The Lord Chancellor

[Great Engellex]

The Lord Chancellor​

"A dark horse, which had never been thought of, rushed past the grandstand in sweeping triumph. "​

It was January the 17th 2010, and the State Secretary of War and National Security was giving a statement to address the concern of conflict that had erupted between the southern and eastern neighbours of the Free Cities Union. The voice of Harold Percy Dean echoed boldly within the Chamber of Representatives, all else was silent as all listened intently, almost. There did exist however low whisperings between several prominent figures of the seats occupied by the opposition, and the Lord Chancellor was well attentive to this overlooked activity taking place.

With the immediate approval of nodding members of the chamber, Harold had informed that the Union would not be aligning itself with either side: “Whilst it remains within the benefit of the Union to see the Soviet Republic of Meribia released from her self-imposed shackles and liberated, the advantages to such an event do not justify the compromise to our national security, our economy and the potential endangerment to the people. The military will be mobilised in accordance with measures in place to guarantee the maintenance of our territorial integrity, should this conflict seek to expand further within the region. Despite numerous suggestions from myself and my colleagues the Council of Command remains confident with our position for a defence, should the situation present itself.. “

Katherina Schmidt-Kollwitz, the oblivious Lord Chancellor, attempted with grace to conceal her developing obsession with the clandestine relation between the once opposing enemies now shouldered allies who oppose her. But to conceal herself with grace was not to be. They were, of course, completely aware of the paranoia that was rooting itself within her thoughts and actions, the intentions were entirely deliberate. So while Harold Percy Dean continued within the chamber without the attention of his leader or that of several others opposite, the Lord Chancellor was to allow herself to become exposed and out-manoeuvred by Willem Duverger and Christian Bute.

The political stirrings within the UNP bloc was alluring and with extremist undertones. Willem Duverger did not accept the defeat at the last election and only saw it as a temporary condition that needed him to reassert his control and influence. The UNP however managed a failed number of seats within the chamber and even more dire standing within the Council of State. He knew his party, and it’s allies, posed no significant threat to the Lord Chancellor and FUP, the democratic instruments in place would only work against him eventually, if he were to take that risk. The people were removed from his idea of retention of the status quo he imposed, he had become the man who epitomised not only the corruption of those in high places but also the baseness of politicians who reaped rewards and then sold the impoverished people short. That was Katherina’s campaign against him during the election, completely personal and unforgiving.

He was not to gamble confidence within the people. Instead Willem Duverger, and Christian Bute, were to rely on the instinct of those in power, and the crisis between Meribia and Coronado had presented a situation for them to express that instinct which they eagerly gambled on. The State Secretary of War and National Security, Harold, was to inform the chamber of the direction the Lord Chancellor and her cabinet had agreed upon with regard to the borders. “Our border policy with the Soviet Republic of Meribia will remain unaltered, citizens from Meribia will remain illegal aliens within the Union even with plead of asylum from conflict. Discovery of resident aliens will continue to be detention by law enforcement agencies, and those attempting to enter through check points will be refused entry as it presently is. It is not within the benefit of the Union to accept those that champion communist causes.”

The chamber was a far cry from a united approval on the course of action, it was to be divided. The FUP naturally supported all directives to limit the movement and influence of communist sympathizers, and even more so discriminate against those that make home within those states. The opposition on the other hand ruptured into several masses of aggressive accusations of murder and genocide, most of which were exaggerated. It was to be expected, the UNP was socialist to it’s core with communist sympathies, and so are those that aligned with it within the chamber. With order not being restored soon, but mockingly ignored, the Lord Chancellor left the chamber, slamming the door of her robe room on the upheaval. She marched to a window, contemplating possible fears: Political turmoil to match the turbulence of the neighbouring war.​

 

[Great Engellex]

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Lord Willem Duverger of Karstadt

At the age of twenty-three Willem Duverger had become renown within the University of Klagenfurt and the city as a left-wing political activist. This was to the great dismay of his parents, Krenz and Eleonore Duverger, who were respected within social circles of the upper-middle class and had put a deal of effort into ensuring that the family name continues to command such respect. His views on the social structure that existed within the Union and the lack of regard politicians and those in high places gave to the working classes caused many aggressive confrontations with his father. What was more a cause for concern with his family was Willem’s skill to influence people to his argument and stir tensions during demonstrations and debates. But it was not until 1974 that his father dismissed Willem into the military and his oratory skills became a serious situation.

A nineteen year career within the military for Willem Duverger was nothing but an opportunity to develop further his political ambition and to extend his views over others that he deemed loyal. He retired from the Federal Union Army, the 1st Lord’s Own Regiment with the rank Major in 1993. Willem’s history within the military was marked with many confrontations, aggressive out bursts, and uprisings that were quietly noted down for the benefit of the archives. Notably the 1983 Saarburg Demonstration. Nonetheless his career was successful, and despite many of his accomplices receiving severe punishment with their disobedience at the order of Willem they remained loyal.

His father had passed away in 1989 during his military tenure, leaving the Duverger’s family residence within Deritzburg and country home within Hanzler to Willem along with ownership to the family trusts and art collections. This wealth of inheritance was only to be exploited rather than preserved and built upon, as his parents hoped, to achieve political gain with him allocated a seat within the Chamber of Representatives in 1995, with the UNP. His ascending to front political lines within the party and government portfolios was rapid, as was this as an expression to the extent of corruption within the political bloc and the government. By 1997 he entered the cabinet as State Secretary of Interior, where he remained until 2004 with the leadership of the party and the office of the Lord Chancellor passing to him.

In line with his predecessors, Willem acknowledged those good to him and they too saw themselves elevated to high public offices. The first person to be awarded for their loyalty to ,the now Lord Chancellor, Willem Duverger was Lieutenant Colonel Hans Kleist. Kleist was a loyal friend to Willem who had a passionate hatred to the class society, he found it the blame for many tragedies and circumstance within his life and was quite enthusiastic with the activities encouraged by Willem in the military. It was Kleist himself who murdered the three civilians in the 1983 incident. He was appointed to the Chief of Staff of Federal Armed Forces immediately when reorganising of the cabinet, the Council of Command, and other government bodies took place. Hans Kleist remains still the Chief of Staff of Federal Armed Forces. Stated reforms to the military from Katherina Schmidt Kollwitz have yet to materialise, and no need for reorganisation has so far presented itself to the FUP administration.

Christian Bute was now marching himself round the reading room of Willem’s Deritzburg residence, much to the irritation of his host. Despite the anxiety of Christian, Willem could not risk a collapse of relations by ordering him to sit down, the alliance was fragile at best. It was January the 19th 2010 and they were both awaiting the arrival of a dear old friend of Willem. “General Sir Hanz Kleist.” The butler informed them, had just arrived. Christian, who had his back to the room, turned to Willem for reassurance, and he was reassured. What followed was the two politicians playing to the resentment of the general. It was rather cordial, two friends and a new acquaintance discussing the audacity of the Lord Chancellor putting the working classes to heel once more against the backdrop of what was taking place within the region. To say Hanz Kleist was infuriated was putting it mildly, but the general preserved his calm and the two opposite were made to be curious as to whether they were succeeding in their efforts.

Christian and Willem equally enjoyed updating Hanz to the events of politics within the Union, most specifically within the Chamber of Representatives. But to believe their partnership in this endeavour was equal was a gross miscalculation, on Christian’s part. He was to be strung along like the dreaming amateur he was, his only use was to keep the other party in opposition occupied while Willem acted to well place himself and UNP ready to move with events when they unfolded. Hanz himself was curious during this social engagement, he had his own reservations to the motivations of the pair and particularly Willem. The general had of course been at the politicians side during his troubled years and knew only too well of his calculating and manipulative mind, but Hanz would struggle now with the temptation the two provided. What was certain was that dinner was only part of a much wider reason for being invited to Deritzburg.​

 

[Great Engellex]

January the 21st 2010.

Katherina Schmidt-Kollwitz stood boldly at the window observing the activity of tourists and members of the public before the government building. Every now and then an unfriendly but curious glare fell upon the officers of the Federal General Staff congregated out on the square, their business was concluded with the government an hour earlier and so they were making a departure. The Lord Chancellor was in fact engaged with a cabinet meeting, not a full one however. The State Secretaries of Foreign Affairs, War and National Security, Finance, the Interior, Justice, and Health were gathered with the Generaldirektor of the Geheime Dienstbüro.

“Oberkanzler.” The man paused and then continued once believed to have the attention of Katherina. “The conversation between Herr Duverger and Generaloberst Hans Kleist was undefined and soft. They were dancing around the idea of removing you - that much was clear. No agreements were made, however.” Katherina narrowed her eyes on the officers of the FGS and queried Klaus Scherf, the Generaldirektor, further. “And the extent in which Kleist could be involved?”

Scherf looked at Harold Percy-Dean, the Secretary of State of War and National Security, who instinctively looked down at the papers in front of him dodging the attention. “It is generally understood that Kleist may very well likely use his position and have the army act against the Union and it’s democratic institutions and processes - “ Katherina raised her hand signalling silence. A moment for her to think. “Do I still command the loyalty of the other services?” She asked as she turned to face the room, with Scherf and Percy-Dean collectively nodding.

Sitting down, she began penning a plan from several thoughts. “Ada Russell. You will recommend with me the removing of responsibility of the security of government buildings from the army. It will be with immediate effect, a decree.” Russell nodded in agreement. “There is room within the budget to allocate additional funding to public order services, Fenwick?” The Finance Secretary followed with the Secretary of the Interior and just simply nodded.

The Lord Chancellor had some radical idea to fund and raise a new branch of the law and order agencies to act as an almost personal army against Kleist within a week. It was quite a thought, a possible success? Definitely not. Deep down Katherina knew this and realised that all she could muster was additional police, perhaps more heavily armed, but that was it. If there was to be a stand off between the government and the army then the Lord Chancellor would have to rely deeply upon the loyalty of the navy and air force, which she was assured still remain loyal. The next biggest issue with any attempted coup, would be to ensure that the people and the world have no idea it is taking place. Order must be maintained.

Meanwhile evidence must continue to be collected, mounted against the profiles involved: Lord Willem Duverger, Hans Kleist, Christian Bute, and of course the political parties and blocs that they lead.​

 

[Great Engellex]

January the 22nd 2010.

There was a fever within the offices of the great government departments, a bustle and rumble of activity and noise that had not been seen since the United Nationalist Party gained control over the Union from it’s capitalist rival those twenty-one years ago.

The Ministry of Finance on Neustädter Straße stood opposite the Treasury building and it was much larger and less impressive than the former treasury that still continued to house the offices of the senior members of the Ministry of Finance. Despite the thousands of bureaucrats working tirelessly to keep the inefficient gargantuan ministry and all it’s excessive departments flowing, it was now the offices of the Secretary of State of Finance - Chief Secretary of Finance and the Permanent Secretary who now needed to act on the instructions of the Lord Chancellor impeccably. This proved somewhat frustrating to Harold Percy-Dean, the Federal Budget in place was continuous of that in place from Willem Duverger’s administration. The Lord Chancellor had since put down the requests to have a serious review of the budget since taking office, instead leaving it to April when Budget Day traditionally occurs.

This was to prove not so good, the UNP budget left very little room to manoeuvre. Percy-Dean knew this when Katherina questioned him about it’s possibility the day before, but he also knew it would save him face amongst the members of the cabinet to just agree and attempt to deal with it now within his ministry. The possibilities of bringing about what the Lord Chancellor wanted insists on making small cuts in the budgets of other departments. Decreasing the budgets of the departments needed a lot more time than Katherina afforded him, it would be quite challenging to work through and to make reductions in departments such as health and the interior did not make sense until there was a serious review. However he pondered on reducing the budget for the army - the risk of such a decision being to inflame the tensions between the government and the Chief of Staff of Federal Armed Forces. He had till Monday to present his efforts to the cabinet, three days.

Meanwhile Ada Russell of the Interior was holding a meeting with the Police Commissioner Roberto Gomes and the assorted Assistant Commissioners who represent the various departments and police forces within the Union. Her job proved less problematic, the police forces of the Free Cities Union were already employing obscene numbers of officers up and down the Union. The reforms promised to stamp out corruption and reduce police numbers in areas where it just did not make sense have yet come to pass, however the Board of Policing had been reformed with it’s previous commissioners ousted and like minded people appointed. After two hours of discussions and negotiations over the numbers, equipment and training, Russell believed she had secured what the Lord Chancellor needed. There were three thousand officers accounted that could be transferred to the envisioned new agency, equipment allocated would be basic but training facilities available.

And so the scheming rumbled on. Katherina who felt humbled by a lashing torrential rain retreated to her office where she wrote: “Where do we next proceed to hold intact the very foundations of this democratic union against what evil deeds maybe directed against the State. Do we blind the people and cover their ears, or do we give way to transparency and truth in hope of loyalty against the onslaught?”

In truth the Lord Chancellor was stupefied by the current affairs. She saw this treachery as a personal campaign against herself as opposed to an attempt to regain power by Duverger. To ensure her administration would not falter against any threat that may present itself from within the undemocratic alliances, Katherina had to maintain herself. She was advised to take an extended week-end break to the official country residence of her office and return with the energy to face off the strengthening opposition and dominate the events of the nation both publicised and concealed. It was advice she welcomed with relief, there was very little confidence within her to attend the last sessions of the Chamber of Representatives that evening, or to even make an appearance at the Council of State hearing of the Education Bill passing through.

On Monday the transfer of the security would be put together and the grilling would begin. The opposition would of course be the first to get their hands on the news as any alterations to the budget and the security arrangements will be published for the Chamber and the Council. It is not expected that the media would make anything of this, but it could be useful if the Chief of Staff, Kleist, was made aware of the changes by the paper before his political ally. Naturally, the Lord Chancellor intended to snub the Chief of Staff until the afternoon, and the thought of that encounter influenced Katherina to swiftly concede to the break to the fashionable city of Schladen.​

 

[Great Engellex]

January the 23rd 2010

The social season had not yet begun and wouldn’t for another two months. Despite the lacking of dignified and proper circles usually enjoyed, the Lord Chancellor was to settle with the company of her working circle, well as best as she could. It was to her delight that a schedule of theatre, music and several dinner engagements had been arranged by MC Kurt Weil and the Lady Patronesses of Schladen.

This was an environment Katherina felt most comfortable and confident within, most definitely a comfort zone. Prior to the 1989 victory for the United Nationalist Party the Free Cities Union had a thriving and influential aristocracy, families born from prominent figures in the history of the Union. Lord Mayors, governors, chiefly civil servants from the 18th and 19th century who jealously regarded the high societies of their colonial masters back at the old world and set forth to found new dynasties that would play monumental parts in the development of the Union. They were of course successful, but not all. It was a social movement established within the northern colonies, the Frankish colonies and soon taken by the elites of their Portuguese southern neighbours. The French to the south west were less enthusiastic, mostly concerned with the turmoil that the colony regularly threw at those in charge, desperate not to encourage a lawless riot.

Katherina Schmidt-Kollwitz was a descendent of this elitist society. Born in 1969 within the city of Hesser to Herr Hugo Schmidt-Kollwitz von Hesser-Goslar and his wife Claudia Schmidt-Kollwitz. Her father was a prominent member of the political scene within the Union as part of the heritage established by his fore-fathers, of whom one was a Lord Chancellor and two were Lords within the Council of State that also held offices within the cabinet of their serving Lord Chancellor. Prior to her political career Katherina was under the direction of her mother, who herself was a ‘classic Lady’ of the high society within the Union, and so with her youth and noted ‘sweetness of expression’ by her admirers, Katherina would soon be less a fixture of the society and more a conductor. In and around Schladen, Katherina could set the social pace. It was a youthful city with it’s countless theatres, social clubs, and Great Houses, it was the setting of the season for the younger circles. The city of Árvore within Barroselas played host to the ‘elder circles’.

While Katherina settled swiftly into the freewheeling raciness of the Schladen society after her arrival in the summer of 1983, the theatrical and extravagant personality that the city held soon could not contain her lingering interest into the drama and the cut-and-thrust of political life. At first Katherina was interested in politics as a drama played out by relatives and acquaintances, but as she progressed through her late twenties she started to take an interest and read on political issues, perhaps more so prompted by her father’s opposition to the UNP’s rise and eventual victory in 1989. This displayed interest was well noted and received by Hugo who immediately placed his daughter under his tutelage, after all his two sons expressed little appeal to this world their father was so fond of.

It was due to the fact that Schladen was where her career in politics truly established itself that she was to be in a state of remembrance and recall those days during her weekend.

Her entry to the political life caused controversy within their circles, for the centuries past politics was the province of men and many traditionalists took great offence to any intrusion, jealously guarding this element of life from the fairer sex. However, it was to be the purge of the bourgeoisie from the Chamber of Commons, and it’s renaming to the Chamber of Representatives, through the then non-independent judiciary that truly turned heads to the idea of change regarding women in politics. Scandal after scandal was seized and used to launch high profile public trials against prominent politicians and in most cases banish them from the political realm, and in few, imprison them. But it was to be the abolishing of the House of Lords that shook the very foundations of the Free Aristocracy. The Council of State was spared, but soon transformed to replace the upper house that was abolished and entrusted with great powers - to maintain balance against the Chamber of Representatives, of course. It was to no surprise that the Council of State soon come to be the home of party elites unable to take office within the cabinet of the UNP administrations.

What followed was the rapid decline in the vibrant culture of the Union, independent film festivals were replaced with state sponsored short films of how the UNP were the saviour of the Union and a display of all the good they were doing. The peerage system within the Union suffered tremendously, it was now but a system that awarded those the Lord Chancellor’s of the UNP administrations deemed exceptional in their duties as public servants. Naturally life within this period was a dull grey, the country itself became increasingly isolated from the world, for some it was out of fear of being condemned for it’s undemocratic practices and institutions, for others it was a relief to save face against the humiliating decline of their progressing state.

The battle in the November of 2009 signalled the light at the end of tunnel. To overcome the state owned media, the corrupted law enforcement and judiciary, to expel the deceitful propaganda and express the truth of the decaying country, it was a true triumph. Particularly for a woman. But Katherina’s ascendance to office seemed to be without it’s climax, there lacked the conviction to then push the reform promised, or that was what the public increasingly believe. It was to be the exhaustion of the campaign itself, the daunting task of delivering what she needed, against the backdrop of political manoeuvres against her that truly lay behind the lack of action. It could be said that she herself had wandered off the course she set, swamped with objectives, needing order and reassessment of herself. That was what the weekend was for, it was rather clever of her advises to suggest Schladen, and to encourage the Master of Ceremonies along with the Lady Patronesses to somewhat organise a tour of recent history. The idea was to bring back the spark that ignited the determination of her success.​

 

[Great Engellex]

January the 23rd 2010

It was to be the weekend least enjoyed by the Free Union Party. A Bill, the Spending Bill, proposed by Herr Peter Henenberger von Hanzler from the Council of State would essentially limit the powers invested within the Secretary of State of Finance and the Ministry of Finance regarding spending on a Federal level and would also limit the abilities of the Free City States on taxation. It was intended to prevent the unlimited scale in spending experienced during the United Nationalist Party years, which is still not fully reviewed or addressed by the Schmidt-Kollwitz administration. The vote on this bill, due to the diversity of opinions, is not subjected to a party line voting.

Within the Neues Schloss, the seat of the Chamber of Representatives and the Council of State, the merry-go-round of alliances being established to pass or stop this Bill was whirling faster and faster. No corner, or corridor, of the labyrinth that was parliament was untouched by this. Traditionally, despite wavering here and there, the Free Union Party supported the bill as big government is bad government, but there were to be tempting offerings from the other side. So once again the two sides within the chamber were making fervid preparations for war. However, it was not expected that the Secretary of State of Finance would himself be a stubborn defender against the Bill, many expected him to support it as it meant that spending and taxation was more manageable for him but at a cost of power.

Prior to the Lord Chancellor’s statement that formed her cabinet upon her victory the Herr Peter Henenberger von Hanzler was considered slightly more than Harold Percy-Dean for the mantle within the Finance Ministry. It is this historical rivalry to establish ones self within the first cabinet that has allowed Percy-Dean to come to conclusion that this is indeed a personal attack against him and to undermine his ability as the Finance Secretary. Henenberger’s initiative was purely to put in place boundaries against any future irresponsible spender. The bill is to regulate and tighten the powers of the Finance Secretary and his decisions, and so bring his accountability into the Chamber where need be, but not necessarily all the time.

Percy-Dean fought vehemently against the Bill in the Chamber, to the dismay of his party and to the ridicule of the opposition. He shouted and gesticulated toward the Council of State, where Henenberger sat, and astonished many within the Chamber by his anger. The opposing front benches made no attempt to ally with Percy-Dean, instead seizing the moment to question any arising divisions within the party and the reason why there was no Lord Chancellor present. “Do tell us, where has the matriarch gone?” they taunted.

The vote, when it arrived, was resoundingly in favour of the Bill. Despite the temptations from across the Chamber and the vibrancy of the Finance Secretary, the Free Union Party maintained, almost, a party line. When he eventually calmed down and came to reason Percy-Dean was horrified to realise of the display and performance put on to the joy of the United Nationalist Party and their socialist allies in the Chamber. More so he grimaced at the thought of having to face the music and explain his actions and the reasoning to the Lord Chancellor when she returns.​

 

[Great Engellex]

January the 24th 2010

Schloss Karstadt, that was the formal residence of Herr Willem Duverger of Karstadt, it was a residence termed after his title as with all the great residences of the Union. It was in the city of Deritzburg and like many of it’s great neighbours held social functions and events of importance to Herr Duverger. This evening was no different.

Early that day Willem had sent letters to all within his own political and social circles, and a few who were not. A ball had been hastily arranged within the long hall of his formal residence. Within a matter of an hour the political realm of the Union was made aware of a victory ball to commemorate the triumph of what Willem declared ‘the first cracks that will have this government collapse’. As a friend of Duverger put it, it ‘filled the circles of Deritzburg’ and was hotly debated at Lord’s, a gentlemen’s club. His friend, Johann Christoph, himself went to Naschmarkt the afternoon before the engagement, and watched as the news was pasted across news board to news board. It was ‘exactly like wild fire’ he commented.

Just as Harold Percy-Dean and the Free Union Party had feared, their political enemies tried to make capital out of Percy-Deans stance on the Bill, attempting to scandalise it and close ranks against them. So, the Union was in a great bustle about this, the FUP had been elected to orchestrate much needed change and before the government and the Lord Chancellor began to seriously address that it seems the administration appears to be showing cracks. Of course this was not true.

The show started at seven, and the music and dancing began. During the evening Willem seized centre stage and sang songs of patriotism written for the United Nationalist period and songs mostly associated with the socialist party, his guests were of course impressed and joined in chorus with Willem until the very early hours when all energy had left them.

The next day, 25th January, Hanz Kleist went to see Herr Duverger again. The meeting went well, Kleist had confirmed his commitment to oppose the Lord Chancellor, and his alliance with Duverger and the other socialist elites within the Chamber of Representatives. They discussed how apparently divided and pressured the Free Union Party was, the Bill now the Spending Act 2010 had brought to light some much deep rooted and passionate lines within the party. This with the Lord Chancellor’s absence, which they described as reckless, was party suicide at a time like this. Of course they were not aware to the fact that perceived divisions were not as rooted but in fact completely a astonishment to those within the party themselves. As for Katherina, her position within the party is less compromised by the event and intends to return to Deritzburg reinforced to repel whatever calamities will be thrown her way.

It was also understood that such meetings will have to become very few in the future, they decided to a tactical withdrawal of association within the capital. Information could be past through mail by a private courier and by video conferencing. Herr Duverger had advised the Chief of Staff of Federal Armed Forces to be additionally vigilant to visits from members of the cabinet and the assortment of government bureaucrats they will send. Willem was sure to guarantee that he will not be ambushed by the same tactics employed by himself in office to monitor his political foes. The Chief of Staff naturally resented the idea that he would need advice on these matters, the audacity to insinuate that he may full prey to efforts of the Lord Chancellor and her government did not sit well with Kleist. It made him somewhat distrustful of Willem, as it gave him the belief that he was perceived as somewhat weak against the political elites. After all, he was the Chief of Staff, he had the resources of the military at his disposal. How was it at all possible to believe anyone else held a stronger position within the Union than him.​

 

[Great Engellex]

January the 25th 2010

The Chief of Staff of Federal Armed Forces, Hanz Kleist threw open the door and marched into his office to observe the front page article of the newspaper screwed up within his fist most closely. His eyes scoured the article, and with every sentence did his blood boil more. His temper was raging, furniture and items flew across the room to meet their very destruction as the Chief of Staff held little by way of self-control. Those that served under him were well accustomed to this behaviour and were wise to make themselves scarce with duties such as tedious paperwork, unless specially called upon by Kleist.

The Lord Chancellor had returned from Schladen early on the Monday morning, to a cabinet meeting as opposed to her home. The previous night saw her video conferencing to the Finance Secretary and the Secretary of the Interior, as with other members of the government, to determine the appropriate course of action over the plans for a security force for the government. Percy-Dean found the bottle needed to allocate funds from the army budget, tactfully from that of recruitment and procurement, and despite his reservations and fears the Lord Chancellor was quite pleased. The Cabinet Secretary had been informed to have the media, the centre-right Union Times, print this front page for the Monday morning.

That Monday morning the Representatives of the Chamber stood eagerly to grab a copy of the mornings published papers. Little did Herr Willem Duverger realise that while he planned to bulldoze the confidence of the Free Union Party that week, with the weekends events, he had been out manoeuvred by the government. As Duverger made his way to his office to read on the published business, and the events of the mornings news papers, his ally was enraged at this attempt by the government to undermine his abilities and of course fuming that his ally had not notified him to this. Naturally the Chief of Staff felt increasingly isolated, and somewhat paranoid to the activities of the political world that surrounds the military establishment.

So that day when the Chamber was in session the political elites within opposition looked onto the shameless gloating of the Lord Chancellor with unease. Unease because not all of them were with knowledge of the silent battle that is beginning to cultivate and expand between the two parties. Those that were aware made every effort to avoid direct eye contact with Katherina, instead they remained quiet, forming the long list of questions for Herr Willem Duverger, and as for Duverger himself, he remained disturbed and curious as to how he was to reproach the Chief of Staff, his one time friend.​

 

[Great Engellex]

February the 18th 2010

It was February the 18th and within the elaborate and ornate confines of the Neues Palais the Lord Chancellor entertained patrons and representatives of various art charities and trusts, a somewhat reward for their efforts and achievements if you will. It was not uncommon, in fact to the contrary, it was encouraged that Representatives and Peers utilize the large number of rooms unused by clerks and administration for parliament interaction with the people. Although Katherina took this right to an entirely new level, rather than making use of designated rooms the Lord Chancellor insisted on reserving one of the two main halls for her events.

This evening was, alike many other similar events of her calendar, a highlight and pleasure to her political career which she would defend as her right. Since January the 25th there had been eighteen Decrees laid down by Katherina, and with observation you could be excused for believing the Lord Chancellor hated the Army and intended to abolish it altogether, but this was not true in the slightest. They included:

Decree 8035 of January 27th 2010
Suspension of Recruitment for the Federal Armed Forces

This essentially terminated the Army recruiting for ten years. Despite the direction of the Decree toward the three branches of the Federal Armed Forces together it only placed liberal restriction on the Navy and Air Force, which were effortlessly easy to overcome. The restriction to the Army was quite clear, not a single man or woman were to be recruited within the Army without consent of the Government. An unprecedented restriction in the Union’s history, and something of a bewilderment to the general public.

Decree 8072 of February 3rd 2010
Regulated Responsibility of Promotion

The Lord Chancellor basically removed the right of the Army to issue promotion to officer ranks independently of the Government. The Navy and Air Force retained that right. It was justified as an expression and solution of the Lord Chancellor to a death following intense training within a barracks to the north. The Government was to be seen as the side for responsibility and concern over the Chief of Staff of the Federal Armed Forces, who remained suspiciously silent.

Decree 8073 of February 3rd 2010
Prohibition of Body Art within the Federal Armed Forces

Proclaimed immediately after Decree 8072, it prohibited service men and women from placing regimental tattoos on themselves. It was an effort to dissolution the feeling of regimental companionship and loyalty, again within the Army. The Navy and Air Force however did receive restrictions, to not include offensive material within the designs, and to be placed in locations that would be concealed by all uniform standards.

Decree 8089 of February 15th 2010
Dissolution of Court Martial

Perhaps the most radical and offensive, in regard to the Chief of Staff of the Federal Armed Forces Hanz Kleist. The Lord Chancellor abolished Summary Disciplines within the Army, retained for the Navy and Air force, and removed the Court Martial for all three branches. The role of Commanding Officers within the remaining disciplines had been removed and replaced with new Government appointed Service Judge’s. This brought about much criticism from the opposition of parliament and from the heads of the Federal Armed Forces, however those of the Navy and Air Force were privately reassured that measures had been put in place to preserve certain rights. Hanz Kleist, again, remained bitterly quiet and refused to accept an invitation of Katherina’s to come to Dertizburg.​

While these may appear as victories to Katherina, the Cabinet has expressed concern to not antagonize the Chief of Staff into a predicted plot. Such expressions were calmly put down by the Lord Chancellor.

To be prudent when disarming the Army would have been a particularly wise course of action for Katherina, as her actions only served to reinforce the passion of the Restoration Program initiated by the Chief of Staff, Hanz Kleist. Videos and posters that recalled the horrors of war with exceptional graphic detail, as part of the ‘brainwashing’ course to prepare soldiers mentally in training, were now altered to retell the stories of the ‘struggle’, and have them remember and not forget their most central ‘duty’. But not all was entirely true. The vast majority of these men were young, low-middle twenties, men who would have to find a book to recall any ‘struggle’. As such it was to be effortlessly easy to acquire media and footage of sorts from libraries around Europe that portrayed far more violent acts of suppression of the working classes, and blend it with that of footage of events in the Union. Which actually were little more than intense union strikes.

Carefully orchestrated 19th and 20th century theatrics and rhetoric were composed to provide the intensity to truly capture the loyalty and minds of these young men. “Anyone who is not working to overthrow the system is working to support it!”

Hanz Kleist was certainly working against it. The Army was almost completely being commanded independently of the Government by the Chief of Staff. Officer training grounds and academies were being taken over as new centres of command, and by February the 21st eleven Government ordered inspections had been rejected by the Chief of Staff and seventeen invitations for the Chief of Staff to attend important Cabinet meetings on defence and security and been snubbed. There now existed a silent war, that of the Government lead by the Lord Chancellor, and that of the Army lead by the Chief of Staff of the Federal Armed Forces Hanz Kleist.

Herr Willem Duverger was now placed upon a suspect terrorist list by the Geheime Dienstbüro. While it was understood to be a wise precaution the truth to matter of association between Herr Duverger and Hans Kleist was that the latter now held zero trust in the former, and so now little was said between the two. Much to his disappointment, it was Willem who sowed the seed of paranoia and fanaticalism within the Chief of Staff as part of plot to seize power. The plot collapsed from the wit of the Lord Chancellor, and now Hans Kleist progressed alone. He, himself was unsure as to what his goal is, and with that, how was it to be possible for the Government to have a stab at assuming his goal? There was an air of uncertainty and anxiety on both sides of the front.

The Lord Chancellor continued to be engaged in her evening, sitting through Walter Friedrich Kempff’s Torentanz, an adaptation of Camille Saint-Saëns’ Danse Macabre. It was performed by a collaboration of several secondary school orchestras from around the Union. But with due to the confident and comfortable performance of Katherina there did exist an unsettling disturbance within her, and she would be considered foolish to not to be with the fragile state of stability.


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[Great Engellex]

February the 20th 2010

The Chief of Staff of the Federal Armed Forces, Hans Kleist, and the Army lackeys beneath him broke away from their self-imposed silence and isolation. While the Lord Chancellor made effort to encourage this, what was to follow can in no way be claimed a victory for the Government, in fact it would be a while before the Government would be aware of the actions before it could indeed respond.

Columns of soldiers, armed and supported by light vehicles, made leave from their designated military compounds and descended into the towns that they neighboured. This was by no means an invasion, in fact the number of soldiers in total around the country was approaching a mere two hundred. What this was, was an attempt to assume control of the towns directly neighbouring the barracks and facilities through the use of powers already within the remit of the Chief of Staff. Police heads, Commissioners et cetera, were informed that the Army were to be commanding law and order presently, as declared and signed by the Lord Chancellor. As already said, Katherina of course had not even a suggestion that something was going off. But nobody did, as these kind of manoeuvres were common place during the years prior to the 2009 election, during the years of the United Nationalist Party.

No, nothing and nobody gave any call for alarm. These towns had been specifically targeted, they were where the families of the soldiers within the Army lived. As such, the presence of these young men in camo were actually quite welcomed.

By the afternoon the pamphlets, which the local post officers had been instructed to deliver, had been successfully delivered to every door in these small towns up and down the country. Not a word of propaganda, just simply open invitations to a series of events being arranged by the various regiments. Dinner ‘n’ Dance, Public Picnic, Town Hall Tea Party, you name its - a whole list of them. When quizzed by the local mayor in the town of Lubel an officer replied, “It is part of the Federal Armed Forces Month.” The use of democratic terms did fool these officials into believing this was an effort of the Government, and these mayors even went as far as to consent to the removal of the Union flag and it’s replacing with the branch flag of the Army.

To the curious and perhaps suspicious minds there were notes of interest that were to be observed more closely. Young soldiers calling for the men to leave their workshops, factories and join in with the public celebrations, declaring: “This month is for all of us! The Workers!”. These elements should have aroused suspicion.

In the town of Pragal, within the Free City State of Barroselas, the Chief of Staff Hans Kleist posed with soldiers and local people within the towns square, grinning charmingly, to a reporter with a most bold banner displayed in the background: “For Our Men! For Our Workers!”. It was intended fully to allow the media to get full access to the events, it was intended that the whole of the Union could see, that the Government would see. By the next morning the Government would see, it would see it in the papers.​