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| RUMELIA | REGION | WORLD | WEATHER | SPORTS | OPINION | SPECIALRumelia conducts large-scale anti-piracy operations, breaking with tradition of pacifism and neutrality
Nauplia, 26 April 2022 | Nikolaj Stoyanevski
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The Destroyer RNG Byalostrovo, lead ship of her class, underway just south of the Rumelian coastline after completing anti-piracy operations in the White Archipelago
In an unprecedented move, Foreign Minister Boris Petrov announced that the Rumelian National Guard's Naval Command would be conducting anti-piracy operations in the Meridian Sea region. The move drew wide attention, as Rumelia has, for the better part of half a century, maintained a policy of strict neutrality and pacifism, in keeping with its constitution, which mandates that military potential only be maintained for defensive purposes. The Principality's combined arms military, the National Guard, is largely suited to defensive tasks, lacking many of the purely offensive systems fielded by other nations of equivalent technology, population and wealth. This policy has largely been popular with the Rumeliot populace, who see it as crucial in ensuring that a regional war on the scale of the one narrowly averted during the Second Archipelago Crisis does not occur. Indeed, since the fall of the ultranationalist Nikolov Regime and its associated militarism in 1969, Rumelians have been one of the most dovish and neutral peoples of Europe, staunchly avoiding entangling foreign alliances and conflicts alike. This was particularly pronounced during the recent Pannonian Wars, when Rumelia contented itself with taking in a limited number of refugees (200,000 according to official figures) and calling for peace and dialogue, without actually taking any side or even actively backing any one peace plan.
Yet, as public memory of the long-dead Nikolov Regime fades and concern mounts over an increasingly turbulent international climate, many Rumelians are increasingly asking whether the National Guard, in its current form, can keep Rumelia safe--and whether a purposeful lack of alliances makes the Land of the Sea Slavs more of a target than a neutral third party. According to a poll conducted by NadStatCo earlier this month, 51% of Rumeliots still oppose rivising the Constitution's ban on offensive military capabilities, versus 49% of proponents; however, among younger voters (that is, those under 35), nearly 63% supported some limited revision to allow for foreign alliances and collective self-defence. Indeed, among all voters, 53% support greater investment in and a more expanded role for the National Guard, legal modifications aside. Proposed measures included hiring more permanent, professional soldiers, and moving toward creating a proper modern military, with fully distinct branches and offensive capabilites. Given that most Rumeliots already give up two years of their life at age 18 as part of the country's mandatory conscription programme, this is no small commitment. Granted, the measure has long been popular as a means of ensuring national cohesion and a rite of passage into adulthood. Nevertheless, other justifications, such as the need to ensure a sizeable standing military to protect the country's borders, have making their way up the list of reasons for public support behind the policy.
In Novigrad, politicians of all stripes were quick to respond to the measure. Prime Minister Dragomir Ivanov's governing conservative National Democratic Party (NDP) saw broad support for the policy, a rare uniting factor for the otherwise internally diverse right-wing big tent formation. Smaller parties, such as the moderate Progressive Movement (PD) and the regionalist Popular Front (PF), also backed the measure, setting aside their ideological and political differences with the NDP. By contrast, the Social Democratic Rally (SDM) was quick to condemn the initiative, as was the Green-Reformer Coalition (ZRK). Regardless, Novigrad seems committed to its policy, even scheduling a public blessing ceremony by the Patriarch for a group of three new warships, which are to be personally commissioned by H.M. Tsar Philip III, just after the end of the Orthodox Holy Week of Easter. Given the Rumelian Monarchy's highly influential role as the embodiment of state policy, as well as the Prince's own position as a mediator between political and bureaucratic forces, this is a clear expression by Novigrad's of its shifting approach to national security. The Government has assured both domestic and international partners that it is strictly limiting itself to freedom of navigation and anti-piracy operations, none of which are aggressive or non-neutral in nature; and yet, none can doubt that this constitutes the first deployment of Rumelian military assets outside the country since the 1989 Second Archipelago Crisis. By all accounts, including the Government's, this is no small matter.
Other Headlines
- (International) Foreign Minister Petrov unveils new framework for asylum applications, in wake of continuing waves of Pannonian migrants on the triple border with Serbovia and the Rheinbund. Government dismisses international NGOs' criticism of Gendarmerie's border control methods as "unfounded, downright laughable".
- (Business) Shipping magnate Nikolaj Savaesk acquires controlling stake in international oil giant Marmaris Petroleum Inc. Savaesk plans to merge firm into Trizubets Petroleum S.A., as a subsidiary of the massive Savaesk Corporate Group.
- (Sports) Novigradska Zvezda FC and Malvaskij Lev FC face off in football championship final, with rapidly rising Malvasian team threatening Novigrad's ten-year streak. League authorities warn fans against rowdy or unlawful behaviour.
- (Religion) Orthodox Christians across Rumelia celebrate Easter with great pomp, retreats to countryside for family cookouts. Viners' association reports record profits, confirming that wine continues to surpass beer as Rumelians' favourite holiday beverage.
©2022 The Nova Gazetta Newspaper Co. S.A.
In an unprecedented move, Foreign Minister Boris Petrov announced that the Rumelian National Guard's Naval Command would be conducting anti-piracy operations in the Meridian Sea region. The move drew wide attention, as Rumelia has, for the better part of half a century, maintained a policy of strict neutrality and pacifism, in keeping with its constitution, which mandates that military potential only be maintained for defensive purposes. The Principality's combined arms military, the National Guard, is largely suited to defensive tasks, lacking many of the purely offensive systems fielded by other nations of equivalent technology, population and wealth. This policy has largely been popular with the Rumeliot populace, who see it as crucial in ensuring that a regional war on the scale of the one narrowly averted during the Second Archipelago Crisis does not occur. Indeed, since the fall of the ultranationalist Nikolov Regime and its associated militarism in 1969, Rumelians have been one of the most dovish and neutral peoples of Europe, staunchly avoiding entangling foreign alliances and conflicts alike. This was particularly pronounced during the recent Pannonian Wars, when Rumelia contented itself with taking in a limited number of refugees (200,000 according to official figures) and calling for peace and dialogue, without actually taking any side or even actively backing any one peace plan.
Yet, as public memory of the long-dead Nikolov Regime fades and concern mounts over an increasingly turbulent international climate, many Rumelians are increasingly asking whether the National Guard, in its current form, can keep Rumelia safe--and whether a purposeful lack of alliances makes the Land of the Sea Slavs more of a target than a neutral third party. According to a poll conducted by NadStatCo earlier this month, 51% of Rumeliots still oppose rivising the Constitution's ban on offensive military capabilities, versus 49% of proponents; however, among younger voters (that is, those under 35), nearly 63% supported some limited revision to allow for foreign alliances and collective self-defence. Indeed, among all voters, 53% support greater investment in and a more expanded role for the National Guard, legal modifications aside. Proposed measures included hiring more permanent, professional soldiers, and moving toward creating a proper modern military, with fully distinct branches and offensive capabilites. Given that most Rumeliots already give up two years of their life at age 18 as part of the country's mandatory conscription programme, this is no small commitment. Granted, the measure has long been popular as a means of ensuring national cohesion and a rite of passage into adulthood. Nevertheless, other justifications, such as the need to ensure a sizeable standing military to protect the country's borders, have making their way up the list of reasons for public support behind the policy.
In Novigrad, politicians of all stripes were quick to respond to the measure. Prime Minister Dragomir Ivanov's governing conservative National Democratic Party (NDP) saw broad support for the policy, a rare uniting factor for the otherwise internally diverse right-wing big tent formation. Smaller parties, such as the moderate Progressive Movement (PD) and the regionalist Popular Front (PF), also backed the measure, setting aside their ideological and political differences with the NDP. By contrast, the Social Democratic Rally (SDM) was quick to condemn the initiative, as was the Green-Reformer Coalition (ZRK). Regardless, Novigrad seems committed to its policy, even scheduling a public blessing ceremony by the Patriarch for a group of three new warships, which are to be personally commissioned by H.M. Tsar Philip III, just after the end of the Orthodox Holy Week of Easter. Given the Rumelian Monarchy's highly influential role as the embodiment of state policy, as well as the Prince's own position as a mediator between political and bureaucratic forces, this is a clear expression by Novigrad's of its shifting approach to national security. The Government has assured both domestic and international partners that it is strictly limiting itself to freedom of navigation and anti-piracy operations, none of which are aggressive or non-neutral in nature; and yet, none can doubt that this constitutes the first deployment of Rumelian military assets outside the country since the 1989 Second Archipelago Crisis. By all accounts, including the Government's, this is no small matter.
Other Headlines
- (International) Foreign Minister Petrov unveils new framework for asylum applications, in wake of continuing waves of Pannonian migrants on the triple border with Serbovia and the Rheinbund. Government dismisses international NGOs' criticism of Gendarmerie's border control methods as "unfounded, downright laughable".
- (Business) Shipping magnate Nikolaj Savaesk acquires controlling stake in international oil giant Marmaris Petroleum Inc. Savaesk plans to merge firm into Trizubets Petroleum S.A., as a subsidiary of the massive Savaesk Corporate Group.
- (Sports) Novigradska Zvezda FC and Malvaskij Lev FC face off in football championship final, with rapidly rising Malvasian team threatening Novigrad's ten-year streak. League authorities warn fans against rowdy or unlawful behaviour.
- (Religion) Orthodox Christians across Rumelia celebrate Easter with great pomp, retreats to countryside for family cookouts. Viners' association reports record profits, confirming that wine continues to surpass beer as Rumelians' favourite holiday beverage.
©2022 The Nova Gazetta Newspaper Co. S.A.
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