Conference

[Caelia]

"...and to lay the groundwork for deepening of solidarity between the revolutionary states in the near future." Fredek placed his copy of the communique on the table and turned to his companion "Comrade Commissar Nestor Gagarin, I must congratulate you! It is a true talent you have, to write so much and say so little."

Nestor suppressed a snort. "My Good Commissar, when you meet a pretty girl on the tram, do you ask her to bed right there? Only a hopeless pedant would spell out in words what is plain for all to see" and he continued without missing the beat "Ah! Forgive me dear Illyushin, I misspoke. I had almost forgotten I was in the company of a soldier."

There was no point holding it back now. The two old friends burst out laughing in the empty chamber.

Stari Buyan, north of the Arctic Circle, was far from an ideal choice for a conference. Thousands of soldiers from the Revolutionary Peoples Insurrectionary Army had been impressed to improve the cities meager infrastructure before it could host heads of state. It's meager military airstrip had been paved an expanded into something resembling an airfield, the seasonal road had been paved, old flats in the downtown had been renovated to serve as lodgings, and the old party office converted into a suitable conference center. It had been an extravagant expenditure for even a high-profile conference, but the symbolism was in the Sovnarkom's calculation worth the investment. Stari Buyan was where the Council Communists had first rose against the Grand Principality and it was where they made their doomed last stand against the triumphant KNRR. This was where they would try to bridge the gulfs between the revolutionary states.

As the laughter was dying the chamber, the two men were interrupted by a sound at the door "Comrade Commissars, the delegates have arrived. They will be here shortly."

The conference had begun.

 

[Vangala]

Deputy External Affairs Minister Khandkar Ali had to confess to being slightly surprised at arriving in Kyiv alive. He and his entourage, which consisted only of the pilot, an armed guard and his own personal assistant, had to endure a long and dangerous journey from Vangala to here, a journey worsened by the small size of the aircraft, which had to navigate between some of the world's tallest peaks as they passed through the Meghalayan Mountains. Not only did they risk flying into a mountain-side, but also interception by either Sikandari or Yujiner fighter-craft, or perhaps both had it been an exceptionally interesting day, with the disputed and ill-defined borders of all three nations not so visible from the sky. Deputy Minister Ali had only learnt he was to travel without a fighter escort moments before boarding his plane, when his superior the esteemed External Affairs Minister Abdul Qamaruzzaman had informed him that National Defence Minister Nurul Banerjee felt providing a full escort to what was clearly a civilian flight was an unnecessary use of precious aviation fuel reserves and potential provocation to Sikandara and Yujin, as they would be passing close to the borders of both. Instead, a fully armed and trained guard would accompany him on his plane journey, and provide personal defence should they survive a crash into enemy territory. Deputy Minister Ali had spent a lot of that journey wondering how useful the Carentanian-manufactured VP-39/A assault rifle would be against military aircraft.

Stari Buyan was cold, really cold. Located north of the Arctic Circle, the bleak, empty, windswept surroundings were a far cry from the verdant, warm and humid places of home. Even inside the conference building, Deputy Minister Ali was still clinging to his winter military jacket tightly. His Kyivan hosts seemed untroubled by the blistering cold. Perhaps they could supply the winter and mountain-warfare uniforms to the Vangalan People's Armed Forces instead.

Deputy External Affairs Minister Khandkar Ali had been given a clear objective by Minister Qamaruzzaman before his departure: entice as much aid as possible out of the other socialist powers. Touzen was not included in this description. The Workers and Peasants Party was suspicious of post-delegationism, which it regarded as crypto-anarchism and having undermined the first international socialist movements. Touzen had its own problems anyway, from the domineering position of Marshal Dorgon to rebellious workers in factories. With all this in mind, Deputy Minister Ali doubted Touzen had much to offer.

Khandkar Ali had worked with representatives from Carentania and Havenshire on numerous occasions, and was confident he would see some familiar faces at the conference. However, considering they had already generously provided so much to the Vangalan people, how much more they would be willing to give was in question. Minister Qamaruzzaman was confident if a new multi-lateral framework for mutual socialist assistance was agreed to, Carentania and Havenshire would honour the previous commitments and pledge further help as well. Ali himself was less sure.

The Kyivan People's Republic however, arguably the foremost power of the revolutionary bloc of nations, had yet to promise anything significant to Vangala. Kyiv considered itself as the soft force superpower of the socialist world, and was eager to spread socialism without the use of hard, military force. Large quantities of humanitarian and military supplies to Vangala could be the beginning of such a campaign.

 

[Havenshire]

Foreign Minister John Key arrived in Kyiv in somewhat more comfort than his Vangalan counterparts. This was not the first time he had been to Kyiv, indeed, he had been part of the mission that had first secured close ties between the present regime and the People's Republic of Havenshire when it had first tentatively sought to establish itself during the Kyivan revolution. He had learned well from his predecessor, that good connections on the outside can boost your standing on the inside. Power is power. His predecessor's mistake was to try to translate that too literally, trying to buy imperialist favour with the devalued currency of transitory domestic power.

Stari Buyan was chilly, even to him. He had spent a little time in his youth on his father's estate in the Stoneback Mountains. He had been born and raised an aristocrat, to strong Northavenite gentry. He had seen where the tide was going early on, however, and joined the Council-Communist Party, despite his father's objections. A pity, he thought, that the old man had had to die the way he did. He might have come to see reason, eventually.

He nodded to the guards. He brought only 2 armed guards from the Embassy in Kyiv's capital, aswell as the Ambassador's personal translator and secretary. He did not feel as...exposed as the Vangalans might, so far from home. Here, Key knew, he was as safe as he possibly could be, thousands of miles from anyone or anywhere. Even the most experimental long-range jets could not circumnavigate the globe alone, not yet.

For Key, today was another milestone in his long career of making connections with important socialists around the world. Perhaps significant historically, but personally the only real difference for him was the cold temperature and the sheer abundance of dignitaries. His goals were, as always, to cement those ties, to create personal links with the bigwigs, to secure agreements and favours that benefited him and his ministry cronies personally.

Of course, unlike his predecessor, he knew that he could not seek these things at the expense of what the Premier wanted. And what the Premier wanted was an iron-clad alliance, and access to experimental millitary technology, and, more importantly than anything else, grain. His Prospero plan to have "guns and butter" could only work long-term. In the short term, he badly, direly needed to ensure a Famine did not occur this winter, as many clandestine government reports suggested there might be, given the huge tie-up of resources in the War in Vangala. Vangala's rice harvest was meant to offset this huge industrial investment, but that harvest had been poor, and many hundreds of thousands of Vangalans were starving as it was. But Kyiv, Kyiv's harvest had not yet been fully reaped. Much grain could come from the North, added to the trickle from Ivernia and Carentania, and provide the visible, actual, abundance that Macclesfield had promised time and again.

If 1953 not only had no famine, but a bountiful winter, he could risk a mini-famine in 1954 and 55, and hopefully bring the enormous strain of supplying Vangala and Yujin to a gradual close, presumably with some kind of victory there.

This was the plan explained to Key. Get Allies, get Jets and rockets, but above all else, get Kyiv's grain.

 

[Caelia]

OOC: OK, so we can keep this moving, a retcon is now in effect.

This conference is and has always been a three-way meeting between Havenshire, Vangala and Kyiv.

 

[Touzen]

Objection.

 

[Caelia]

Nestor Gagarin greeted the two delegates warmly "Comrade Key, Comrade Ali, that you could both make it here is a sure sign of the unbreakable bonds that exist between all workers states. Sadly as you know some of our Comrades from abroad were not so fortunate." He decided to leave their names unspoken.

As soon as the exchange of pleasantries between the hosts and delegates was finished, Nestor turned to Ali. It was the events in Vangala after all that would be driving this meeting. "Comrade Ali you please convey my congratulations on behalf of the Revolutionary Republic. Let me tell you there is not one man in Kyiv who doubts your upcoming elections will result in a resounding reaffirmation, which is why I am prepared to offer you the service of some of our finest specialists to monitor the polls. Such a victory will deserve to be recorded!"

"Now gentlemen, I believe my good Comrade-Commissar Suldesoka has something to tell you."

Fredek Suldesoka cleared his throat. "Thank you Commissar Gagarin. Comrade-Ministers, as you are doubtlessly aware an Ivernian aircraft recently crashed in our territory. The first thing I will tell you is that the foreign media reports it was an advanced bomber aircraft are true. The second thing I will tell you is we believe a significant amount of the aircraft's components will be salvageable, and that the KNRR is prepared to share whatever we learn about this technology with your governments."

The ball was rolling.

 

[Touzen]

The Touzen delegate was there and had been silent until now. In fact, he had been bogged down reminiscing about projects he had to finish back home, projects that awaited him once he would return from this conference in Stari Buyan.

The invitation from Kyiv had come as a surprise to the National Emergency Council, especially as the Kyivan embassy approached the government at a time when the Constitutional State was besieged and engaged in a rapidly deteriorating situation outside of its borders. Not that the Constitutional State was a driving force in these events, rather it had become a force that was being driven by other actors, at least for the time being until the NEC could restore a semblance of total control over the post-delegationist state and reassert Touzen's regional and international role. Prior to the troubles that started in the summer of 1952, the Constitutional State had only slowly begun to unwind from a period dominated by leadership failure resulting in an increasingly inward-looking political landscape. Lord Protector Kaneko, before his continued hospitalization after Taketori's attack on the All Citizens' Council, had politically capitalized on the lack of revolutionary solidarity with Boliatur and swept aside a political establishment confident with maintaining the status quo. Now, with the Touzen government weakened and reformed into the National Emergency Council strongly dominated by the interests and allies of Jurchen's Marshall Dorgon, the Constitutional State had gladly seized upon the opportunity to engage in political talks abroad, in hopes of finally regaining the imitative it had been prevented from rebuilding for almost a year and asserting a role independent of the Marshall. The fact that the Constitutional State had been invited and not the Jurchen Republic had been received very warmly in the nationally-minded political establishment of Old Touzen.

The communist world was by far not an ideal partner for the Constitutional State, and for many years, anti-communist sentiments had dominated public discourse even more than rejection of the monarchist powers in general and the Engellexic sphere in particular. But under Kaneko and his predecessor as well as the rising star of the post-delegationist world, Dorgon, the orthodox post-delegationist movement had made a dramatic move towards cooperation based on rational considerations, and hopefully the NEC would be able to expand on these emerging ties in Kyiv. The red insurgency in Yujin was of course a concern - but Touzen was in no position to push its own ideological agenda in that country, at least for now. Far more important to Touzen was the prevention of the rise of Taketoriism in the territories of Yujin, and the rise of a benevolent, if not entirely compatible political current was for now considered to be in the national interest of the far eastern state.

As Suldesoka was talking, the delegate quietly went over his papers again. For now he was listening, but it would eventually be his turn to speak. But in a room full of communists, it would probably be wiser for the post-delegationist to observe the situation. For now.

 

[Vangala]

Deputy External Affairs Minister Khandkar Ali smiled politely as Commissar Gagarin praised the achievements of the Vangalan Revolution, although suspected if the Commissar knew the true human cost of the Revolution, his praise would be somewhat more muted. But Ali was not here to question the Commissar's interpretation of events, and if anything, the heroic sacrifices made by the Vangalan people would further serve his purposes at the conference: to extract as much aid as possible from Kyiv, who had yet to make any formal commitment to the new Vangalan People's Republic.

"Comrade-Commissar Gagarin, before we begin the discussions in earnest, first let me thank you for your kind words and accept your generous offer of election monitors. It would be truly heartening for the Vangalan masses to see the outside world take an interest in their first fair and free election!" As he finished, his eyes turned towards the delegation from Touzen, who had sat in a stony silence through the proceedings thus far. They remained silent. Petit-bourgeois anarchists, he thought sneeringly, repeating a description he had read in a Carentanian document critical of Post-Delegationism. Deputy Minister Ali's superiors in the Vangalan Workers and Peasants Party thought likewise.

Ali shifted his eyes away from Touzen delegation, and his attention returned to his Kyivan hosts.

"As for Comrade-Commissar Suldesoka, the news you bring is most interesting. Unfortunately the Vangalan People's Air Force can only deploy the decrepit old aeroplanes left by the fleeing Franconians, although we are in discussion with our Carentanian friends about the possible purchase of more advanced craft," His hand motioned towards the empty seats of the missing Carentanians, "yet this information you provide allows to consider alternatives."

Deputy External Affairs Minister Khandkar Ali resumed his polite smile as the translators slowly, but surely, explained what he had to said to his assembled colleagues.

 

[Caelia]

Nestor Gagarin was not surprised by the Vangalan's confusion over the technology offer, but it was exactly the question he wanted them to ask. "If I may be frank Comrade Ali, it has been the belief of the Sovnarkom for some time that if the revolution is to succeed in Vangala it will be necessary to raise the scientific and industrial capacity as rapidly as possible. Unlike the capitalist powers we simply do not have the luxury of waiting a hundred years for industrialization to run its course. Now according to our experts one of greatest stumbling blocks to industrial development in your country is the reality that modern scientific methods have not been uniformly applied to agriculture, trapping the peasants in the fields and preventing the accumulation of a surplus that could be redirected into industrial development. If economic development is to be accelerated then, the first objective must be to release the people from their absolute dependency on subsistence agriculture. Do you agree with this assessment comrade?"

 

[Havenshire]

Key noted the flow of discussion, and also observed the Touzen delegation's presence with interest. It was regrettable that his Carentanian counterpart's presence at these talks had been unavoidably delayed, perhaps for the duration, but he was keen to see that Havenshire's own star in diplomatic circles continued to rise. It was true, the KNRR was a sleeping giant, who could bring formidable resources and credentials to the table. But what Havenshire had that even the KNRR lacked was a certain...touch, Key felt, developed from decades of experience at handling revolutionary affairs, at being the understudy to the world's first and foremost revolutionary state.

He felt such nuance would prove valuable here.

"We understand Vangala's concerns, and share our comrade of Kyiv's assessment that a rapid development of Vangala's infrastructure is essential to its revolutionary progress." He began smoothly. "Naturally, we have already begun small, but significant, developments towards this end. Whilst our work with your government and within your country has largely been towards the short-term aim of defeating the Imperial Yujiners, the highways we build, the hospitals set up, and, soon, the factories commissioned, will all be Vangala's, free of any long-term charge, to use as it sees fit, once the war is over."

He continued, warming to his theme. "More immediately, however, we believe that what Vangala needs is immediate and direct aid against the reactionary foe. What good are theoretical, prototype jets with few weapons and even fewer skilled enough to pilot them, when what is needed is raw quantity of firepower, to drive the enemy back? We have already donated many, admittedly less advanced, propeller-driven planes to Vangala's cause, which despite their lack of relative sophistication will be, we are confident, more than capable of defeating an enemy whose primary strength is raw numbers.

As for sophistication...We have voted on, and agreed, that in addition to the instructors we have provided for the training of the Hongmenghui, that elite task forces will be dispatched to provide a direct revolutionary example, and strong, useful addition, to Vangalan and Revolutionary Yujin forces, in direct intervention against the reactionaries."

 

[Caelia]

Suldesoka waved his hand "Comrade Key I am quite aware advanced aircraft technology may not be of great practical value to Vangalan's, but in truth that offer was not directed as them."

"As for the Vangalans there are those amongst our General Staff who believe that the single greatest deficit in the revolutionary struggle in Yujin is that paucity of guns. These officers that if only the Vangalans could be furnished with a powerful force of guns, say a division, led by officers trained in the latest principles of gunnery, it would become a powerful instrument that could be deployed to smash the reactionaries at the decisive moment on the battlefield. It is an interesting plan, don't you think Comrades? But such an undertaking would require not just modern weapons and education, but modern factories to supply it and of course capable soldiers to man it."

 

[Vangala]

While Commissar Suldesoka was talking, Deputy Minister Ali quietly berated his translator. Evidently there had been some mistranslations, as they had started speaking about advanced jet fighter-craft, for them only to move rapidly onto agricultural equipment and now assault rifles. He also looked nervously to the delegation from Touzen - was it so wise to speak about such affairs in front of an unconfirmed friend of the socialist world? However, to object at this point would be undiplomatic, and may risk offending the Kyivans if it seemed Ali was attempting to undermine them.

"Comrade-Commissar Suldesoka, words are not enough to describe the immense gratitude I feel at this point as you reveal the true generosity of the Kyivan people. Whatever Kyiv may offer, Vangala shall gladly receive."

Deputy Minister Ali would wait until the subject of conversation stabilised before making specific requests, if he had to make any at all. The Kyivans were proving far more willing to give than Ali had suspected.

 

[Caelia]

Fredek had noticed the Vangalan ambassador was somewhat uneasy about the presence of the Touzeners at the table. He hardly blamed them, he was not particularly happy about their presence himself. But he recalled how Nestor had explained it to him privately in the weeks before the conference: "There is no reason to feel hesitant speaking frankly in front of the Touzeners Fredek. Do not forget that one does not hold an international conference to discuss matters of great secrecy, whatever promises we make are merely the stepping stones. Our republic has been slumbering too long and our influence in the world has waned, if we intend to restore it we must first remind the world: Our friends will be rewarded, our enemies will be hunted. Whether they realize it or not, whether WE realize it or not, the Touzeners are to be counted among the Rus's natural friends in this world. There is no doubt in my mind Fredek that history has conspired to put our nations on the same path and we are progressing towards the same goals. So I will let them witness our generosity, and I will let them see how we bring down our enemies, because I want to show them that the place to be is on our side.

Through Vangala and Havenshire we can become the greatest power in the socialist world. But through Touzen... we can become the greatest power in all of Europa."

Touzen, how many divisions do they have? Was what Fredek had thought at the time, and his assessment had not changed. Power as far as he was concerned would come by strengthening the Republic not beguiling foreigners. Strength begets respect and respect begets influence. But he could not deny there something seductive about his friends scheming. There had never been a wall so high it could stop a cart filled with gold.

 

[Touzen]

"It goes without question that the most immediate goal must be to strengthen the struggle against the Yujiner regime by any means necessary", the Touzen delegate finally rose his voice after having stayed staunchly silent for most of the time until now. That delegate was Hamasaki Goro. Hamasaki was...what was he, anyway? Technically he didn't have any particular position of note at all. Unofficially, his connection to the National Emergency Council made him one of the many powers behind the throne. Two months ago he had been in the Jurchen Republic, from where he had received direct orders from Marshall Dorgon, the guiding hand behind the NEC and its policies. Like Dorgon, Hamasaki believed that a more equal footing of the post-delegationist powers was necessary, that the old elites of Nokanawa were corrupt and could not adequately ensure the success of the movement both at home and abroad. Dorgon had been mildly agitated about not having had received an invite to the conference, but he had soon come to the conclusion that maybe this was for the better. Why not give the National Emergency Council some spotlight? Avoid the impression of total domination of the remnant of Old Nokanawa by the Marshall's allies. Something for the press.

"Additional military and industrial support for Vangala is certainly one avenue that has to be pursued...", Hamasaki began, eyeing Deputy Minister Ali, "however we should be careful not to forget that the issue if Yujin has many aspects and there isn't a catch-all solution to the problem Yujin poses to all revolutionary entities in the area."

"Sikandaran pressure upon Vangala, Yujiner attacks on Vangala, its oppression of Seora, its threats to the Jurchen Republic, these issues are all connected. As are all global issues, ultimately. Dialectics. We should consider avenues that put pressure on Yujin from multiple sites, using both open and subversive means to strengthen the anti-Imperial forces within the country and relieve Imperial pressure upon attendees of this conference."

If there was one thing the communists and the post-delegationists could agree
upon, it was the central role of dialectics in world affairs. Perhaps that would be a common ground he could build upon.

"Now, the Constitutional State is in no particular position right now for immediate efforts regarding Yujin, however I believe that the goal of this conference is to build an accord on which to base future cooperation in various areas. The Constitutional State's focus on domestic issues will without a doubt be of a temporary nature, which is why while we should of course address issues of immediate concern, we should also plan for the long term. Then the reactionaries will have a true problem on their hands. I believe that we ought to make steps towards the establishment of institutions of permanent liaison that can coordinate cooperation but also communicate with the greater European sphere to articulate shared positions of the free world."

 

[Socialist Commonwealth]

Natasha Sorokin and her delegation had been delayed as their plane was caught in bad weather. When the Carentanians finally arrived, they quietly took seat amongst the conference guests without interrupting the debate to greet her colleagues. She had planned to not speak up for a while anyways, listening to the positions of the other participants at this conference first. The Workers' Republic was cautious when arriving in Kyiv. It was imperative to assess Kyivs position first and try to deduce their aims in calling for this meeting. Their choice of place for it was already clearly directed against the Carentanians: the city where the Council-Communists in Kyiv were crushed by the now dominant socialist sect.

Probably the Kyivans thought that it could serve as a sign of strength towards the Carentanians, some display of power. But truth be told, this was the past and Carentania was willing to cooperate, even though the communist world would probably never forget the treachery of the Vanguardists during the Kyivan revolution. Carentania was no feeble beggar at the table of the Kyivans, it was not threatened by stronger powers or struggling to make its first footsteps in independence. The Workers' Republic came to Kyiv as powerful, sovereign and free. Within its hands it held a sizeable country with a developed and modern industry. It was effectively in control of one of Europes most important waterways. It had a military that won several wars in the recent past, with modern training, advanced equipment and a veteran officer corps. It was one of the oldest socialist countries in Europe and ideologically influental.

But its trump card, quite clearly, was that it had been busy making friends while the Kyivans were busy producing rubbish for capitalists from all over Europe. Every single participant of this conference - save Kyiv - was indebted to the Carentanians in one way or another.

"Both Havenshire and my own country have supplied respectable quantities of material aid to the Vangalans in the recent months. Coupled with the revolutionary tenacity of the Vangalans, this has kept the country free from Imperial Yu oppression."

Natasha Sorokin was carefully wording her sentence to give proper credit to the Vangalans who fought this war. Had it been up to her, she wouldn't have brought it up at all and instead displayed reticence at Carentanias contribution to the struggles in Toyou. However, she had been ordered to push Kyiv towards contributions of its own.

"However, Vangala is not the only area that requests Carentanian attention. I believe it is time that Kyiv steps forward and offers its own share of practical solidarity with the cause of liberation, so that we can keep Vangala safe without hindering the progress of the revolution in other places: Yujin, Solaren, Boliatur... As for the Workers' Republic, we will increase our commitment to Toyou further, even if that means some shortfalls for our economy in the immediate terms."

The rules of materialist philosophy dictate that thoughts are shaped by their material surroundings. Carentania was no exception from this. All the powers it brought to this table were dependant upon a steady supply of ressources from the surrounding world: steel for its industry, copper for its electronic, oil for its machinery, food for its people... This was perhaps the driving factor behind Carentanian foreign policy, to secure the future of these supplies, to maintain its trade routes and to develope untapped ressources abroad. Vangala was already a valuable partner in that regards, but Yujin... Yujin could secure Carentanian developement for decades to come.

"However, I must caution you, my friends, that we should conserve our efforts in Vangala and not try too much at the same time. Certainly, some industrial developement will be benefitial to Vangala - but it should concentrate on supplies and ammunition for troops on the ground. Developement of infrastructure is crucial to the region - but roads and rails, not dams and electricity. We need to strengthen the Vangalan people and military to end the continued threats against its independence and create a safe position from which to aid the revolution in Yujin. The vast majority of industrial goods will be produced faster, in greater quantity and with more efficiency in countries like Carentania and Havenshire and civilian developement in Vangala should concentrate on the primary sector, where the strength of the Vangalan economy already lies. Develope the agricultural sector, produce raw goods and supply them in exchange for industrial production. The comparative advantage that can be reaped this way outweighs anything we could achieve by creating a self-sustaining industrialization in Vangala."

Economics. How many of the participants of this conference would have read works of Ivan Sorokin, Natashas famed great-grandfather, the architect of the Carentanian economy? Maybe the Havenites... but still. It remained a simple truth that the comparative cost advantage that free trade advocates of the capitalist world liked to field as argument was a very real, very logical phenomena - but only for trade between socialist economies. Ivan Sorokin had proven as much.

"And yes... Yujin. A revolution in Yujin could become the greates victory of freedom in Europe. But we must all do our best to thwart the reactionary designs for the east and see that revolution to its end. I believe that it is urgent to establish more direct contact with the Hongmenghui controlled areas around Liangang and supply them directly. Right now, a lot of goods and weapons are lost along the long trek through the meghalayans and across Yujin. This route is better suited to stir unrest in the western provinces, but not to aid the open revolt in the Mao province."

Liangang. Natasha had been there, as Consul, during the crisis that led to the war between Yujin and socialist Europe. She had ties to the city, had sympathy for its citizens - and she owed her own life to the Hongmenghui, who had aided her escape.

"Carentania is willing to commit a light carrier group to operations around the Mao province and northern Seora. We are furthermore in the progress of preparing a minor operation in western Yujin, to sever the roads to Sikandara and hamper the supply of weapons to the Imperial regime. However..." she looked to the delegate from Touzen, "Seora is far off. A resupplying port in the direct vicinity would be a tremendous aid. Furthermore, " her glance wandered along the remaining participants, "we need more assets to enforce at least a partial blockade of ports in Yujin."

 

[Havenshire]

Seeing and hearing the Carentanians arrival at last, Key took heart, and felt that Havenshire could also play its own trump card with regards to aid. It was true that Carentania was regrettably the "first amongst equals" when it came to the socialist powers, but even if Havenshire could not ever entirely dislodge Carentania from its obvious place of superiority, it could certainly make itself an indispensable asset, a valued number two. Some would no doubt mock this "special relationship", but John Key was not amongst those who felt that tying Havenshire's foreign policy closely to Carentania's was a weakness.

"Comrade Sorokin-" Key's heart fluttered a little at getting to say such words, for he had long fantasised about meeting the real "Comrade Sorokin", and this relative of his was probably the closest he'd ever get. "-makes a solid point. The geopolitics of this conflict affects all of us. It is a global struggle, yes, but it is also a global opportunity, for all of us who are revolutionaries, to create a lasting connection. Supplying Vangala is one thing, as is aiding the Hongmenghui. But if we are to succeed in creating a network of trade and influence which will benefit all of us, we must consider the larger picture."

He stood up, and moved over to an ornamental globe in the corner, spinning it so the side containing Eastern Toyou was prominently visible to the other delegates. "The Comrade's plan is right. Indeed, we in the People's Republic have already considered the dilemma of geography. If we are to make a direct, lasting impact in the East, we cannot continue to maintain supply-lines over 8000 miles long. Your aid would be vital in shortening this distance, and enabling more of our resources to have an impact. But given the comrade's revelation, I feel I can also reveal to you that we have also considered this problem at length, and decided that time is critical, and we must act while we still can.

Even as we delegates debate here, it is certain that the reactionaries and Mezhists are also moving, laying plans. Sikandara is the most prominent threat, but it is not the only one. The Imperialists know that this is a global conflict, and are racing to secure their own colonies, their own interests, in and around the entirety of Toyou." His finger stabbed and pointed at various points on the globe, pointing out the encirclement of Yujin and the East by reactionary powers.

"To this end, I can inform you that a Task Force will depart Havenshire, and arrive in the Gulf around Liangang towards the end of July. It carries a Marine Assault Force, of around 2,000 men and amphibious armoured vehicles. Their goal is to seize the crucial small port of Najin-" He stabbed a point not far below Liangang on the globe"-and to aid the Hongmenghui in securing their control over the Seoran border. Indeed, we will be approaching the Seoran nationalists in North Seora, for they will be useful in achieving our broader goal, of securing not just this revolutionary pocket in Yujin, but also containing reactionary elements elsewhere."

He paused, resuming his seat. "Delegates, the question before us is not "who do we aid?" but "when, and how much?" I ask all of you to consider how your nation can best aid this effort. The rewards of action now, rather than later, will, I promise, be significant."

 

[Caelia]

Neither Nestor or Fredek was particularly pleased about the latest turn at the conference. Aiding Vangala was well and good, but becoming involved in Yujin was another matter entirely. Yujin was as far as the KNRR was concerned, a peripheral country. Moreover it was on the doorstep of the Union, who would not sit idle while the empire was swept away by revolution. Better to let Yujin rot than fight a world war nicely summed up the Sovnarkom's opinion on the matter. The Revolutionary Republics generosity has its limits.

As Commissar of War, Fredek would be the one to let them down gently. "Comrades, while we wholeheartedly endorse any efforts to speed the end of that relic of history, the Revolutionary Republics capabilities are not limitless. Our navy is not equipped or trained for long range operations and we do not have any forward bases in the region. Reluctant I may be to admit it, providing more than token aid at that distance is beyond our capabilities." This was only a half lie. While it was true the navy was focused primarily on the contingencies of securing the waters east of Ivernia and interdicting shipping to the Mezhist union, the Stavka had long assumed it might one day be called on to operate abroad in a coalition with friendly states and has laid foundations for such an operation. Now was not the time to reveal that card though.

 

[Vangala]

Deputy Minister Ali was gladdened by the seeming reluctance of the Kyivans to further involve themselves with the growing chaos in Yujin. From his numerous conversations with diplomats from both Carentania and Havenshire, he knew it was the sincere intention of both these socialist states to see the entirety of the Yu Empire under a red banner. Yet, the revolutionary elite in Kilkila were mindful of their country's past and understood regardless of the political allegiance of Yujin's masters in Zhenjing, they would continue to have schemes on the territories of Vangala. The imperial dream of continental domination would remain in revolutionary Yujin. Vangala supported the Red Oath Society, but only with the understanding they would never truly succeed.

"Comrades, as Commissar Nestor intimated, we must understand our limitations. Some of us have made huge sacrifices in the global revolution," Ali was careful to remind all present the hundreds of thousands of Vangalans who had martyred themselves for socialism, "and perhaps it is best to consolidate and conserve. We understand the imperative of liberating Yujin, but it must not be done in futile."

Deputy Minister Ali hoped the representatives from Carentania and Havenshire, whose economies and militaries must be feeling the pain of revolutionary over-stretch, would understand his cautious sentiments.