Revelation

[Lusitania]

"Pai Nosso Que Estais No Céu,
Santificado Seja Vosso Nome,
Venha a Nosso Vosso Reino,
Seja Feita a Vossa Vontade,
Assim Na Terra Como no Céu,
Pão Nosso Cada Dia Nos Dai Hoje,
Perdoai-Nos as Nossas Ofensas,
Assim Como Nós Perdoamos Quem nos Tem Ofendido,
E Livrai-Nos da Tentação, Amén."



“This service ends now. You may go.”

The priest closed his Bible and went back to his private quarters. Father Amadeu was not in his usual mood. He could see in the eyes of some of his most devout faithful, the look of disdain, of disgust. And he knew very well the reason. In Southern Lusitania, in the communist-controlled area, religion had been denounced as “opium for the people.” However, the communist leader, Premier Vasques, soon understood that he could not destroy religion overnight. So, he selected a handful of priests which he deemed “loyal” and sent “reactionary” priests to reeducation camps. Father Amadeu was not the lead priest in the Serpa Parish before the Revolution. Father Abel, an old and conservative, though kind priest, had been taken away. Father Amadeu presumed him dead.

Since the communists took over, church attendance had dwindled to small numbers. But, as soon as Premier Vasques sanctioned and gave his support to Father Amadeu, considering him “a good friend of the people that does not abbey to the traditional church conservative and reactionary structure”. Since that day, the young priest had begun to question his own thinking. He read Marx, Engels and other left-wing authors. He did not agree with them, but after comparing some values with the Bible he understood how badly had Christian values like sharing, common good and sympathy for the poor and the weak , had not been practiced by self-called “Christian” politicians. And he also realized the horrors of Communism, especially its totalitarian leanings. Observing the actions of Luther 500 years before, he felt inspired.

He had been meeting with like-minded priests for some weeks, and they had drawn main principles which they would like to transmit to the people. A kind of Socialist Christianity. And he knew he would face prosecution. Within the Church. Surely. And also outside of it. Vasques’ goodness was not infinite. If Father Amadeu turned his Socialist Christianity into something real, into a movement, he would not survive. He leaned forward in his bed, hands in head, crawling through his thin hair. He looked to his crucifix and to Jesus’ suffering, as if looking for a sign. No sign. But as he looked deeply into His face, he thought.

“He too had to suffer, I too have to suffer. I’m taking this forward.”

 

[Lusitania]

Crossing the Rubicon​

“It is clear what we have to do. Our duty towards Christ obliges us to do it.”

“Do you think it’s a good idea? Some agents might be here…”

“And what’s the problem? Our ideas are similar to them…”

“They will view us as competitors. It is evident that communists battle more within each other than with capitalism.”

“I’ve already thought of that of course. But we’re different – they know the people will adhere to our thought.”

“Let’s see.”

As the two priests ended their conversation, they entered a meeting room, full of black priestly robes. Not everyone there was part of the clergy, there were many ordinary people there. But all with one purpose – to know more about a new movement about to be born in Southern Lusitania.

“My brothers, welcome to the first meeting regarding Socialist Christianity.”

The audience applauded

“My name is Father Amadeu Simões. The events of the past few months have deeply affected every single one of us. The fall of the fascist regime was, unfortunately, sad for many of our brothers of the clergy. But I fail to see how Christian and especially Catholic teaching can tolerate fascism, an anti-christian and inhumane ideology that controls people through fear and terror. New Christianity emphasizes the Christian mission to bring justice to the poor and oppressed. We consider sin to be a root of poverty and oppression, the sin in question being exploitative capitalism and class war by the rich against the poor. Capitalism is the way of the devil, and I myself find it surprising how capitalism reigns supreme in the Christian world. Socialism, which means love, cooperation and brotherhood in every department of human affairs, is the only outward expression of a Christian's faith. I am firmly convinced that whether they know it or not, all who approve and accept competition and struggle against each other as the means whereby we gain our daily bread, do indeed betray and make of no effect the "will of God”. The will of God, as brought to us by Jesus Christ is a society based on the values of equality and justice. Just look at Jesus Christ – he was a revolutionary; he defied the religious and political authorities of his epoch and changed perceptions in life and called for caring for the poor and the needy. This has been, unfortunately, forgotten. We have the luck of living in the freest part of Lusitania. The only defect of the People’s Republic is its militant atheism, but we hope we can change that.”

A voice was raised in the audience. An old priest asked Father Amadeu

“But everybody knows they will eventually eliminate religion. Just look what happened in other Communist countries. They first eliminated the ‘reactionary’ priests. But our fate will soon come…”


“No it won’t. I will show Premier Vasques the People’s Communist Party needs us. About 30% of the adult population of the People’s Republic is politically active in communist councils and militias. We have a potential to mobilize about 60 to 70% of the population that are political apathetic and cling to old traditions. If we present them our vision of Socialist Christianity, they will embrace both Socialism and the gospel. And the PCP will see how essential we will be to raise awareness of socialism to a large part of the population.”

After that, many priests and common men stood and applauded Father Amadeu’s words. For many non-communists, Socialist Christianity was also a way of being safe from the violent political prosecution non-communists faced in the People’s Republic. But many true Christians who believed in Socialism were there too. Even two Social-Nationalists were there.

Then, Father Amadeu started to number the core principles of Socialist Christianity.

“And these are our core principles:
1 – We believe the gospel is a message of equality, love and sharing, which contradicts the whole evolution of the mentality of the capitalist world.

2- Jesus Christ was a revolutionary that fought against his time’s establishment – a sign we as well must fight against our time’s establishment – Capitalism.

3 – Capitalism is the way of the devil. Using another person to profit from its work is inhumane, avaricious and anti-Christian.

4- Private Property should be restricted to small sizes: no one needs a lot of land. The State will assure fair redistribution of resources.

5- The People must be educated under a new theology, free from the capitalist influences found on the modern Catholic Church.

6- From which according to his ability, to each according to his needs. This idea is fundamental for us, for it is the only way of assuring a fair and just society.

7- The right to life is sacred and cannot be violated. Henceforth, abortion and euthanasia should all be severely restricted.”

The audience once more applauded and Father Amadeu was filled with pride. He had helped to create a new movement, a revolutionary movement, inside Christianity. Although he tried to keep away those proud thoughts, he imagined himself as the next Luther or Calvin. Of being the galvanizer of a new Reformation. As the people present would go and salute him and try to speak to him, he wouldn’t pay attention, lost in his inner thoughts.

 

[Lusitania]

Poisoned Apple​

A fireplace was the only source of light in the room. The room was clearly an office, where one could see a large collection of books. Das Kapital and the Communist Manifesto occupied a central place and were in various formats and languages. In a pinewood desk, an open laptop illuminated a map of Europe resting beneath it. Though the light was weak, one could see various communist paraphernalia. Posters of the International Revolutionary Bloc and old posters from the time of the Great War, showing workers and farmers in heroic manners, were all over the wall. Their red color, coupled with the red light of the fireplace, gave the room a very red gloom. And it fitted.

Sitting in a chair was a short and somewhat fat man. Not fat in the sense of someone who ate fast-food all his life, but a fat that was result of a lot of traditional Lusitanian food. He had a dark red pullover and his hair was silver and perfectly combed. Despite his stature, his face imposed respect. It was a cold face, showing the scars of years of resistance, with thin glasses, of the kind an intellectual would wear. And he was an intellectual in a way. He was Gonçalo Vasques, President of the People’s Republic of Lusitania and supreme leader of the south of Lusitania. He commanded some respect. He was relaxed, sitting on a big chair. Opposed to him was a man dressed in long priestly black robes, with a well-shaven face, blue eyes and red hair – almost seemed a foreigner. He was Father Amadeu Simões, the founder of a new movement within the People’s Republic, of Christian Socialism. He was remarkably nervous. After all, despite all propaganda efforts, Vasques was known to be an implacable ruler to some more informed people, like Father Simões. As the two men looked each other in the eye, the President began talking:

“Thank you for coming in such a short notice Father Simões.”

His voice tone was strangely neutral

“It is I who thank you Comrade President.”

“And so, this meeting is related to your new movement – ‘Christian Socialism’. You’ve come to explain me why it is not reactionary.”

“Exactly Comrade. We are completely committed to the Socialist Revolution and the triumph of the proletariat and the peasantry. We, unlike the feudal-bourgeois establishment in the Catholic Church, find that Jesus Christ’s teachings are much more similar to Socialist ideas than Capitalist ones. Feudalism, during the Middle Ages, and Capitalism now in the Modern Age, have corrupted the message of Christ. Christ does not advocate exploitation of men by men, nor this profit-driven market we live in. Christ, in his own time, was a revolutionary and fought against the political, social and religious establishment of his time, dragging crows behind him, charismatic leader he was. The Church has downplayed Jesus’ role as a purely spiritual one, but he was also a social critic and he pointed out the wrongs of his days’ society. And thanks to the core values of Christianity, we Westerners have sometimes this implicit desire to share and to find in sharing and solidarity positive values, despite the negative influence of capitalism. Without Christianity, Socialism would have never existed. Thomas Moore wrote his Utopia, a proto-socialist state, based on Christianity for example. We do believe that the former Christian establishment allied to Integralism is not true Christianity and we are ready to verify the ranks of the Church and expel those who collaborated with the fascists…”

Vasques, who had stood still during the exposition, adjusted his glasses and replied:

“Very well. I’ve been reading the Bible, a book I hadn’t read in years, and yes, in the New Testament, Jesus’ teachings were essentially socialist. Despite our materialistic vision of History, I do think there is place for a Socialist brand of Christianity to flourish in the People’s Republic. And I’ve been planning to relegalize political parties in the People’s Republic, now that we are stable. And here’s the deal – together with the People’s Communist Party and two new parties that will be founded – Farmers and Fishermen United Party and the Proletarian Action – your new Party will be part of a Grand Coalition that will contest the elections – the Popular Democratic Union. The Christian Socialist Party wants to be part of this Grand Coalition?”

Father Simões hesitated for a second. He knew he would have to submit to Vasques and the PCP if he enter this fictitious Popular Democratic Union. But, if he had hope of spreading his message, he had to make some sacrifices.

“I agree Comrade President. We shall make the road to Socialism much more diverse and democratic.”

“And the people will thank you for that.”

A solid handshake was followed by a shallow and false hug. As Father Simões left, two men waited outside. He recognized them – Bernardo Soares – the President of the Grand People’s Assembly and Otelo Carvalho – leader of the Red Militias. He greeted them and they replied. As Soares and Carvalho entered the office, they asked Vasques:

“So? Did he agree?”

“Yes Comrades. At last we can find a way of galvanizing everyone to the Revolution. With the allegiance of these ‘Christian Socialists’, we will be able to control more municipalities without troubles. We cannot change a formerly deeply religious populace to a progressive one. We have to use the opium for the people as a support, and when the time comes, we stab them in the back before they stab us in the back.”

Soares and Carvalho, after years working with Vasques, were not at all surprised by his treacherous plan. They knew it was necessary. In order to bring more people under the influence of the PCP, the fake coalition was needed, to represent the interests of individual groups – peasants, fishermen, factory workers and Catholics. Caravalho, with his face badly shaven, asked Vasques.

“Shall I put them under surveillance?”

“But of course Comrade. Send your best agents to infiltrate the Christian Socialist Party. Any abnormal activity report directly to me…”

 

[Lusitania]

Dusk​

Gonçalo Vasques was sitting in his chair calmly reading a thick book. He was extremely concentrated, with an expression of interest different from his otherwise condescending attitude. Someone knocked on the door. Vasques proceeded to hide the book under some files and said:

“Comrades, come on in.”

A line of important people of the People’s Republic entered Vasques’ office. First, with his cheap suit and small beer belly, came Bernardo Soares. Soares, with his small stature, was Vasques’ second in command. Occupying the position of Chairman of the Grand People’s Council, he was the second most powerful man in the People’s Republic.

Next was Otelo Carvalho, the commander-in-chief of the Red Militias. Dressed on military attire, he was smoking a cigarette and his attitude was quite laid back. Right before him were some members of the Central Committee of the Party – mostly a group of four old men, who, for being historical members of the Party – had to be offered some important position. After them, the leaders of the three puppet parties: First, the leader of the Proletarian Action Part and then the leader of the Fishermen and Peasant Union. And finally, the odd one – Father Amadeu Simões – leader of the Christian Socialist Party.

As usual, of all of the people, Father Simões was somewhat nervous. He had this constant feeling that one day, Vasques would stab him in the back. But he had no other choice then accepting it.

“We are gathered here today, because there is an excellent opportunity for the spreading of the Revolution in the rest of the country.”

The regime bosses turned their heads, skeptic, to each others.

“The right-wing has won in the Presidential Elections. However, in these legislative elections, we have a powerful ally. The People’s Democratic Party is the only party that sympathizes with our cause. I’ve made first contact with Álvaro Pinto, their leader. They have connections with trade unions on the industrial area south of Lumiar. That area presents a golden opportunity to us – it has a big population – about 900,000 people spread through the cities of Barreiro and Alcochete and neighbouring towns. Most of them, being fellow working class men and women, are with us in the struggle against capitalism.”

One of the Party elders asks Vasques

“But comrade - We have support in that area – what about the rest of the country?”

“That’s the point Comrade Camões. The bulk of the Republic’s industrial capacity lies on that area – we must, at all costs, instigate a widespread revolt in Barreiro and Alcochete, which will spread over the area.”

“But what about the diplomatic consequences of it?”

“Not to worry. We need to provoke the Republic. They need to draw first blood, but they won’t be able to strike deeply – they are too much divided by now. Their internal strife will be their weakness. General Comrade Carvalho is, as we speak, contacting various foreign supporters, with the objective of eliminating the Militias and establishing a standing army – the People’s Army. We shall have in our hands a lot of power – so that we can crush our enemies and establish our hegemony over all of Lusitania!”

Vasques received a standing ovation. He did not say anything special – but his conviction, his confidence and his charisma touched his comrades’ hearts. He had always had this ability. The plan was laid out – Vasques seemed confident on the PRL’s victory. As the guests left the room, Father Amadeu noticed that a Bible was hidden under a pillow. He showed a small smile, thinking Vasques might be on the way to redemption. But he was very wrong…

 

[Socialist Commonwealth]

Strangers Intentions​

The Commissars Assembly hall was a relative small room, located in the same buildings as the massive dome for the All-Workers Congress. While the giant round complex with ten thousands of chairs was vacant for most of the year, the small hall for the Commissars Assembly was used throughout the year and on the round table, the Commissars of Carentania gathered several times a week to discuss the course they would take their nation in between Congress sessions.

From the windows, two glass walls from top to bottom, each about a meter and fifty wide framed in gold-colored metal, the Dunay promenade could be seen, Rijekas green strip in the densely built historical downtown. In between the windows, red flags were hanging and the coat of arms of the Workers' Republic was displayed, reminding the Commissars of their loyalty to the people as well as the ideals of the revolution. An oath they had to take very serious, as the fate of many other supposed socialist states had shown, but also an oath that at times left the Commissars as better fortune tellers, trying to interprete the will of the All-Workers Congress inbetween its sessions.

On this day, Dusan Mejic, Commissar for Foreign Affairs, had called a meeting to discuss the recent developements in Lusitania. He had prepared short briefings for his comrades, detailing the informations available to his Commissariate and clearly showing that the Lustianian Peoples Republic, a supposedly socialist state, was headed in a direction deemed most undesirable by the Carentanians. If it had happened just one year earlier, Carentania would just have shrugged, shook off all concerns and left the world as it was. Carentania, marked by the experiences made decades ago, had focused on its own, internal affairs.

But these times had come to an end with the last session of the All-Workers Congress. Carentania, the Carentanians had decided, was to become a champion of socialist democracy in Europe and it had to take the role as lightbearer of Communism, leading the way to a future in freedom and equality. All pathos aside, Carentania also needed friends and allies in Europe, states that shared its goals and ideals and with which it could cooperate, if it intended to keep the level of wealth it had achieved.

So, without much hesitation, a decision was made. Contact the Lustianians, talk with them and see if they were willing to take the right path. Lusitania had to be united under a red flag, and the Lusitanian Peoples Republic would need foreign help to do so. But it would also need to rethink some of its own positions.

 

[Lusitania]

Pattern Shift​

It was midday, and it was one of those days Otelo Carvalho loved. It was winter, and it was freezing cold. But the sky was clean and blue, without a single cloud. Around Carvalho, barren mountains and plains lied, not entirely devoid of life but close. The province of Marca was the forgotten land of Lusitania. Sparsely populated, it had always been barren and dry land, with little to offer settlers. It was eventually settled by military orders in the Middle Ages, hence the collection of castles populating the region. The land was near desert, with some shrubs here and there. Mountains on the west prevented the sea wind from entering, and mountains on the east prevented wet winds from central europe to go in. Otelo loved the place - perfect for some intensive training.

"Come on your fucking ladies! Wrap up! You need to be fit and strong. Training this afternoon's gonna be tough."

A guard came running from the gate.

"General Carvalho. Father Simões is here."

"Good, send him in."

Minutes later a small jeep came carrying Father Simões. Otelo didn't notice him at first, and continued his shouting.

"Come on you fucking chicken nuggets! You see those big mountains over there? Do you know who's there? Wiese! They can pick their tanks and guns at anytime and bomb the shit out of us! You need to be ready! You are going to be the elite of the People's Army. You'll be the Red Guard, my special selection of men tough enough to endure the toughest of battles and, in peacetime, to spread socialism."

The men responded with a undistinguished growls. Then, Otelo turned around and noticed the priest.

"Oh, Comrade Simões. You're here."

His expression was a bit cold. He never liked the priest. As a hardcore revolutionary socialist, Otelo Carvalho always viewed religious people with extremely bad eyes. But he, as did Gonçalo Vasques, saw the utility of a man of God on their side, who would twist the doctrine and add a red tone to it.

"Hello General. Why did you make me go this far from Beja? Without notifying the President? This better be good."

"Comrade. You didn't talk to the President today, did you?"

"No. I was up early because I had to get here."

The priest was already annoying Otelo

"Well, I talked to him. And it wasn't pleasant. It seems our request from help to the IRB was rejected. The Batavians said they were already waging a war and that couldn't help us."

"Jesus Christ. Comrade Vasques must be very angry."

"Not even your God could calm him down. He is very, very disappointed. You see, as you understand socialist doctrine, you'll know Comrade Vasques' thinking is in line with traditional marxism-leninism, like the IRB."

"Yes."

"Well, we all think differently. You mix socialism with christianity. And me, do you know what I think, Father Simões?"

"Strangely. No."

"Well, I believe in council-communism. A more decentralized and libertarian view of communism. Not worse than the traditional view. Just different. Power to the working masses."

"Well, I'm not very familiar with the details of council-communism."

"There's no need Father. I need your help to convince Comrade Vasques to realign some policies so that we can get support from the Carentarians."

"The Carentarians?"

"Yeah. They contacted me, knowing of my different line of thought. They will provide support and weaponry to us, IF we change ideological direction. And you have more influence with Comrade Vasques than anyone."

"No I don't. What about you, or Comrade Soares?"

"Ah, so humble, this man of God. You see, Comrade Vasques has been lately reading the Bible. A lot. He is fascinated with the book. All because of you. And he's always talking about you and Christian Socialism. Albeit an atheist, he has a different view of religion now. He's strange, but you can convince him to change his ideas."

"Ok. And you made me go all the way from Beja, just to say this?"

"Yeah. Phones might be bugged. You know the drill."

"I'll try to see him, but over dinner, you need to explain me better what 'ideological change' means."

"I'll do that. Soldier, take Comrade Simões to his bedroom. See you later Father. I need to make a quick call."

The soldiers escorted Simões to the main building of the base, while Otelo, in his thick overcoat, passed through soldiers wearing tank tops and pants.

"That's right ladies! I wanna see you exhausted when I come back!"

Otelo entered his office, that oversaw the whole training camp, and sent an e-mail to his Carentanian contact.

"If you wish said change you need to come here ASAP. I'll arrange safe passage to you with some contacts I have in the Olivença Airport. Then, it's a two-hour drive until my base. Awaiting answer,

Otelo Carvalho"

 

[Socialist Commonwealth]

Cloak​

At least some in the People's Republic of Lusitania had greeted the hand that Carentania had reached out in partial friendship. It may have been obvious to even these Lusitanians that the Carentanians were willing to negotiate with a Party-Communist state like the People's Republic not for entirely altruistic reasons, but mainly to force the shift within the international left that has become apparent in the recent months and which seemed to favour Carentania and its Council-Communist approach. With Kryobaijan in the hands of the Intersectionalists, Cyrillica embracing reforms and friendship with Carentania and Batavie under pressure, tipping the scales in Lusitania could catapult Carentania to the forefront of a new wave of communist advances throughout Europe.

For the first time in fifty years, Carentania was ready to actively influence the fate of foreign nations again and Lusitania could easily become an ordeal to the new ambitions of the southern state. No one in Carentania really believed the leader of the People's Republic to give up his powers to a council-government and especially not out of good will, but perhaps the right incentives - especially now that aid from the IRB was out of the equation - could convince Vasques to implement some reforms and give his people some leeway. Reforms which would open the door to a truly revolutionary society in Lusitania. And of course, if that failed, Carentania could always resort to other measures. Well within its policy was also the conviction that it was better to force a split within the left than to allow a Party-Communist dictatorship to solidify its power.

But either of choices was far in the future yet. For any of the intricate plans of the Carentanian Commissars to be put into motion, a base of operations would have to be established first. As obvious first step, Carentania sent a diplomat accompanied by a number of agents to the People's Republic. He, a minor official from the Commissariate for Foreign Affairs, had been thoroughly instructed about his mission but was unknown enough for the whole operation to pass the eyes of the world unnoticed. The delegation would openly approach the Lusitanian Communist leadership and present to them a number of proposals.

Meanwhile more agents of the Revolutionary Army Intelligence would infiltrate the country, constructing a network that reaches even beyond the borders of the People's Republic, into all of Lusitania. Until further notice, all they would do was to pass information along the chain of command, gathering data about the political, economical and military structure of the country. However, at the right moment, other duties might be requested of the agents.

 

[Lusitania]

Who is Who​

The sea was restless west of the Lusitanian coast. A large mass of water moved and whirled around, driven by the sheer strength of the tides and the waves. Among the waves, like if it was made of paper by some child, a small vessel of fishermen fought with the sea. They knew it was risky, and had left families worried in the shore, but they needed to feed them. As they tried to fish in such bad conditions, one of the fishermen was surprised by seeing a larger fishing boat, not industrial, but certainly larger than theirs. So larger and superior that it seemed stable among the turbulent sea. The fishermen looked at it intrigued. The older one was especially bewildered, until three men stormed out of a compartment between the deck and the hull. They knocked the older fisherman out and threw the other two to the violent, cold and merciless sea. From the bigger ship, a silhouette made a gesture. The leader of the three men that took the small fishermen’s boat replied with another gesture. Soon, four big boxes were transferred from the big ship to the smaller one.


“Do you think we can make it with this weight Carlos?”


“Trust me Alberto, trust me. I’ve been around this business for 30 years. I’ve seen worse navigation conditions – this sea is tameable.”

Through the agitated dark sea, the three assailants managed to escape its rage, and, dressed like fishermen, landed in the shore. Their ship read: “São Vicente – Sesimbra” – it meant the boat’s name was São Vicente and it came from Sesimbra. But the boat didn’t ashore there. It went further south, to the deserted port of Cacela. There, they were waited by a group of ten people and two pick-up trucks. As they unloaded the boxes, they were thanked by their services.


“Thank you gentlemen. Your effort was vital for the Revolution. Here is your reward.”


The man, dressed in an old grey overcoat, handed a briefcase, probably with money, to the three men that immediately left. To his left, someone noted:

“We shouldn’t be working with these ‘mercenaries’”


“They aren’t mercenaries. They’re just people who accept money to conduct dirty work.”


“But we need ideologically dedicated people.”


“They shall come, comrade, they shall come.”

Inside those boxes, lots and lots of weapons, explosives and assorted military and guerrilla equipment, was transported by the pick-up trucks to an abandoned warehouse in the periphery of the industrial city of Barreiro. For what they were, nobody knows…

 

[Lusitania]

Lights Out​

It was six o’ clock. Finally six o’ clock. The noise of the factories in the Barreiro industrial area slowly stopped and gave way to the noise of the thousands of voices of thousands of workers who left their jobs. The talking was the usual – the latest rumours on the romances between co-workers, how the boss’s daughter was quite hot for her age, let’s drink some beer at the tavern; I can’t wait to get home. Thousands of people walked home, or went by any form of public transportation.

In another point of the city, not very far away, several trucks started moving. They carried the logo of a now-extinct chemical company, and so, many people were surprised seeing them moving around. They headed towards the industrial heart of the city.

“Lights Out” someone said

While groups of friends sat down for a beer, shots were heard not very far. Panic suddenly struck in their hearts. What the hell was happening? A group of probably 200 men, armed with assault weapons stormed through the city and the industrial area. They waved red flags and shouted various slogans.

“Comrades, Fascism is now truly over! Let us occupy the means of production, and expel our greedy and inhumane bosses, whose only objective is to exploit their fellow men!”

Responses were varied. Some just turned their back to the events and tried to get home as soon as possible. Others, curious, observed from a distance. And many others, galvanized and excited, joined the insurgents in breaking in to factories and occupying them.

The police was helpless, as they were overpowered by the insurgents’ weaponry. An hour later, the whole industrial area of the city was in a state of urban war. Cars were made barricades, and guns were distributed. All prepared for an eventual attack or intervention from the Army. A red flag, with a yellow hammer and sickle were hoisted in the CUF Tower, the tallest building in the area. The Lusitanian flag was then burned, and cheers were heard from among the rebels.

 

[Socialist Commonwealth]

Shield​

It had been troublesome to bypass all the road blocks, control points and patrols in the area, but luckily for the Revolutionary Army Intelligence Agent from Carentania, the order for this mission had been given quick enough for him to move into the area before the forces of the Lusitanian Republic had set up all their positions. Slipping through the holes in the unfinished quarantine of the rebellious area, he had safely reached the communist insurgency in Barreiro, ready to carry out his mission.

The area had earned a bit of a reputation for their bold move, but that wasn't the primary source of interest for Carentania - there were a lot of rebellions in Europe, many of which Carentania did not support. Limited ressources meant only the most promising uprisings could hope for help of the Workers' Republic. However, Barreiro was in a special situation, as the Republic of Lusitania had, comparatively at least, little diplomatic ties with states who could really endanger Carentania once it went ahead with its schemes. Secondly, Carentania had great interests in the Peoples' Republic of Lusitania, which unfortunately showed clear authoritarian tendencies. What was important to Rijeka was, that there was more than a slight hope that the authoritarian structures in the Peoples' Republic could still be torn apart. For this reason, Carentania hoped to establish a radical socialist faction in Barreiro.

Finding the insurgents was the easiest part. After all, they made no efforts to hide, placarding their visions all over the factory walls and flying the red banner high above each of their strongholds. What would be the harder part was, to convince the rebels to listen to his advice. The Carentanian agent made no efforts to come up with a good story and spoke openly to any communist worker he met, using his Carentanian passport and several products of Carentanian origin, including his pistol, to erase any doubts about his homeland. It should be well known, he hoped, that Carentania did not export these to any nation in Europe.

He told them about Carentanias diplomatic protection they now enjoyed and explained to them his homelands intention to support them if they were willing to accept the help. And he gave advice to anyone who would listen about the organizational principles of socialism as he had learned it. He told them about workers councils where anyone could participate in the decision making process and he told them about imperative mandates, which allowed for delegates to be recalled at any time the electorate wished to do so and which also tied them to their election promises and the decisions of the workers councils.

If Barreiro became a central for council republican activity, that was Carentanias hope, they were one step closer to replacing the party-communist rule in Lusitania.