On the Side (ATTN: Danmark)

[Tulus and Biminis]

High Commission of the Republic of Karakhstan
Vesper, Covenant of Cantignia

Leo T. Lavinovitch was sitting in a deep leather chair in the library. The curtains were drawn, a fire was burning, casting a warm glow on the bookshelves. It was the height of winter for the southern Hemisphere. The sound system was playing the final movement of a full symphony written by one of the Germanian Romantic era composers. The Junior Minister's right hand conducted the party lazily while his left hand helped him nurse a drink. Cognac, his choice for the evening hours.

He was alerted, very rudely, that Westerveld had arrived from the conference. Lavinovitch had had a few hours to rest and calm down after his thriller of an exit. He was by no means proud of his actions, but he had had quite enough of those pompous Westerners, women no less, treating his delegation like some insignificant factor. Lavinovitch by now realised that they were all incredibly stupid if they thought they would get anywhere without Almatii's cooperation. Let them freeze, he mused as the symphony came to a resounding closure.

He placed his nearly-empty tumbler on the bar, walked into the powder room and dabbed at his face with a warm cloth and fixed his hair. He looked presentable enough. With the preening taken care of he re-entered the library and greeted Minister Westerveld as he entered through the large carved wooden doors. Relations with Cantignia were, until today, neutral. Yet as one of the largest powers in the Orient, Almatii felt it necessary to sport a very fancy and large High Commission, if only to show the top people in Vesper that Karakhstan was indeed present in the world to make diplomacy with.

Minister Westerveld, so good of you to come, so very good!' Lavinovitch smiled and shook the Dane's hand whilst beckoning to the sofa. He offered the gentleman a drink and fixed himself another cognac, making sure he didn't give himself too much. With the library door shut, the music now a quiet piano sonata for ambience, Lavinovitch took to his chair and crossed his legs.

'My apologies for earlier, Minister, but I am sure you can imagine my frustration. Karakhstan hasn't exactly been included as much as it necessarily should have been.' But the Junior Minister did not want to dwell on the day's earlier excitement. He clasped his hands together and leaned back in his chair.

'Danmark appears to be taking something of a lead in these Western endeavours. Yes, quite the lead. Now, on the surface it does indeed seem that Karakhstan is unwilling to support such engagements. And, to be very honest, we do not intend to officially partake in the destruction of a sovereign country's regime, no matter how crazy it may be. As you are aware, we are most concerned with the humanitarian situation, precisely because if things for the commoners in Boliatur do not improve they will be forced to flee. The only place for them to go is south, straight into Karakhstan. Some of this may already be inevitable, some can be prevented. When the bombs and missiles of the West start showering down upon Mrysini an elsewhere, there will be no stopping the torrent of starving masses. So I have invited you hear today, Minister Westerveld, to first hear what your government plans to do about Boliatur, and please, spare me the same old, same old that I heard at the conference. I want as much detail as you can spare. Then...' he took a small sip of his cognac, set it down on the mahogany table and leaned back comfortably, 'then I want to hear what you would ideally like Karakhstan to be able to do in order to help. Perhaps then we can see what sort of possibilities may exist.'

Lavinovitch rested his hands in his lap and waited for Westerveld to begin.

 

[Danmark]

The Udenrigsminister, sprightly and energetic, took all in his stride. It was his vocation in life to fly the Dannebrog, the flag, of the Kingdom across all four corners of the globe, its deepest recesses, hitherto unknown hell-holes, empires and all plethora of states of all persuasion. From grand High State summits and treaty signings of significance surrounded by pomp, humdrum nitty-gritty diplomacy, the hargey-bargey of backroom dealings, firing shots at errant governments, or engaged in the nuanced complexities of international statecraft - this was the varied lot of a foreign minister. And he relished it.

So it came as a mere par for the course when he had been invited to the Karakh High Commission in the centre of the capital of the Cannie world. Ferried across the city by a few streets, flag fluttering on a rather understated official car with a diplomatic licence plate, he arrived. The door was opened and almost without a breath he immediately bounded into the building, two steps at a time, and at a brisk pace straight into business. It had been Westerveld's preference to have the talks in a side-room near to the proceedings of the momentous international conference but the dramatic volte-face of the Karakh foreign minister which demonstrated a certain side of the man that perhaps was better to have remained veiled, put paid to that. Following consultations with his entourage and with the Statsminister way back home thousands of miles away, he had come to the conclusion that the talks had to take place somewhere, so Karakh turf it was.

Firmly grasping Lavinovitch's outstretched hand, Westerveld smiled and shook the Karakh's arm in a very business-like manner, quickly scanning the room. Quite something - if you were into that. Not that the Dane was nor did he really have much time the finer things in life. In essence, he was quite a plain and modest man if somewhat thoroughly ambitious. Politics was his world, a little too one-dimensional at times, but this was he.

Westerveld was immensely pleased at the success of the Vesper Summit and good progress had been made on all fronts. What had come as a direct threat against monarchies had evolved into something much greater that most nations had been able to find traction with - stability and world security. It cut across all frontiers and all ideologies. In that, all were as one, if not for some aspects of detail and emphasis.

The Karakhs, literally bordering the rogue regime of Boliatur, had proved the most stand-offish. This had not gone down well in the general public and among populist-inclined voting fodder in the Danish parliament, but those in the know could appreciate the finer points and the blatently obvious even the 'hick' Danish nationalists in government. Not that they were hicks of course, this was a label bandied around by their opponents, some still green with envy at losing the recent national elections. Given that no other neighbouring nation to Boliatur had yet voiced a yay or a nay towards its regime, the Karakhs had a reasonable bargaining chip to use. And Westerveld was well aware of it but the die was cast regardless over Boliatur.

Reclining with a spritzer (a Germanian but not a Danish speciality) in his right-hand the Dane listened impassively as Lavinovitch opened the talks, nodding now and then at salient moments whilst running his left forefinger around the rim of his glass. Although he heard more of the rationale for the Karakh's position here, in the quiet of the High Commission compound than he did at the Grand Conference itself, he was still a little annoyed at them. There was a hectoring undercurrent to all that Lavinovitch said. However, there was a conciliatory aspect to the man that encouraged Westerveld. They were after something, so he had to bring them goodies.

"I completely understand your position. You are literally cheek-by-jowl by the regime up there. You have all the right to be concerned. No doubt if I was in your shoes, I may feel the same".

He sniffed and looked at his opposite number.

"I think that there are areas that we can see eye to eye on regarding Boliatur. My own governments position is that they are misgoverned by a coiterie that is ill-suited both to the people of that country and their best concerns in the future. Even if only on that level, their replacement is a worthwhile venture. Of course, in many countries, there are changes in government via more democratic manners, but this is not really that possible in Boliatur. However, I am more than aware that it is beyond my power and the power of one nation to change the world in ways it thinks fit. It is imperfect. I'm a realist, or so I believe, so sometimes it is much easier to seek an accommodation. Even with regimes like that of Nodovinya, such an arrangement could have been possible. But as soon as they launched on this mad-cap crusade to try to wipe out, or even at the least voice, the aim of destroying governments like my own, all that changed. I have heard that the threat is a storm in a teacup, perhaps. But that it was willing to tie itself so closely to the Jacobin Pact and sought to cultivate homegrown cells and provide the inspiration for them, perhaps even bankroll them, the idea that it is a small threat uttered by a bunch of lunatics up in the cold north where for six months of the year its far-north hardly is in total darkness vanished."

He sipped a little more to clear his throat which felt a tad dry. The windows were open to let in air, curtains billowing gently in a breeze. The sound in the near-distance: the hustle and bustle of downtown Vesper.

"For countries like my own where monarchy is the uniting core of my nation, where the monarch and his family are seen as the living symbols of Danish identity, such threats are received with a mix of derision to downright rage. This episode has garnered anger across the board like no other. I'm not sure you understand the gravity of the situation that has unfolded. Whilst some have suggested we do not understand the fine tuned local sensibilities in Karakhstan, I say with confidence that I don't think many in Almatii really understand us either or the situation. Perhaps it is a cultural chasm, who knows. But any responsible government like my own, in light of the perceived and also very real threat in terms of the loss of Danish life through terrorism at home has to act, protect its citizens and, in this case, take the war to their own doorstep. It cannot sit aside and allow regimes like this quite literally get away with murder. My government has come to a firm line here. Mrysini has crossed a rubicon, so they must deal with the consequences - reap what it sows, if you must."

Westerveld shifted a little in the chair and sipped tepidly at the spritzer, more for appearances than anything. He would not drink heartily at this stage yet until official business was done and dusted.

"To some degree, our position in Vesper was a way of communicating the intense anger that there is towards Boliatur and, if I may say, to the position of your government. It had to be said in that way. Many of the public and some in government circles are somewhat flabbergasted that, although you do have sincere security and economic concerns for Karakhstan and do want to do good for the people of Boliatur, it is seen that Karakhstan, at least from official pronouncements, would prefer to sit on its hands and not rigourously condemn the Mrysini regime in the strongest possible terms and spends more time condemning good people. I do happen to think, however, that Karakhstan could have a great deal of leverage. Not in the manner of appearing to block the other powers from tackling the regime, but in terms of bringing in Boliatur from the cold but not as a way of providing cover for them as Almatii's policy is tantamount doing. I think it should never be forgotten what they have actually said and subscribed to. Afterall, when did either of the nations that convened here in Vesper threaten to wipe-out the systems of government in other nations or encourage terror cells? There has to be some perspective brought to bear in this in the policy of Almatii. Boliatur made clear and direct threats against nearly twenty nations in the world - it crossed a clear line with no beating about the bushes. That is crystal clear".

"However", the minister looked up the ceiling before looking back at Lavinovitch, "I understand you and your predicament. My rough idea, as a proposal is multi-fold. First, my government is happy to assist you in the humanitarian effort alongside our own efforts, even allowing you to take the lead on this especially in border regions. You must not forget that although we are preparing for a war against Mrysini, that we only want to blast it into the Stone Age - that would be a gross mischaracterisation. We have already prepared a plan to alleviate suffering and secure the reconstruction of Boliatur, but this can only take place once the current regime is ousted. In this, our two nations, and others if they so wish to get on board, can be partners in this. Indeed, as a direct neighbour, it has direct benefit to your economic well-being and will help assist regional stability. I'm sure Karakhstan would want to be part of that effort. Secondly, we are prepared to channel some degree of financial assistance to the Karakh government to deal with the refugee issue. I envisage its potential calamities for your northern regions so are prepared to help relieve the pressure to some degree there. Thirdly, you mentioned that you do not officially want to be included in the removal of the Mrysini regime. This is of no issue for me or for the Danish government. As an alternative, I propose that the Karakh government allows the use of Karakh airbases and ports. It does not have to officially engage in conflict to act in this way. It is a distinct nod, if it is agreed, that would do a great deal of assistance in repairing relations with the other Vesper nations and would restore Karakhstan to the place I believe you are lobbying for. It is also, in the longterm, the right thing to do for the population of your northern neighbour."

"Lastly", the Dane took a larger gulp this time, "I propose that the president visits Danmark on an official visit. In that, he will be received in audience with His Majesty - in person."

The diplomatic charm offensive would get hot it would seem.

 

[Tulus and Biminis]

Lavinovitch took an instant liking to this white man from the other side of the globe. He was frank, refreshingly so. And he accepted his offer of a drink. He listened carefully, taking mental notes of key points that he would like to save for later. He didn't touch his cognac once quickly realising that the Danes were prepared to do more than he would have thought.

When Westerveld finished, Lavinovitch sat up slightly in his chair. 'Minister Westerveld, you bring up many valid and interesting points. First of all, I do not wish to discuss your reasoning. I understand why you and your allies have reacted in this way. I do not blame you, I am only concerned about setting a dangerous precedent. Some of the other governments in the region...' he was thinking mostly about the Eastern States and Touzen, '...they take offence that the West is making all of the decisions.'

Now he took a sip of his cognac. 'But I see room for balance, Minister. I do indeed see room for balance. Your suggestion of Karakhstan giving you and your allies access to our air bases and port is worth looking in to. As you certainly know I will have to bring this to Senior Minister Natanbayev as well as the Orgburo and the Senate...but if what you say is true I imagine that they will approve if certain conditions regarding the invasion are met. You see, Minister, we need assurance that civilian centres will be spared and that all strikes will be incredibly...what is the term you Westerns so often use...ah, yes, surgical.'

He smiled at his use of that adjective. It was a funny term, at any rate.

'Now, one thing that will help convince the Senior Minister is if we can get your allies to agree to these suggestions. Getting your friends to join the cause to protect the people of Boliatur and to prepare for the reconstruction of the country will be key. Your offer of helping our own coffers when dealing with the imminent refugee flood is also most welcome. I can also tell you that the Republic of Karakhstan Defence Force will welcome the cooperation with you and your allies. Not only in supplies and via funding but by contributing troops and aircraft for humanitarian relief missions. We have a few heavy lifting aircraft, quite large, very modern, but they number only 3 until we purchase more. Any way, details aside, the ROK Defence Force expects to be the lead for all humanitarian related operations and will probably express interest in air space security, but that can be discussed later at the military level, if we end up having a deal.'

Lavinovitch, as Junior Minister, had a number of phone calls to make later this evening. The first would be to Foreign Minister Kazkhanov, currently in the Eastern States, to get pre-approval for these ideas before bringing them to the Senior Minister and calling for a meeting of the Orgburo. He imagined the discussions they would have would result in requesting more information from Danmark.

'Minister Westerveld, how confident are you that Vesper and Dulwich will agree to these proposals of yours? Mind you, we have nothing against them, just their attitudes. Your government will be our avenue of contact until direct lines of communication are opened with the others. Oh...that reminds me. You might want to consider basing your operation centre in Karakhstan. Logistically it would be the best place. I will have to discuss that with my people, of course.'

Lavinovitch was satisfied, for now. He appeared very open to Westerveld's suggestions, but Almatii would put on a show of deep discussions an probably demand Danish diplomats to shuttle over to Toyou for talks.

'And I am sure that Senior Minister Natanbayev would quite enjoy a visit to your country as well.' He smiled and took a well-deserved swig of his cognac.