Toulon Protocol

[Liege]

Toulon, Liege

Toulon was the perfect place to host a meeting of this importance. Toulon was a city that was half Anglophone and half Francophone and had prospered and each community coexisted peacefully. It was also one of the main ports of the nation where the Roya River met the sea, and was down river from Verdun to the west. Toulon was perfectly situated in the center of the Republic and was the crossroads between the East and West. These aspects made Toulon the perfect example of Liege and the perfect place to hold a meeting that potentially held the future of the republic at stake.

Interim Chancellor Enjolras Rousseau looked out the floor-to-ceiling windows that gave an impressive view of the city. The executive conference room that had been provided on short notice by theLouisiane Hotel was exquisite; it had a simplistic elegance to it, not overly gaudy, but a sense of formality and true to its function as a place for business. The long oval table had been arranged with name plates for each delegate in front of one of the eight chairs. On one side Rousseau would sit with the Frescanian delegate to his right, and the Potenzan and Talemantine delegates to his left. Across from them would sit the delegates from Cantigny, Breotonia, Danmark, and Engellex.

For security, due to the nature of this meeting and its guests Rousseau had opted to not use military personal, for it may give an impression of a military rule, but instead chose the finest officers of the Toulon Police Department to serve and protect. Then Rainier Beumont walked up to him. “Enjolras, they are here.”

“Okay Rainier, show them up.” After a few minutes the delegate walked into the room and Enjolras greeted each one as the entered and took their seats. Then Rousseau took his seat to begin the meeting.

“Delegates you were invited here to help us come to a solution of the crisis that many have come to watch in the world. We want to find a solution that is the best for the people of the Most Serene Republic of Liege because they deserve better than the previous 40 years of corruption and oppression under the previous regime. I do also believe that there has been misinformation on behalf of much of the media and increasingly threatening rhetoric from elements of governments that have spurred this crisis into more than it was.

Firstly, this is not how I saw myself come to be a leader of my republic, but it is the situation I find myself in to protect all who live within this nation. The violence that has been so widely condemned has been limited to the area in and around our capital city of Verdun, and our capital is once again at peace with the city under the control of the interim government. The rest of the republic remained at peace and was not disturbed during the events of the night in Verdun; most watched the violence of a desperate act by a dying regime from their homes.

Secondly, while we wish to cooperate with the international community and our regional neighbors of Galla, Liege will not allow the interference with our sovereignty over our people and laws. We did not remove ourselves from oppression to see our republic subjugated to the will of another power.”

Rousseau finished his words and opened the floor up to the other delegates to speak.

 

[Potenza]

Count Niccolo di Grimaldi had his hands behind his back as he walked into the room, being shown by Rainier Beumont to his seat after a greeting from the interim leader himself. Perhaps it was strange to some that the only representative from the Grand Duchy was the Count of Turin, as tradition in Potenza tended to send one noble and one representative of the elected government, but over time both the Grand Duke and the prime minister had grown to appreciate and trust the count enough to rely on him more and more for advice and assisting in matters of government.

As Niccolo sat comfortably in his seat, he listened quietly to Rousseau's speech concerning his rise to power and what he desired to discuss regarding Liege's state of affairs and the international community. The part about how he never imagined being the leader of the republic was, to Niccolo, the classic "I found the crown in the gutter and the people placed it on my head" assurance made by those who had risen to power during times of crisis. The rest seemed to be Rousseau's opinion that things were fine in Liege and all foreign governments should be left alone. As Niccolo glanced briefly to the Talemantine delegate sitting next to him, he couldn't help but wonder otherwise. The count pondered on why such people as Talemantine were here, when they had no real interest in the affair and Liege's government. Potenza was a neighbor to Liege, Breotonia had nationals inside Liege, and Cantigny and Danmark had offered assistance...but upon what basis were Talemantros there? The fact that Engellex - who had been the reason the meeting had initially been called - had not initially been invited, was even more suspect. The scandal that came out when Engellex discovered the happening of the meeting had almost prevented it from even happening. Again, the count pondered, what was really unfolding here?

When the chancellor had finished speaking, Niccolo folded his hands together and leaned forward to speak:

"Mister Chancellor, you said that you 'wish to cooperate with the international community and our regional neighbors,' but you don't want 'the interference' with your 'people' or your 'laws.' I believe this should be clarified - what exactly constitutes as 'interference with people and laws' in your eyes? Certain things will probably have to be assured to all present here before we leave and return to our respective governments. For example, what will be done in regards to those belonging to the former regime? Can we have assurance that English within Liege will be protected by law? What shape will the government in Liege really have, and would you be willing to have an international commission monitor the phasing process Liege will have from one government to another? These are all concerns that those present have, I'm sure."

 

[Liege]

OOC: Well since no one posted I’ll move it along.

IC:

Enjolras Rousseau looked at the Potenzan Count, “Count Grimaldi I wish to prevent Liege from becoming a vassal state within our region. We can see around the world with some sovereign states being regulated to modern client-states,” Rousseau purposely didn’t name the obvious example in Montelimar, “and I do not want that for Liege. Our people, both Anglophone and Francophone, deserve better than that and I want to give them that.”

Rousseau looked around the member before going back to Count Niccolo. “I am aware of the concerns other states may have, and I agree with those concerns. I can assure everyone here that all citizens will be protected under the law; currently the laws of Liege place severe restrictions on the French-speaking population and as soon as the General Assembly can be convened I anticipate removing these restrictions. It is my opinion and that of this government, that the levels of governmental power should not be used by a formerly oppressed group to exact revenge on the groups that may have profited from that oppression. Government should help lift up the oppressed peoples to be equal with our other citizens, not to lift up and then push down the other groups.

As for the government Liege will have, it will be the same form it has had for decades with the current arrangement of offices and officers, but for the future we will have those offices filled with legitimate occupants. I understand the irony in that statement when I myself occupy an office with less than stable legitimacies. Seeing as that the new officers that were to be elected in this past election weren’t scheduled to take office for a few more months anyway, we will hold new elections without the corruption of Alfred Hughes. I would like to have a team of international observers for these new elections. Observers were one of the many demands my campaign made during the last election and those demands were repeatedly denied by the former government. We can accomplish this in time and we can have freely elected legislators and governmental officials chosen in time for them to take office in accordance with the beginning of the new term in the fall.

Now the former ministers of the Hughes regime will be tried in accordance with the law. Most of the officials remain in custody under house arrest in Verdun and they will remain under house arrest for the duration of their trial and will only be release if acquitted by a court. General Lamarque is in police custody in Verdun and two officials died in the shooting down of two helicopters on the “alleged” order of Alfred Hughes that also claimed the lives of the family of Llewellen Hall, the former Foreign Minister.

As for an International Commission to monitor aspects in Liege, I am cautious as to what authority and power such a commission will have over affairs in Liege. Until those details are spelled out I cannot agree that such a Commission is best for Liege.”

 

[Potenza]

"Your caution towards an international commission's power is somewhat understandable," Count Niccolo began, after Rousseau had finished, "however, nothing was said regarding the powers of that commission extending over Liege itself. An international commission would simply monitor events - in particular electoral and political events - and assure the international community that events in Liege were proceeding without corruption or abuse of power. This would offer Liege much accountability on the world stage. With your neighbors anxious regarding the current state of affairs, I think this is something you cannot afford to just shrug aside."

 

[Danmark]

A swift master of his brief and one with a forensic sense of mission, the 'smart and sharp' attired Udenrigsminister of the Great Danes, Hr. Henrik Westerveld, swiftly and impatiently made his way into the conference chamber to thrash out the details and firmly nail the solution to the grand debacle that had torn Liegeois society asunder to the wall.

The youngest man in the room, long regarded as precocious beyond his years and swiftly noted as a rising star and a 'whizz kid' of the earnest Danish political establishment, the foreign minister was still only twenty-nine years old. Not that age was ever a barrier to him. The comparatively young and fresh faced international face of Christiansborg was capable of holding his own against even the most practiced politicos and elder, even crusty, statesmen, relishing the cut and thrust of debate on the minutiae and grand landscape of foreign policy with all its nuances, complexities, triangulations and surreptitiousness.

Although he had come to be the face of his own nation and its position, the unfolding crisis had seen a significant overlap between the position of the Kingdom and that of others who had attended this most urgent of conferences. Instilled with the traditional multilateralism of Danish foreign policy approaches but forged with a crystallised sense of a grand role to undertake, Hr Westerveld already had his position clear in his mind and he would not beat about the bushes in making it clear. Christiansborg had put its neck out in the calculated but cautious support of the advent of M. Enjolras Rousseau but it came with clear responsibilities for the new Liegeois Chancellor. Rousseau had his work cut out in making sure he and his administration were above board and open.

Hr. Westerveld scanned the surroundings of the room in the Hôtel de Louisiane and peered over the delegates. His briefing had assured him that they were invited for good purposes though there was puzzlement at the inclusion of the Talemantines, but he just shook his head and moved on. He was pleased to see the appearance after a somewhat belated invite, given a series of prods and cajoling, of his neighbouring Engellexic opposite number. The well-known face of Count di Grimaldi of Potenza, a man he knew well, sat a few seats from him. Westerveld nodded and grinned in warm acknowledgement.

The Udenrigsminister peered over his papers determined to get on and get out whilst simultaneously listening to the Liegeois chancellor and the subsequent dialogue with Count Grimaldi. Respectfully waiting for the Potenzan to make his points and, taking in a deep breath, the Dane spoke.

"I wish to thank you for inviting me here today and for taking the grand step of inviting my opposite numbers here to Toulon. I have observed with great concern the unraveling of social harmony here upon your election, an expected occurance given the partisan nature of Liegeois affairs and internal governance. This and the deaths of over seven thousand Liegeois are of significant gravity to me not only to the state of relations not only within this country but in its greater situation with its neighbours and within the frame of Gallian consensus and harmony. It is implicit that a great burden falls upon your shoulders to ensure that there is a bipartisan nature to the future of Liege and, so, I ask you to spell out clearly what you mean by 'legitimate occupants' of the Offices of State. What does 'legitimate' mean?

I am also rather concerned at the carte blanche imprisonment of officials of the former government. To me, transparency is the watchword, but I am not sure that the former members of the government will get a fair hearing and will be subject to kangaroo-court style justice. For example, under what sort of law will the former government members be tried? Is it the law as drawn up by the English ascendency or is it one concocted upon the advent of French rule? That has not been made clear to me. In that respect, I feel that observers should also be sent to and be instrumental in the trial of members of the former Hughes administration.

Regarding the formation of an international commission on the next elections I am, and my government is, strongly supportive of this and the involvement of the international community. It assists you, M. Rousseau, if you are willingly accepting of this given your tenuous position and is a great step into the light for the whole of Liege. To me, international representatives should be involved in the oversight of the elections both from their conception to their completion - every step of the way. This process and inclusion would absolve the current administration, of which you are the head, of allegations of skulduggery and underhandedness. I do not believe that you yourself are guilty of this but to assuage regional powers, I feel a show of grand statesmanship in this direction would be a surpreme display"