages gathered to plot the political course of Near-Germania - Montelimar to be precise. Considerable attention had been paid, and sweat spent, behind the scenes to ensure that the all international attenders to the great conference would be shown great Danish hospitality and that their needs would be catered to down to minute detail.

The conference had garnered considerable media coverage and debate in the lead-up to and at the beginning of the conference with immense cateloguing of the war in Montelimar, the ramifications upon wider security and geo-political alignment, the implications of the defeat of the EDF and Engellexian defeat of their neighbour, and how Danmark would approach the new dawn on its western borders. Initially characterised by concern and a degree of 'it's over there', the mood had increasingly changed to one both of anger at the way Montelimar had been treated and also a middle way of accommodation. News of reported atrocities committed by Engellexian troops had not done the cause of accommodation much good in recent times and there were increasingly vocal voices calling for a robust approach to the cause of Engellex-Montelimar (as the government had chosen to call the 'new' Montelimar partly in recognition of real politik but also in respect to the Kingdom of Montelimar) varying from invasion down to a severe scolding of the Queen Empress and her government. Public opinion desired an amicable settlement that respected the Montelimarians - crushing them was an anathema to decent hearted Danes and reports of an Engellexian 'jack boot' had turned the stomach of many with the plight of Montelimarian refugees and Montelimar in general finding a great deal of sympathy. With a certain respect for monarchy, people also felt intensely furious at the future of the Montelimarian royal family which the Danish monarchy had connections to. In some quarters, an attack on the Montelimarian monarchy and kingdom was an affront to their own royal family and many did not take kindly to it. As such, news of Europalandic pricking of Engellexian eyes was seen with a degree of joy and just retribution in a karmic fashion.

Even so, government policy was not populist but was mindful of it. Given the occasion, the main thoroughfares of Christiansborg had been bedecked in the flags of the conference nations - Montelimar, Franken, Great Engellex, Potenza, Eiffelland, Wiese, Wendmark, and Breotonia - alternately between Danish Dannebrogs so to catch the eye of the delegates and to bring a degree of importance to the occasion. The leading delegates were presented to the Danish head of state, His Majesty King Hans Gustav III, in the majestic surroundings of Karlskrona Slot, followed by an official photo-call with the King, Statsminister Jens Peder Hillerød, and the chair of the conference, former Statsminister Edvard Poul Jensen amid a fluttering of official press camera flashes. Given the circumstances of the conference and its initial stages, the meeting with the king stopped short of the full pomp of the Danish monarchy. That may come for a later day.

At the centre of the conference was the former Statsminister of Danmark, the much-venerated Edvard Poul Jensen, a statesman highly regarded by all sides of the Danish spectrum. Unusually, the Danish government was not to be formally represented at the conference such was the respect held for Jensen by all parts of Danish society and the trust held in him. In some quarters people believed Jensen had sidelined the government in a coup de grace. However, to give the government of the day due credit, Danmark would not have been in this position had it not been for its policies which had placed it in a position that gained it the respect of not only its Germanian League counterparts, but also of Great Engellex.

Jensen was under no illusion that the conference would be a difficult task, with potential obstacles thrown up along the way, but it was one he felt up to and he felt armoured by the support of the Danish nation and government who had entrusted him with the mantle. Jensen, ever the conciliator but not one afraid to 'tell it was it is', was prepared not only to hammer heads together, but also be realistic about the aims and ambitions of all sides- whether they be Engellexian or elsewhere.

 

[Großlausitz]

Danish Conference on a peace in Montelimar
Christiansborg, Kingdom of Danmark

Very true to their Holy Germanic Imperial heritage the Danes had put up an impressive show of pomp and pageantry, which the Franconians enjoyed as much as the Engellexics very likely did. Even if you were a seasoned politician you couldn’t help but be moved walking by your nation’s colours every day. The Ministerpresident wasn’t a total cynic, after all. While the Engellexic party was taking their time to work out an answer to the initial rebuttals by the EDF as well as Germanic League, the Franconians put the break time to good use, too.
A message from the domestic secret service Landesamt für Verfassungsschutz read:

The Europalanders were delighted about our offer of assistance and expressed their gratitude. However, they wanted some time to consider our conditions.

With his mood being boosted by this message, Graf Peter Solms was handed another one by the LfV that elated him even more.

The re-assignment of adhoc funds for the reinforcement of the railway lines in south eastern and south western was successfully arranged by the Transport Minister. What’s more, Minister Sedlaty informed us that she will have a cost and risk analysis prepared for the event of national interests demanding the redirection of commercial flights in the region. Our service will add a security perspective to the analysis.

Whistling joyfully he asked one of the attendants whether he could pour him another helping of that delicious Danish lemonade. It was only sold in Danmark and some border regions, as it didn’t appeal to the taste of most Franconians or Wieser. Graf Solms – his sweet tooth – liked it a lot, though.

 

[Great Engellex]

Christianborg, Kingdom of Danmark, March 2012

In Dulwich Sir Anthony Pelham-Holles told the Cabinet that the Marquis of Molesworth was inefficient, imperious and deaf to all positions of ministers within the Cabinet, but this was mere obsession and slight jealousy on the Northern Secretary’s part. By then in the third month of the conference Molesworth had pushed himself remorselessly, frequently staying up all night to finish his dispatches, and insisting his partner, Ipswich, and their staff do the same. Sometimes the lot of them would be found at their desks still in evening dress as dawn broke in Christianborg, but despite the tension and the pressure the dispatches to Dulwich were packed full with detail and tart observation of the proceedings. Little escaped his attention, and indeed he maintained his commitments to all political and local duties, whether it was the need to offer condolence and recompense to a wife of a fallen soldier within the Engellexic Army as chair of the Lords’ Army Welfare Committee, or plans to build a regional airport near his seat in Twickenhamshire. With time unfortunately given by the deadlock in negotiations, Molesworth became particularly displeased by the insistence of the Finance Secretary and the Chief of the Imperial General Staff on the matter of occupation and the financing of that undertaking, and he gave no time in giving his opinion to the Queen-Empress on that matter. He was informed mid-February of the total cost this would place upon the Montelimarien treasury and had been greatly appalled that it was even being considered at a time of great economic hardship. Charlotte had certainly listened to his advice and opinion because she personally intervened to delay the insistence of the original Engellexic position for a review on the occupation and financing contingency by a Lords’ Committee. Molesworth was sure that such news would bring hope to all sides in Christianborg.

Molesworth was equally concerned by a series of reports from his connections within the Ministry of War and the Northern Department that Europaland intended, or was keen to appear so, to make moves towards Engellex with a view to threatening the imperial frontiers in Preuti and Saamiskavia. The Marquis joined a rather large voice, within the Lords, of advising the Northern Secretary to give strong support and encouragement to the maintenance of the Breotish Mantle within the Great Sea. It had not been easy handling the Europalandian situation in Christianborg, the Royal Engellexic Navy had already sent the Frankish Navy packing from the Strait of Cambria – but Molesworth was convinced that Great Engellex had to reconsider its whole system of resistance in Preuti-Borussia to the natural enemies of the empire, the Europalandians. Not for the first time in the conflict the Europalandian threat to Engellex was suggested as a stronger reason for settling a negotiation of peace over inflicting a major military defeat on the continent.

All this Sir Anthony Pelham-Holles understood and appreciated but that did not stop him from sniping at the peer within the drawing rooms of imperial society. In one conversation to an industrialist peer Pelham-Holles claimed that Molesworth was intent on ending the war simply to allow the Federation and Montelimar the opportunity to recover and engage a second war against the empire on their terms. Opposing the occupation of Montelimar was his revenge to the Treasury by preventing it from replenishing our cold coffers.

While Charlotte and the House of Lords were doing their best to overcome the obstacle of popular opinion in Engellex, in Christianborg matters were still unresolved about the Convention of Military Lines and Occupation. In an attempt to break the deadlock the Queen-Empress had allowed Molesworth to suggest a proposal of a compromise which supported the concept of limitations – which the financing would have forced on Montelimar – and linked it to a reduction in the size of the Engellexic occupational forces (100,000 from 250,000) and to a permanent limitation on the size of the Montelimarien military (50,000). Any infringement would be a casus beli on the part of the Empire of Great Engellex. When the proposal was presented to Molesworth and Ipswich they both thought it merited serious consideration and favour from the parties at the conference and they gave their support; Ipswich especially because he was becoming convinced that no more greater victory than over Montelimar can be made now in the war against the Federation and that Dulwich would be compelled to accept lesser terms if the war continued, or worse if another campaign was made.

 

[Rheinbund]

"So 100,000 troops," Dr. Schmelzer said. "That is much better. We have to focus on what the Montelimarians will be able to bear in the future. The previous number was definitely too high for that. I didn't need any economic prognoses to conclude that. Let's calculate out if this is something the Montelimarians can bear."

He had already seen the images of the triumphal procession of an Engellexic nobleman into the Montelimarian city where he would become the governor. In itself a beautiful parade. Schmelzer liked the fact that the Engellexians kept up traditions so fanaticly, even the silliest ones that referred to humoristic events in the past. But he also had the impression that the Engellexic mania for keeping up traditions was a symptom of the mindset of most Engellexians — a mindset that had stuck in the 17th century. So therefore vae victis and a triumphant procession of the new ruler in the defeated provinces. That was something he disliked. That was something his government disliked. That was something most Eiffellandians disliked. In that way, he liked the Germanic countries more, countries where old traditions were easily combined with a modern mindset.

 

[Großlausitz]

Danish Conference on a peace in Montelimar
Christiansborg, Kingdom of Danmark

"I do second my esteemed Eiffellandian colleagues here. 100k troops is a far more realistic and sustainable figure than the previous one. Having 50k of national troops for Montelimar seems reasonable, too. After all, the Montelimarians will have to focus on re-establishing their national economy anyway. I'm pretty sure they will concentrate on the time-honoured occupation of becoming ambitious merchants and entrepreneurs, which they have been renowned for since the 18th century. May I suggest moving forward on the agenda then or do you have something to add, gentlemen?," Ministerpresident Graf Solms remarked.

Convention on political affairs: the future of the Montelimarian nation, its residents and national institutions

"While the Crown of Franken does understand the motives for establishing buffer-statelets and zones, we'd prefer to keep the Montelimarian territorial integrity as preserved as possible. Could you explain and justify Engellex' point of view on the issue, please? Your explanation will allow the conference to discuss and deliberate the matter more effectively, as I suspect there is a difference between what Engellex and the states of Germania and/or the EDF perceive as Montelimarian nation," the Ministerpresident smiled nonchalantly. If Engellex considered breaking Montelimar down into many a statelet a conditio sine qua non (1), it would be fine, too. That way Engellex could subsequently be accused of ripping something apart which the people of the hapless kingdom of Montelimar considered united.


(1) non negotiable

 

[Great Engellex]

Christianborg, Kingdom of Danmark, March 2012

Molesworth noted the frustration of Ipswich at the continued absence, many in Dulwich attribute to misplaced arrogance, of good understanding of Great Engellex’ position and subsequent war aims with regard to the European Defence Federation.

The Marquis politely gave the opportunity to Ipswich who smartly replied, our declared intent, Ministerpresident.

The declared intent – declared as such on too many occasions – was to prevent the Federation from launching such a war on the continent, the Solaren War, without acknowledging the concerns and positions of other powers; more especially using Preuti to land forces against continental powers and neighbours. The war aims reflected this and included the establishment of a separate Kingdom of Wissemandie, Principality of Fontaine-Harcourt, and possibly another minor realm bordering Wendmark, ensuring the rule of the former Kingdom of Montelimar by those less inclined toward the whim of the Federation or the League. Montelimar Proper, as it is now commonly referred to, would be freed from the domination of Borussian Powers and Great Engellex had extended her borders to absorb Lille and the province.

With typical Engellexic understatement Ipswich found the questions tired and declared – with a nod in the direction of the Duc de Fontaine-Harcourt – that the raising of questions on the justification behind the province, the kingdom and the principality (note the absence of a reference to the other state) was certainly more likely to throw our states back into a renewed effort of war. I believe, gentlemen, the establishment is our reality.

 

[Großlausitz]

Danish Conference on a peace in Montelimar
Christiansborg, Kingdom of Danmark

"Very well, your excellency," the Ministerpresident politely remarked, "that you can sit on bayonets only for so long. With other words, my, our concerns are to preserve the stability of the Montelimarian region in the future. The people of Montelimar know the merits of popular participation and won't take it lightly if a new regime is imposed upon them without the slightest hint of consultations. Franken and her partners are also concerned you will be engaged in countless internal conflicts on preserving the integrity of the new Montelimarian states." Of course Graf Solms was merely shedding crocodile's tears. His hope was that Engellex mindlessly pushed through its plan to portion Montelimar into several statelets. In this day and age the people of Germania will surely love to see a vivid example of quasi-colonialism.

 

[Great Engellex]

Christianborg, Kingdom of Danmark, April 2012

The fall of Montelimar was no doubt a tragedy in the Great Continental War*, but we have before us, gentlemen, the opportunity to secure the future of our continent to the benefit of all sitting here. Molesworth paused and attempted to lock eyes with the Ministerpresident of Franken, what might have been the results if the war will gone on I know not, but I do declare that it (the war) has had no prejudicial effect whatever on the argument of her Majesty and Ministers for a greater balance of power within Preuti-Borussia. Molesworth was indeed referring to the argument made the year last which has sustained the Engellexic position entirely. That argument was for a greater inclusion of neighbouring powers into affairs of alliances when matters concern confrontation and possibly war – the Solaren issue.

With respect to the remarks your Excellency had made on the subject of democratic principle, partitioning of the former kingdom is not something Great Engellex has decided upon lightly. The Imperial Parliament in Dulwich has attached great importance on the democratic principle here, I believe, Molesworth began before a small grin brushed across his face, we have become victims of our own propaganda efforts. I can claim with certainty that her Majesty will want to rectify the image of an empire without representation, like, I believe, your government will want to improve on the image of the King of Franken siphoning off the wealth of Montel industry. All in good time, of course, otherwise we would have a good deal to explain to our peasantry. He finished with a short chuckle.

What the Ministerpresident said was quite true, though, it wasn’t the strength of the new states that was a cause of concern in Dulwich, but rather the scale of reconstruction in both Engellex and Montelimar. Molesworth then declared, before he swiftly moved to the first issue of Wissemandie, that neither in Dulwich, nor in Valmy, would Great Engellex impose constitutions without representation. I have also been empowered to guarantee, in writing, that her Majesty will invite delegates from the Germanic League and the Federation to observe, independently, the proceedings of the committees on establishing constitutions and the referendums that will be held to decide upon them. Unfortunately with due care to this process it has been a challenge for the Law Lords of the Imperial Parliament to determine the constitutional framework in which these Super-Extraordinary Committees can be formed – as they will be formed by peers and commoners of Montelimar.

He paused, and then spoke while referencing to an

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, I would very much like to discuss Wissemandie. It is the firm opinion of her Majesty and Ministers that Great Engellex has no right to propose to Montelimar – post-war – the degradation of herself by submitting to Engellexic interference on port use and military access; as such, it is decidedly right and proper to insist upon conditions that will prevent Great Engellex from ever finding it necessary to intervene in Montel affairs. We have the formation of Wissemandie. It will be administered from city of Bordeaux or Mormant, decided by referendum. The rationale behind our interest in elevating the territory into a kingdom is simply to bring a permanent solution to the balance of power in the region.

((*Term used to refer to the Montelimarien and Solaris wars))

 

[Potenza]

The Potenzan delegation had been a good representation of the current make up in their home government. On the one hand you had Franco Frattini, the foreign minister who (with the San Salvo Accords) answered to the prime minister, the head of the Chamber of Ministers, the civilian wing of the Potenzan government. On the other hand, you had Count Niccolo di Grimaldi, an influential member of the Chamber of Nobles, the new instated royal wing of the Potenzan government. Then, for a third wheel, there was the the heir to the grand duchy, Count Drago di Visconti.

The heir appeared somewhat as a fish out of water at the conference, for although he was familiar with the festivities that occurred beforehand, he seemed new at the world of foreign politics. He kept to himself for the most part, doing his best to not look like he was ignoring events, least his father berate him when he returned. His colleagues, on the other hand, were paying particular attention to all words and discussions. Frattini represented Prime Minister Gaetano Merlino, who desired to see Potenza take a greater role in regional affairs, and had his eye on making certain Potenza had a voice in affairs in Montelimar. Count Niccolo of course had the interests of Potenza in mind, but he also wanted to see regional politics reach a kind of balance.

When they had entered and sat down, not too far from the Engellex delegation, Niccolo poured himself some more lemonade and casually remarked to Frattini in his native Tiburan, "Solms is looking at us."

Frattin glanced over briefly, then looked down, sighing as he said back, "I wonder why."

"We weren't invited by them," Niccolo replied, "we're unwanted guests. We'd best tread carefully."

As the discussions continued and talks were held in regards to partitioning, Niccolo began to draw a simplified map on his notepad representing the proposed changes. He noted to himself how the division would be right in the middle of upper Potenza, and gently nudged his finger against Frattini's sleeve to let him make note of it as well. In his mind, Niccolo pondered if perhaps further division should have been suggested as well, especially in the regions to the east, in a form of "political deregulation" and creating sufficient buffer zones between Engellex and her political enemies, but he also recognized that they were there simply as a show of support, not to flex their muscles - be it even just with words. Quietly, Niccolo began to draw up further divisions inside Montelimar, as he best saw fit in his own mind.

OOC: Apologies ahead of time for all parties involved for neglecting this thread for so long.