Party and State Media of Vangala

[Vangala]

VANNA
VANGALAN NATIONAL NEWS AGENCY​

VANGALA DEMANDS IMMEDIATE INDEPENDENCE FOR HIMYAR

The People's Republic of Vangala has reaffirmed its uncompromising stance on the issue of independence for Himyar, demanding an immediate end to colonial rule in the continent.

Expressing solidarity with the oppressed peoples of Himyar, External Affairs Minister Abdul Qamaruzzaman rejected the gradualist approach of the International Commission on Decolonisation and called for armed action by Himyari nationalists to overthrow the colonial system.

Noting the success of Vangala's own Revolution, which ended over a century of Franconian hegemony, External Affairs Minister Qamaruzzaman remarked: "Independence is not achieved by the pen, but by the pistol."

External Affairs Minister Qamaruzzaman further commented on the victory of fellow socialist nations in achieving independence for the Eastern Cape colony, previously under the control of Valkany, praising Carentania, Kyiv and Tyrrhenia for their heroic leadership.


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PAPAL CONCLAVE DENOUNCED AS "INTERFERING CABAL"

The Papal Conclave in Tibur has been denounced by the United Motherland Front as an "interfering cabal", with the Tiburan Catholic Church still refusing to allow national participation in the selection of senior clergymen.

The United Motherland Front has insisted the democratic Vangalan government be consulted on the appointment of Bishops and other senior Church officials in Vangala, citing national security and public peace reasons.

Missionaries of the Tiburan Catholic Church, claiming to be conducting humanitarian operations, were recently deported after attempting to convert villagers in Kitadesh Province. The United Motherland Front has condemned linking religious activity to aid work as "immoral".

Cardinal Georg Bardhan, Archbishop of Chattananga, is due to attend the Conclave on behalf of Tiburan Catholics in Vangala.​

NPA: YUJIN MUST BE REDUCED TO NATIONAL TERRITORIES

The National People's Assembly has insisted a foreign policy imperative of Vangala and her socialist allies be reducing Yujin to national territories, as conflict in the provinces of Seora and Sinhai continue.

The People's Republic of Vangala has already recognised the Seoran Union, which occupies the northern half of the Seoran Peninsula. The southern half remains under occupation by Touzen.

Last year the National People's Assembly declared independence for Sinhai was a pre-condition to any peace agreement with the Yujin Empire, and recognised the Sinhese Provisional Government as the sole legitimate authority.

Fighting between regime and revolutionary forces continues today in Sinhai, which neighbours Maga Province of the People's Republic. National Defence Minister Nurul Banerjee has stated Vangala will intervene if necessary.

The National People's Assembly recommended Vangala and her socialist brother-states also consider independence for south Yujin, given its distinct culture and history, as well as other areas of Yujin.

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[Vangala]

জনকণ্ঠ
Janakantha - People's Voice

EDITORIAL: VANGALA AND THE EASTERN CAPE

The lessons of the Vangalan national liberation struggle are instructive for the Eastern Cape.

With the combined might of socialist nations having achieved independence for the Eastern Cape, it is perhaps time to be reflective on Vangala's own struggle for freedom, and consider what can be learnt from the Vangalan experience to the benefit of the peoples of the Eastern Cape.

The similarities between Vangala and the Eastern Cape are obvious. Both have suffered the oppressive rule of foreign imperialist powers from distant continents. Both eventually liberated with the aid of the socialist world. Yet, unlike in Vangala, what was absent in the Eastern Cape was the presence of a class-conscious national liberation movement.

This absence of a class-conscious national liberation movement can be explained by several factors. First is the 'Himyari mode of production', which was dominant throughout the continent until the arrival of colonialism. Various isolated social groupings - 'tribes' - existed on a subsistence lifestyle divided by language, lineage and religion, and separated by their dangerous environment, preventing the formation of complex societies and early states.

Second is the super-exploitation of slavery. Both the Thaumantic and Islamic Slave Trades forcibly removed productive labour from outside traditional Himyari societies, further retarding the economic development of tropical Himyar.

Thus, Himyar prior to colonisation was not at a economic, social or historical stage even comparable to Vangala.

The nature of the colonial state in Himyar is another contributing factor. The presence of a ruling white settler class complicated the power dynamic. Excessive racialisation of social relations by the colonial authorities has led the black workers, and workless, of the Eastern Cape to consider their identity in primarily racial, not economic, terms.

It is now the responsibility of committed patriots and revolutionaries of the Eastern Cape to educate their brethren on the works of great socialist thinkers, thereby promoting class consciousness and class mobilisation.

The unique historical pathway of Himyar offers opportunities for the Eastern Cape. Unlike in Vangala, in the Eastern Cape there is no native feudalist land-owning class co-opted by the colonial system to oppose land reform. The replacing white settler class will evaporate now its protecting power structures have been removed. Traditional chieftains, marked by the excessive ownership of cattle and women, are no significant class enemy for the Eastern Cape toiler.

However, much can still be gleaned from Vangala's own experience. The nascent urban proletariat and weakened rural peasantry must identify and ally with national-progressive elements of the black bourgeoisie. Black entrepreneurs excluded from the formal market economy and openly sympathetic to the cause of national liberation must be part of, but must not dominate, the political process.

The lack of social and economic progress also necessitates a strong revolutionary vanguard to preside over national liberation and later development. A socialist democracy, using the parliamentary framework but excluding capitalist and reactionary forces from participation, must be established. Accordingly, ideological sectarianism must be opposed, with a multiplicity of progressive voices heard.

National divisionists must further be eliminated. In spite of ethnic or linguistic differences, the native inhabitants of the Eastern Cape are bound by the common experience and material reality of their colonial past.

Last, national liberation must always be defended with armed force - the prize of victory is a free world.
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