La Plaza de Toros

[Socialist Commonwealth]

Rijeka

It had taken longer than the Commonwealth government had desired, but right now, its geopolitical plans outpaced its naval abilities. Eventually, nine frigates had been assembled into a small task force with the necessary range to operate off the coast of Ebria comfortably. Four more would be on standby to allow for rotations if the mission would drag on. The force was far from the one necessary for the kind of blockade Svetograd had announced to the world, but with its naval focus in the past having been on coastal defense, this was the best the Free Peoples' Navy could muster.

It would do. While a bigger force for power projection would have been nice, an actually effective blockade hadn't been the Commonwealths plan anyways. What the ships were meant to do was chiefly to monitor the Tarusan presence, detect openings through which supplies and volunteers could still be smuggled into the country, while trying to prevent the Tarusans from doing the same. A naval standoff wasn't the plan and couldn't be won by the Commonwealth forces either way. On the plus side, this probably meant that the Pelasgians would feel no desire to interfere with the deployment from the Commonwealth. Nine frigates may not even register as a proper fleet for the maritime nation currently embroiled in a war of its own.

 

[The Federation]

"You want us to what?" Was the question that came through command channels as the ships that were stationed outside of the Tarusan and Socialist quarantine zone received their newest orders. The two frigates and six attack subs that were in the area were reinforced by another frigate an assault carrier and 5 destroyers. Their orders were to approach Ebria and join the blockade, the cargo ship that was to go with them was sent back home to Midway. An international game of chicken was brewing and the Federation would not shoot first. The ships departed their holding area and began transmitting on Tarusan and Commonwealth frequencies their intention to join the blockade. The subs would stalk the area outside the blockade ready to help the other ships if they were attacked.

In Gothland the federalized forces of the north were told to defend and not make any aggressive moves toward Tarusan ships in the area. The mining operation that had been planned was called off. As much as they hated it, they would not be sending the Tarusan carrier group to the bottom of the ocean, unless they made any threatening moves towards the Federations newest acquisition. ASW hunting aircraft from Westernesse and Midway would begin patrolling heavily the North Thaumantic as intelligence informed them that Tarusan subs were on the move to avoid The Sound and to come into the North Thaumantic by means of the icy northern passages.

The carrier strike group that had left toward Sankt Katherina was ordered to hold it's advance and place itself between Sankt Kathernia and Polytopika where they could be in range to be resupplied if their hold orders were to go long. They were informed that submarines had left Sankt Katherina, the carrier group would be on high alert, ASW helicopters screening the fleet. Patrols were sent out from Polytopika to scan for submarines in the Silk Seas.

The carrier groups sent from Midway passed beyond Remuria, they would reach what was left of the Radilan fleet shortly after the Tianese arrived. Special attention was paid to any cargo ships that made vectors or got too close to the Federation ships.

The ships that had left Polytopika arrived to join their Tianese comrades and begin join operations against the Pelasgians if diplomacy went south.

The Federation's ballistic missile submarine fleet dispersed into the artic to their preplanned firing points.

Meanwhile, back in Cannieland as it was called by Federation citizens, the Federation delegation prepared for their sit down with the Pelasgians.

@Imimoya @Tarusa @Socialist Commonwealth @Radilo @Pelasgia

 

[Pelasgia]

The Pelasgian Navy had lost half its high seas surface fleet—the other half heading to the Axshaina Sea to meet the oncoming Tianese force—but it had managed to sink effectively all of fleet of @Radilo, save for one heavily damaged carrier that had effectively been put out of commission and two frigates. Nevertheless, it retained a significant force of corvettes, fast attack boats, patrol craft and mine warfare vessels, all of which would remain quite useful in the littoral waters of coastal Pelasgia.

This force immediately deployed in force off the western Pelasgian coast and Aresura, mining key points that would serve as landing areas and monitoring the deployment of foreign fleets closely. Meanwhile, on land, artillery and missile batteries and land forces prepared for anti-landing operations, while the entire Air Force was put on alert on both coasts. The intervening forces could only muster a few thousand troops for a landing force, whereas the Pelasgians had hundreds of thousands of combat-ready troops on either coast. True, a naval blockade would significantly damage the economy, but that would take a long time. Liaising directly with the command of @Tarusa, which had deployed significant naval forces in the area, the Pelasgians were ready in case negotiations went south, to fight off any naval attack and to repel any land invasion that resulted.

All the while, the Pelasgian leadership—now evenly matched between the pro-war Neo-Militarists of Grand Secretary Phokas and the Navy and the pro-peace National Statists of the Emperor and the Army—prepared for negotiations, hoping for a peaceful end to the war.​

 

[Pelasgia]

Pelasgian-occupied Aresura

The YKA's feared Internal Security Detachments had been moved closer to the front, where their services would be of more use in securing the frontline and the near rear from guerilla activity. Units that had been left back were also deployed to more active areas, even if that meant higher casualties. Still, that did not mean that the work of internal policing had been abandoned... as Aresura had been teeming with pro-Empire Pelasgians of all creeds before the war, the Empire had taken care to recruit many of these either as informants or as auxiliaries. Using the pre-existing civil society groups and secret cells to form the backbone of a recruiting machine, several auxiliary bodies had been formed, totaling around 80,000 men in the span of a few weeks.

Initially seconded to a whole host of different units and agencies, the auxiliaries had eventually been unified into a single, uniformed entity: the Special Civil Guard or Special Militia (Εἰδικὴ Πολιτοφυλακή / Eidiki Politophylaki), a paramilitary internal security agency seconded to the YKA but under the general operational control of the Pelasgian National Guard, which had assumed most policing duties in occupied Aresura. Due to their knowledge of local society and the territory, the Special Militiamen would prove invaluable in both preemptive and reactive anti-guerilla operations. Especially noteworthy was their willingness to carry out the YKA's dirty work when not in uniform, allowing the Pelasgians the plausible deniability of so-called "sectarian clashes."

Thus, this originally secondary and insignificant body would quickly become even more feared by anti-Empire Aresurans than perhaps many of the regular YKA units, who, if nothing else, had no scores to settle with locals other than those that the latter's activities might have created. The Special Militia favoured "pre-emptive" neutralisation of threats, even if that meant brutalizing or disappearing some dissident who had not taken overtly hostile action just yet. Lionized by the more radical elements from the pro-Pelasgian third of Aresuran society, the "EPF" as this force came to soon be called would do more to polarize Aresuran society than any other single force in the war.

Before, if nothing else, this had been an invasion. Now, it was a civil war on top of an invasion. For the Pelasgians, of course, this was all too good: burnt bridges between the pro- and anti-Empire locals meant that, for better or for worse, the former would be henceforth forever dependent on Propontis, guaranteeing it a foothold in Aresuran politics and society no matter what. Somehow, as Second Lt. Chronis saw a group of EPF men escort left-wing unionized educators into a truck in central Antiochia, that strategic consideration seemed to pale in comparison with some all too obvious moral failings. Still, it was not his jurisdiction to interfere... and even he knew better than to directly challenge the YKA on its turf.

@Radilo ​

 

[Socialist Commonwealth]

Nadur, Hamrun

"I agree, Juan, someone has to do something."

The conversation had been similar to the ones the two men had throughout the last weeks. About the fate of Ebria, the civil war, about the need to support conservative forces even here. About how hostile forces were trying to tear Ebria apart, about the traitor queen who switched her faith as she switched her underwear. About their faith and the need to hold strong for the sake of a truly Christian Ebria.

Something had been different this evening though. Juan couldn't quite say why, but the usual aura of impotent rage had been lifted. Suddenly they had stopped venting about their own, small place in a big world that had turned against them and the last few remaining faithful. A certain impetus had creeped into conversation, a call to action, the feeling that they could no longer just stand by idly as things unfolded.

"Not just someone. Us. We should do something."

There was no way for them to join the Royalist forces, they didn't have enough sway on the island to organize and uprising, even just a symbolic protest was out of reach. Still, Juan felt that they had faith and the will to act upon their faith and surely that had to count for something. A man could change the course of history if he acted with true faith and trusted in god to guide his hand. He was going to let god guide his hand. The conversation went on. Acting alone, that would mean martyrdom. Was Juan ready for this? It wasn't a new thought to him, he had mulled this over repeatedly. His life had been tough lately. No job, no money, no wife, no meaning to his life. Yes, there wasn't anything to lose. Martyrdom, the word felt soft on his lips, had a comforting ring to it. Dying for something greater than yourself. Suffering for the one true faith.

He was ready. They were ready. The man that had been his close friend for almost two years now, one of the few on the backwater town on this backwater island who had shared his faith, who had joined him in reading circles where they studied the Bible as much as the writings of Taft, who had helped him organize concerts with Crusader Rap artists. This friend of his had assured him he knew how to get weapons and explosives. Juan, they had agreed, would pull the trigger. He would get rid of the traitor queen.

What Juan did not know was this: that friend of his was working for the Commonwealth.

 

[Josepania]

Montellano, Ebria

Francesco de Ávila, service rifle in his lap and phone in hand, breathed a heavy sigh of relief as he leaned back against the transport truck behind him, his Twatt completed and sent off into the electronic ether. He had, privately, been dreading the assault on Montellano for some time now. Daimiel to the east was giving the First Tercio of the Ebrian Legion absolute hell, even as Balazote was liberated and the Alfonsist Eighth Army was falling back with all speed to Valls. He had to wonder if the people there were fighting with more desperation because they had committed some manner of atrocity against those loyal to the republic and feared reprisal, but regardless, their example led him to believe that Montellano, as the brigade approached, would be inspired to do the same.

It didn't help, of course, that he and his squad had been placed at the vanguard of the brigade, so whatever resistance was to be encountered he was expected to get first crack at it. The rest of his fellow soldiers had been excited about the possibility: they had became gung-ho and downright jingoistic following their exploits in Ávila, especially that of Francesco himself who had become a corporal for his heroism, and they now believed they were invincible and their victory was inevitable. Francesco himself, meanwhile, wanted nothing to do with it, but he had to keep up the appearance of being a hero and dared not contradict his comrades.

So when they arrived, his surprise was immeasurable that not only did the people of Montellano want no part of the fight either, they welcomed in the Brigade as liberators, inviting them to march in parade style. It turned out that the Alfonsist forces that had been hiding out in the city were Silvershirt Remnants, trying to regroup after their disastrous defeat weeks ago and initiate some sort of glorious last stand. But their efforts to rally the people were brutal and abusive to the point that the citizens took matters into their own hands and massacred most of them, with only a few left alive to be handed over officially to the Brigade where, Francesco darkly pondered, their fate was not expected to be much better.

Therefore, Francesco and his squad had the honor of being the ones to accept the handover of Silvershirt prisoners AND be at the head of the Brigade marching into the town, hastily created Ebrian Republic flags waving from the people as they lined the streets cheering for the volunteers who helped save them from the Alfonsists, even though they did most of the work. It was... poetic really. Francesco and the other Josepanians taking credit for the victory that truly belonged to the Ebrian people. Yet, their mystique was already spreading like wildfire: they were the Liberators of Ávila and Montellano, the Scourge of Anglians and Alfonsists. They were thus far undefeated in battle, unsullied by disaster, and they were immensely popular with the Ebrian Republicans and most especially with the Trade Unions, the Communists and the Socialists.

Francesco too, was popular. His prestige amongst the Brigade was higher than ever and powers that be were beginning to take notice. There were whispers of him becoming an officer at this rate, even though he hadn't actually done much on the field to earn such a position, but the popular sentiment of his comrades seemed to overrule reality on that front. Regardless, it was unclear what the Brigade would do now other than help secure the area, especially in the Northern Sierra Dorada where Alfonsists and Silvershirts that managed to escape the massacre might've slipped off to, but after that, there were only two places left that seemed to be likely future targets: Daimiel if it continued to stubbornly resist... or Valls itself.

By that point, he hoped he was lucky enough to be a commissioned officer and thus as far away from any opportunities for luck to turn on him at the worst possible time.

 

[Ebria]

Sahagún

The mood improved greatly in the last few days. The use of chemical weapons by the Alfonsists started to be reduced and it was a clear sign that they were running out of stocks. The Air Force ran a series of sorties to bomb military facilities around Calatrava, in what have been successful bombing runs of warehouses and arsenals and now, with Operation Matador continuing at its most intense levels, with the National Republican Army hellbent on ending the Alfonsist threat once and for all.

"It is clear, señora Presidenta, that the 10th Guards Army, Tarusan units in Csengia are in a bit of disarray and there is no movement back to the Isthmus," said General Saldaña, who was one of the commanding directors of the DAS, the counterintelligence agency. "We should send two of the 1st Army's divisions into the Front too, one to cross the Strait of Hercules into the Valls area, especially now as it seems we are gaining full aerial superiority," said Ana Isabel Gallego. In the daily meeting of the Supreme Junta of National Security, something changed in the past days. It was something everyone felt. History was being written as the war started to not feel in an equilibrium with a slight advantage for the republic, but rather, fully going better and better for them, like a snowball left to roll downwards, getting bigger and bigger and becoming in time unstoppable.

"There are also the trade unions and other volunteers that came before the blockade, from the Socialist Commonwealth and other countries, other than Josepania, which has its own unions," Saldaña added. "Have them join the acction too. They are mainly volunteers, so I don't want to push them into a fight against the 3rd Army, but rather I want them to do anti-banditry operations in the mountains, to search and destroy Alfonsist guerrillas and remants of the Silvershirt movement," Ana Isabel Gallego added.

"General Ortega will continue soon the offensive. He did asked us what to do with Daimiel. Shall we continue the siege or go around it?" Saldaña said. Gallego looked towards the other members of the council. "We should attack it and take it, because it can affect the logistics while crossing the Sierra Dorada towards Valls," said an officer as he follwed with a pointer the way of the Autopista along the mountains, showing how close it passes to Daimiel. "We could send the 1st Tercio there," said Saldaña, but Ana Isabel Gallego shook her head.

"I want action and aggression. I want this war to be over as soon as possible and that means we need to be as aggressive as possible. Send the International Legion and the David Constantino Brigade there. I want the others to unleash hell upon the besiegers of Valls," she said, with the others nodding.​

 

[Socialist Commonwealth]

Sierra Dorada

"Were there any casualties?"

A knot of dreadful anticipation had tied in Milans stomach. It had taken a long time for the international division to assemble and reach the frontlines. Political divisions in the Commonwealth had seen to that as much as more practical considerations. Now that they had finally entered the fray, sent to the Sierra Dorada to hunt down silvershirt guerillas, the civil war was all but effectively won already. Many of his volunteers had deplored that fact and his more rational mind did too, for he and his soldiers would need the combat experience if this was to be but a stepping stone towards the liberation of their homeland of Csengia.

However, his more emotional heart had dreaded this moment. First contact with the enemy. First blood and first casualties too? Was this the inevitable moment that he had sent people to their deaths, no matter how noble the cause?

"Two lightly injured. The patrol withdrew in good order."

Milan had wanted to breathe a sigh of relief, but suppressed it.

"Withdrew? Standing orders were to engage enemies encountered."

The lieutenant nodded in agreement. "So they were," he said and shook his hand. Milan skimmed through the written report again. Had he missed something? The reported size of the enemy force wasn't impressive, smaller than his combat patrol in fact. He couldn't find any good, rational ground to justify the decision to withdraw.

"So the platoon leader panicked." Now, at last, Milan released his reliefed sigh, disguised as exasperation. "I suppose that is to be expected. Most of our soldiers are still green. We will allow them to rest for a day and then they will scout along frontline kilometer 31 to 35."

He would give his soldiers another chance to fulfill their duties - and, sadly, another chance to die, too.


Amérida

A list of names, printed on several dozen pages of paper, lay neatly stacked in the center of the table. And in the center of Svetograds latest political ploy.

"The unions are still neatly divided on this issue, but the radicals have abstained from making any independent moves, as expected."

"This is perhaps for the best," Aram nodded, finding himself once again in agreement with the more cautious approach of the Ebrian Socialists. He had seen Marcus try to push them towards more radical, independent and revolutionary actions over the course of the civil war, but the revolutionary ambitions of the leadership had moved at a glacial pace, especially compared to the rapid developments on the front. "The professionalism of the volunteer force has seen a sharp decline over the course of the recent days. The discipline and motivation installed by the chemical warfare of the Mezhists has evaporated already, as the victory of the Republic is seen as all but assured. Many of the volunteers don't expect to need to fight anymore."

"They are probably right about this. Still, we shouldn't let our efforts go to waste. What I hear you are saying is that we couldn't have relied on the volunteers to carry out expropriations."

Aram nodded again. "There's several units I would all but expect to resemble a looting mob, not a revolutionary force, if unleashed on such a target."

"Then that is your mission for the near future. Weed out the unrealiable elements. The militias will need to survive in some form into the post-war Republic. An armed mass base can be a powerful tool for the Socialists to shape the future and thwart repressions against them in the power struggles to come, but only if they consist of an ideologically reliable and dedicated core."

"I am one step ahead on that one. You may be pleased to hear that it is moderates, especially, who are dropping out of the formations, whereas union radicals seem intent on maintaining them into the postwar phase. I foresee a power struggle within the union leadership, too. Abandoning collectivization efforts won't be as easy to sell anymore when there's no more war to demand unity."

"The plans aren't abandone," Marcus said drily. "The list is still there, it's just that the unions won't start acting on their own. The list will go to government attached to a bill. The unions want to ask Gallego to do the expropriations within the constitutional framework."

"Won't that strengthen her government?"

Marcus smiled, looking at the list of names. It was a list of Ebrian businessmen, property owners, investors, industrialists, all of whom were charged with collaboration with the Alfonsist coup attempt. It was also a list of their properties and known financial assets, with a proposal, no, demand to expropriate them.

"We've made sure to include a number of names she will loathe to move against. Political allies of hers, supporters, personal friends. We're not handing her government a way to control a sizeable portion of Ebrias economy. We're putting her into a bind."

"False accusations?"

"True accusations. They aren't exactly enthusiastic supporters of the coup, not ideologically motivated Mezhists or anything of the sort. Remember, capitalism isn't corrupt because of the moral failings of the bourgeoisie. It is corrupt, because that is its structural foundation. These men and women cooperated with Alfonso because they wished to maintain their status and power. They fueled his war machine because doing so was good business and not doing so risked the loss of whatever property they had within territory held by the royalists."

"So Gallego can either move to betray many of her supporters within Ebrias upper class or she can butcher the bill to protect her allies, looking very hypocritical in the process, both results that will strengthen the factions to her left."

"Or she can refuse the bill outright, increasing the probability of the union radicals changing their mind about just proceeding with the expropriations on their own."

 

[Ebria]

Sahagún

The daily meeting of the Supreme Junta of National Defence was nearly celebratory, especially as the identity of the suspicious sailor proved to be none other than Infante Alfonso. While many were seeing the war coming to an end and were hoping to pretty much have their breakfast in Valls by Sunday, some were a bit concerned that it will push Durán into a crisis and he will just enter a frenzy and do something unconceivable.

"In the end, what else can he do? He broke all rules of war, massacred civilians in Villareal, used chemical gas on our and our allied forces, and later on civilians in Valls, what other unspeakable thing could he do?" asked Ana Isabel Gallego as she sighed and leaned back on her chair in the meeting room of the Ayuntamiento de Sahagun. "Could he have a nuclear device?" someone asked, but Gallego didn't even bother to look towards the person to see exactly who it was that she just shrugged and smirked at the absurdity of it.

"Where is Alfonso at the moment?" she asked as she turned to General Miguel Ricardo Serrano y Costa, the chief of staff of the Navy. "At the moment in transport, from Sperono to Chiste, in Nuoria," he quickly responded. She nodded in approval. "Good. Keep him in the custody of the Ebrian Legion until the war ends and then we will transfer him to Valls," she said.

"What will happen with him afterwards?" General Saldaña, the Supreme commander of the Junta of National Defence asked, though it felt more like to make conversation, as it felt as a rhetorical question. "He will be tried for high treason, crimes against humanity and sedition, at least during the martial law, the first one will lead to the capital punishment," Serrano y Costa said. "It will look bad," someone in back said and Gallego nodded in approval.

"If the judges will decide on the capital punishment, I will transfer it to a lifetime in prison an a fine that will mostly confiscate all his wealth. But I don't think it will come to that, as the trial will clearly start after the war and then there is will be no martial law," Gallego said.

"We have also received notice from our neighbours in Thaumantica. They approved of Operation Funnel and will receive Miaja Menant and officers of his choosing in Cantignia, to ensure they disappear from the public eye," said General Saldaña. "It is time, then, for the final part of this civil war, let the Alfonsists fight eachother. Tell Miaja Menant that we have done our part and now he has to do his," Gallego said. ​

 

[Radilo]

Ooc: sorry for the delay.

St Peter's Square, Tibur,
Holy Saturday

Cardinal Gallagher stepped onto the Papal balcony, while the crowd assembled in the Holy Square were hoping that Il Papa would step out, they understood. The Holy Father was still recovering from his nearly fatal assassination attempt a few weeks ago.

The Thaumantic Archbishop was at that time a guest of His Holiness, recovering from his own illness. He had cried a bit when the news was read to him. Peace had been achieved.

"People of Tibur, children of God," he started to cheers, "I am sorry, but the Holy Father still requires another day before he delivers his Easter adress tomorrow. But by the grace of Christ we continue. The government of @Thaumantica has conveighed the glorious news that the Empire of @Pelasgia and the most Serene Republic of Radila have agreed to terms of peace. On this day, before the holy Christ transcends death and opens the gates of paradise. For all of this worthless bloodshed, here there is now peace, and there is the Triumph in th Holy name of Jesus. In the name of the Father, and the Son and the Holy Spirit," he gestured followed by thousands in St. Peter's Square. "Peace!"

Throughout Aresura

Simontaniously, as radio broadcasts, phone calls, every manner of communication were going out to all of the resistance cell's and the regular army that the conflict was over.

It was over.

It was now time to take stock of things. To morn. To adjust. To rebuild. But it was over.

Thank God.