Turmoil in the Islamic Republic

[Wazistan]

The Unrest​

Well into the night, thousands of young men continued to roam the center of Khodabandeh, battling pockets of resistance from provincial security forces and sending a message to the authorities: they weren't backing down. The quiet unrest that had been building in Zanjan province had exploded early this week in the form a massive government military operation against separatist-controlled cities in the south of the province. While the operation has been described by the state media as a "routine security operation," the attacks on hospitals, universities, and other civilian targets outraged the public and prompted widespread international condemnation.

As news of the attack swept the capital, angry students and government critics took to the streets in anger, smashing the windows of businesses in the city center and attacking police that have become a regular presence. In other parts of the city, thousands gathered to chant pro-human rights slogans and calling for the end of the government's persecution against minorities.

Gholam Mirza, a civil engineering student from Zanjan Islamic University, was standing on street corner with a group of other students as they watched gangs to continue to roam the streets.

"I don't see any of those scumbags around...." Mirza as he flashed a peace sign to a passing group of students waving debris and pictures of Azeri separatist leaders.

"Of course, we drove them out!" said Rahiba, a classmate of Gholam. "We actually did it...."

"Don't be stupid, girl." said fellow student Iraj Yusuf. "You think they are just going to let us leave peacefully.... things are going to get ugly, it's only a question of when."

 

[Wazistan]

The Governor's House​

As the situation in Khodabandeh continued to deteriorate, the Zanjan provincial government moved officially into crisis control. The whole situation was looking to become a major embarrassment for President Hamid Najibullah and his Zanjan ally Governor Reza Mollagholipour, who had assured officials Ijad that the protests were "a minor incident" that had no popular support. As a result, Mollagholipour had declined to order his security forces and police to clear the streets, believing the unrest would burn itself out after a day or two.

However, three days later, riots continue throughout the city and rioters have now begun to turn their attacks on important government targets including police stations and local ministries. The city was now completely under siege.

Held up in the secured compound of Governor's House, Mollagholipour continued to updated reports on the situation outside.

"What's it looking like out there?" a tired Mollagholipour said as he reclined in his chair.

The aide merely shook his head. Mollagholipour let out a heavy sigh.

"I think we've let them say out there long enough. Contact the police minister and tell him to let the dogs loose."

The aides looked around at one another and Mollagholipour knew something was wrong.

"What's wrong...?"

"Sir, we received a phone call earlier from Mohammad Karami last week..."

Mollagholipour looked confused, "The deputy police chief.... what did he...?"

"Apparently, Saedi hasn't reported for work since yesterday.... officers who went to his home this morning found the place completely empty. They think he may have defected...."

Mollagholipour sat dumbfounded. Ali Saedi had been his longtime friend and confidant within the Zanjan RDP. One of his daughters had been engaged to Saedi's grandson. But before, Mollagholipour could dwell any further on the betrayal of his friend, another aide cleared this throat.

"Um.... sir, there is more."

"More?!?!"

"Yes, sir. We've been getting reports of some officers leaving their posts and others don't seem to be reporting as usually."

A white-faced Mollagholipour turned in his chair and looked out of the window, where black smoke could be seen rising in the distance.

"I think I was wrong...."

The Kurdish Question
​

Karim Zirek let out a loud yawn as he made his way to the back of the conference as students continued to stream in. It was just after 11 o'clock in the evening and most of the campus would have already shutdown for the evening by now. However, the late hours were the only times in which members of the Kurdish Democracy Campaign could meet nowadays, especially on a university campus. Sine was still reeling from the brutal crackdown by government forces against pro-democracy activists and security had been tighten considerably every since.

New restrictions had been placed on most of Sine's major universities, seen by the authorities as hotbeds for dissent. Some of the new rules include the banning of all student organizations unless approved by the province's Islamic Affairs Department and ban on gatherings of more than five people without the approval of university officials.

Violators were quickly expelled from the university and detained by the police.

However, Zirek and other like-minded dissidents at Sine's Engineering University had no plans of letting the new restrictions to prevent them from spreading their message. Once a week, with the help of a sympathetic professor, students would gather at different sites throughout the campus to hear remarks from pro-democracy activists and their fellow students on the goals of the campaign and the oppression of the Islamic system.

Tonight's meeting was particularly important. While the government has imposed a complete media blackout on the situation in Zanjan, whispers of the news of the unrest in Khodabandeh had reached Sine. To many in the Kurdish democracy movement, it was a sign of hope: for the first time they were not alone in their struggle.

Now, it was just a question of how the Kurds should respond.

 

[Wazistan]

In the Christian Heartland​

On the streets of Nabatieh, security forces could be seen setting up checkpoints on many major streets and intersections as provincial leaders moved to step up security in the capital. A day earlier, the provincial Public Security Department imposed sweeping security measures across the province after thousands of students took to the streets in a show of solidarity Kurdish and Azeri protests taking place in the east. It was the first time any form of unrest had hit western Wazistan since the turmoil erupted earlier this month.

Caught by surprise by protests, security forces fire tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse the crowds that had gathered throughout the city. All three major universities ordered classes suspended and saw their campuses sealed. In the immediate aftermath, more than 30 students were reportedly arrested.

Reverend Walid Nassif lit a cigarette and blew a puff of smoke as he watched a convoy of military trucks drive by. The neighborhood, which witnesses some of the most violent clashes between students and soldiers, had been turned into a virtual war zone. Troops had searched a number of homes and businesses over the past few hours and being the local pastor, many had come to him for advice, of which he had none to give.

Taking one last puff, Nassif threw the cigarette into the nearest trash bin and made his way down the street to the local bar.

 

[Wazistan]

In the Christian Heartland
​

Reverend Nassif tipped his hat in greeting to a group of customers as they exited the Juba Bar, a local hangout for many of north Nabatieh's working-class. While alcohol was officially banned both in Nabatieh and the rest of the country, Juba had somehow been able to keep a regularly supply of the latest alcoholic beverages, to the appreciation of many in this district. The place was fuller than usual this time of day, which Nassif suspected was the result of many trying to stay off the streets as soldiers continued to pour into the neighborhood.

"Afternoon, Jawadi." Nassif as he walked up to the bar. "I see the Army patrols are giving you some good business."

Jawad chuckled as he wiped a glass, "You could say that again..."

The reverend smiled in response as he fumbled with his fedora in his hands, "I bet.... well I would love to stay and chat, but I think you know why I'm here."

Jawad motioned toward the back room, "They are all there... most just arrived about an hour ago, so they weren't waiting long."

"Thanks...", Nassif said as he placed his fedora back on his head and headed the down the hall.

In the back room, a group of elderly clerics and political leaders were gathered around the table exchanges stories and snacking on a verity of treats that had been laid out for them. They were the leaders of the province's main opposition Christian parties and most had been a part of the country's opposition movement for decades. Most, including Nassif, had spent sometime in prison for their reformist agenda and were fully aware that government was keeping tabs on their movements.

"Just when I thought we'd never see your old face again," a bearded priest said with a chuckle.

Nassif laughed as he placed his fedora on the table and took a seat, "Nice see you again too, Reverend Khaddam.

"We can go through the pleasantries some other time," political leader Munib Hawatmeh as he out out a cigarette, "I say we get this meeting started with before the pigs come knocking down the door!"

 

[Wazistan]

The Ayatollah​

Tuesday Evening

Ayatollah Mahmoud Esfandiari sat expressionless as officials from the government, Party, and military began to make their way into his office. It was just after 10 o'clock and much of the capital remained tense following the opposition movement's successful general strike. Esfandiari had read the reports from the government on the numbers of people reportedly heeded the call and they were staggering. While he had not deluded himself in believing that there would be no one answer the opposition's call, it was clear now that the government has greatly misled him on the exact figures.

Now the opposition was calling for nationwide protests tomorrow and the authorities were obviously unnerved. It had now become clear that situation had reached critical mass it was now time to deal with the matter.

Among those gathered today in Esfandiari's office were many of the most senior figures of the establishment. However, noticeably absent was President Hamid Najibullah and his closest government allies. Esfandiari had no illusion of the split that had occurred within the Party over the turmoil and their were now concerns among clergy on where Najibullah's loyalties actually lie.

"Your Excellency, we are ready to deal forceful with the subversion movement and those who support them," said Islamic Republic Special Forces chief Gen. Mohammad Abolfazl Jalili. "I have discussed the matter with other regional commanders and they are fully prepared to deal with any protesters."

Esfandiari remained silent.

"I'm sure the security arraignments are prepared, but I think we need to focus on the bigger picture," Experts' Assembly Chairman Ayatollah Kazem Amir Hashemi said sternly.

"I think we've allow enough leniency to the subversion leadership and the traitors within. The Islamic Revolution must not be held hostage to the concepts of rigid laws and norms. It is our duties, as disciples of Mohammed Abdul Yassin, to deal forcefully with all those that threaten his legacy, through whatever means necessary."

Many in the room nodded and whispered in agreement.

"Well....," began Ayatollah Parviz Mashayekhi, a member of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution, "What do you propose we do?"

Hashemi stood up and began to pace around the room.

"The Islamic Republic is in turmoil and it's tie we realize this. As such, we must take the necessary steps to restore order and show the world the Revolution will never surrender to those who challenge the will of Allah.

To start, we must remove all elements that sit on the side of the subversionists, including those within. I'm sure you all understand what I mean."

At this many began to shift uncomfortably in their chairs before turning their eyes to Massoud Arfa, a member of the Revolutionary Democratic Party's Politburo.

Arfa cleared his throat, "I'm sure the party will stand behind any decision that is made here tonight. So long, of course, His Excellency approves of it."

All eyes then fell upon Esfandiari, who has virtually remained silent throughout tonight's meeting. He was aware that his brother would never approve of what Hashemi was asking. It would run counter to the very republican principles of the Revolution and could only exacerbate tensions. However, he had no interests in compromising with the opposition, aware any such move would be taken as a sign of weakness at a time in which his hold on power was still being threaten.

After a minute that felt like decades, Esfandiari cleared his spoke and uttered only two words.

"Crush them."