Serbovia
Establishing Nation
Residence of the Serbovian High Representative
Veliko Tarnovgrad
North Thrakia
"If anything", High Representative Vuksan Kostic said while pouring more rakija to his drink glass, and then to the second glass meant for his conversation partner, "The Pelasgian motion will ease things for us."
Major General Milan Draskovic got up from the Baroque couch to take the glass offered by High Representative Kostic. Kostic turned away from the bar cabinet bristling with Serbovian, Thrakian and foreign liquors, and sat down on the opposite couch with his own glass. The spacious living room of the High Representative's official residence reminded Draskovic of the great cycle of history whenever he spent time there. House Orelov had been a powerful dynasty of Thrakian nobility, with history spanning all the way to the 11th century. Its members had served the Thrakian monarchs in peace and war and accumulated a vast earthly fortune. The early 18th century manor, built to the highest standards of Baroque styles that were then in fashion in Gallogermania, had been meant to be a lasting monument of the influence and power of House Orelov.
Alas, Prince Maksim Orelov who headed the family at the onset of the Thrakian Civil War had been a staunch liberal who had publicly condemned the Thrakian militias and their atrocities when the city had been the center of fierce urban warfare between Serbovic and Thrakian troops. He had been killed for it, along with his extended family, shot in the manor's park and buried in a mass grave on those very same grounds. After the war, distant relatives had fought in courts over the right of ownership to the manor. Attempts to determine a line of succession had been inconclusive, and so the remaining properties of House Orelov had passed to the Provisional Authority. They, in turn, had leased the manor to the Serbovian government as an official residence of the High Representative.
Almost everywhere in the manor, portraits of House Orelov's past princes and barons kept staring at visitors in the walls. To Major General Draskovic those portraits, and the very story of House Orelov's demise, were reminders of an important maxim in life. No one was invulnerable.
"True", Draskovic said in response to the High Representative. "With the partition over, our only obstacle has been the European Forum. The end of the mandates will see to that. Did you see the news coming in from Remion?"
"Yes, a military coup of some kind, or an attempt at one."
"Whether or not it succeeds I suppose the Remionese will have better things to do now than to challenge our presence in Thrakia. And besides, that proposal will be irrelevant should the mandates be abolished altogether. What do you think about the Government Congress?"
Draskovic appreciated that he could be rather blunt when talking politics with Kostic. Both men were, in fact, members of the Serbovian intelligence community. Draskovic was the head of the Thrakia Section of CDI, the Serbovian military intelligence, and Kostic had served in CDI's civilian counterpart agency FDSB for fifteen years before transferring to Foreign Affairs as one of several ex-security service protegés of Aleksandar Plesic. Kostic was the visible face of Serbovia in Thrakia as the High Representative, Serbovia's chief diplomat. Draskovic, on the other hand, was in charge of all intelligence activities in the country and various activities of subterfuge which Serbovia carried out to play the various Thrakian factions to their advantage.
"I met with Todorov earlier today to talk on that. He's received Petrovgrad's recommendations on future governance in Thrakia. There will be a referendum as called for by the EF, and probably the majority of the non-Serboves will vote for Thrakian independence, but it will be on a province-by-province basis. We've given a proposal on a republican system with Baiunian and Muslim autonomy, a local referendum on the Krajina and for Thrakia to enter a treaty of friendship, assistance and cooperation with the Federal State."
"What if Todorov won't be in charge", Draskovic asked.
"He will.", Kostic said in a confident tone.
"True", Draskovic shrugged, "Probably he will just rig the elections. Well, if that works..."
Draskovic didn't have a particular high opinion of Matey Todorov, the Thrakian chairman of the Provisional Authority, as a person. The man was a corrupt opportunist solely interested in maintaining his power. However, he was useful to Serbovia in that role. Todorov and most of his compatriots were associated with the CDI in one way or the other. Serbovian influence in Thrakia would be guaranteed.
"The Krajina will not need much agitation. They are already marching on the streets demanding Petrovgrad to annex them. A referendum would be a mere formality. And if we'll keep Todorov in power, he will gladly sell those lands away for our continued backing", Kostic continued.
It wasn't a surprise. The Thrakian Civil War had been two long years with atrocities carried out by all sides. The trauma of the massacres and burning towns had never truly gone away in spite of the reconstruction and all the official talk of unity between various Thrakian peoples and creeds. The Krajina. That region had changed owners between Serbovia and Thrakia for hundreds of years, even to the point where its entire Serbovian name was derived from the Serbovian word for "frontier". It had last changed hands during the Great War, and the recovery of those lost territories had been a focal point of Serbovian nationalists ever since. Draskovic knew that the reintegration of the Serbovian Krajina into the Fatherland had been a goal of the military and the security services from the days of the Thrakian Civil War. The European Forum had always stood in the way, but no longer.
"Petrovgrad gave me orders to prepare the Orion Plan as a precaution. Hopefully it won't be needed. Thrakia will not need any more bloodshed".
Orion Plan was a contingency plan devised by the Serbovian Armed Forces for a situation where the European Forum would assume control of the Thrakian Mandate from Serbovia, or upheaval in Thrakia would result in forces hostile to Serbovia rising power. Local irregulars, quietly trained by Serbovian intelligence over the years, would incite a "rebellion of Thrakian Serboves" against Thrakia, prompting a Serbovian military intervention ostensibly aiming to restore stability. The true aim, obviously, was to seize control of the Serbovian Krajina as a prelude to annexation.
"I agree", Kostic said and raised his glass of rakija, "Let us toast."
"Krajina je Srbovija", Major General Milan Draskovic proclaimed as he raised his glass.
"Krajina je Srbovija!"
Veliko Tarnovgrad
North Thrakia
"If anything", High Representative Vuksan Kostic said while pouring more rakija to his drink glass, and then to the second glass meant for his conversation partner, "The Pelasgian motion will ease things for us."
Major General Milan Draskovic got up from the Baroque couch to take the glass offered by High Representative Kostic. Kostic turned away from the bar cabinet bristling with Serbovian, Thrakian and foreign liquors, and sat down on the opposite couch with his own glass. The spacious living room of the High Representative's official residence reminded Draskovic of the great cycle of history whenever he spent time there. House Orelov had been a powerful dynasty of Thrakian nobility, with history spanning all the way to the 11th century. Its members had served the Thrakian monarchs in peace and war and accumulated a vast earthly fortune. The early 18th century manor, built to the highest standards of Baroque styles that were then in fashion in Gallogermania, had been meant to be a lasting monument of the influence and power of House Orelov.
Alas, Prince Maksim Orelov who headed the family at the onset of the Thrakian Civil War had been a staunch liberal who had publicly condemned the Thrakian militias and their atrocities when the city had been the center of fierce urban warfare between Serbovic and Thrakian troops. He had been killed for it, along with his extended family, shot in the manor's park and buried in a mass grave on those very same grounds. After the war, distant relatives had fought in courts over the right of ownership to the manor. Attempts to determine a line of succession had been inconclusive, and so the remaining properties of House Orelov had passed to the Provisional Authority. They, in turn, had leased the manor to the Serbovian government as an official residence of the High Representative.
Almost everywhere in the manor, portraits of House Orelov's past princes and barons kept staring at visitors in the walls. To Major General Draskovic those portraits, and the very story of House Orelov's demise, were reminders of an important maxim in life. No one was invulnerable.
"True", Draskovic said in response to the High Representative. "With the partition over, our only obstacle has been the European Forum. The end of the mandates will see to that. Did you see the news coming in from Remion?"
"Yes, a military coup of some kind, or an attempt at one."
"Whether or not it succeeds I suppose the Remionese will have better things to do now than to challenge our presence in Thrakia. And besides, that proposal will be irrelevant should the mandates be abolished altogether. What do you think about the Government Congress?"
Draskovic appreciated that he could be rather blunt when talking politics with Kostic. Both men were, in fact, members of the Serbovian intelligence community. Draskovic was the head of the Thrakia Section of CDI, the Serbovian military intelligence, and Kostic had served in CDI's civilian counterpart agency FDSB for fifteen years before transferring to Foreign Affairs as one of several ex-security service protegés of Aleksandar Plesic. Kostic was the visible face of Serbovia in Thrakia as the High Representative, Serbovia's chief diplomat. Draskovic, on the other hand, was in charge of all intelligence activities in the country and various activities of subterfuge which Serbovia carried out to play the various Thrakian factions to their advantage.
"I met with Todorov earlier today to talk on that. He's received Petrovgrad's recommendations on future governance in Thrakia. There will be a referendum as called for by the EF, and probably the majority of the non-Serboves will vote for Thrakian independence, but it will be on a province-by-province basis. We've given a proposal on a republican system with Baiunian and Muslim autonomy, a local referendum on the Krajina and for Thrakia to enter a treaty of friendship, assistance and cooperation with the Federal State."
"What if Todorov won't be in charge", Draskovic asked.
"He will.", Kostic said in a confident tone.
"True", Draskovic shrugged, "Probably he will just rig the elections. Well, if that works..."
Draskovic didn't have a particular high opinion of Matey Todorov, the Thrakian chairman of the Provisional Authority, as a person. The man was a corrupt opportunist solely interested in maintaining his power. However, he was useful to Serbovia in that role. Todorov and most of his compatriots were associated with the CDI in one way or the other. Serbovian influence in Thrakia would be guaranteed.
"The Krajina will not need much agitation. They are already marching on the streets demanding Petrovgrad to annex them. A referendum would be a mere formality. And if we'll keep Todorov in power, he will gladly sell those lands away for our continued backing", Kostic continued.
It wasn't a surprise. The Thrakian Civil War had been two long years with atrocities carried out by all sides. The trauma of the massacres and burning towns had never truly gone away in spite of the reconstruction and all the official talk of unity between various Thrakian peoples and creeds. The Krajina. That region had changed owners between Serbovia and Thrakia for hundreds of years, even to the point where its entire Serbovian name was derived from the Serbovian word for "frontier". It had last changed hands during the Great War, and the recovery of those lost territories had been a focal point of Serbovian nationalists ever since. Draskovic knew that the reintegration of the Serbovian Krajina into the Fatherland had been a goal of the military and the security services from the days of the Thrakian Civil War. The European Forum had always stood in the way, but no longer.
"Petrovgrad gave me orders to prepare the Orion Plan as a precaution. Hopefully it won't be needed. Thrakia will not need any more bloodshed".
Orion Plan was a contingency plan devised by the Serbovian Armed Forces for a situation where the European Forum would assume control of the Thrakian Mandate from Serbovia, or upheaval in Thrakia would result in forces hostile to Serbovia rising power. Local irregulars, quietly trained by Serbovian intelligence over the years, would incite a "rebellion of Thrakian Serboves" against Thrakia, prompting a Serbovian military intervention ostensibly aiming to restore stability. The true aim, obviously, was to seize control of the Serbovian Krajina as a prelude to annexation.
"I agree", Kostic said and raised his glass of rakija, "Let us toast."
"Krajina je Srbovija", Major General Milan Draskovic proclaimed as he raised his glass.
"Krajina je Srbovija!"
Last edited: