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Conference on Altai-Talemantros (ATTN: invited nations)

Socialist Commonwealth

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A capital of Carentania, Rijeka had been propelled into a position of global importance just as quickly as the entire Workers' Republic. With dozens of delegations from all over Europe, this importance would be displayed with a confidence that was unknown to many Carentanians before. Carentania called and the world answered. It was still a little strange, even to the government of Carentania, to be taken serious on a global level, but Carentania was a big power now. A country that could win wars, face off the EDF and force it to recognize the SNC as interim government of Solaren, the glue that held the RDTO together.

Perhaps not all the countries that had sent their diplomats to Rijeka to discuss the war in Himyar were really interested in the conflict between Talemantros and Altai. Maybe they just wanted to maintain amicable relations with this new rising star at the Long Sea. Just in case it could be of use in the future. Commissar Dusan Mejic, head of the Commissariate for Foreign Affairs, cared little for these finer points of the issue. What was important now was the result. War in Himyar threatened to destabilize the entire region and endangered Carentanian interests as well. Additionally, whoever would win this war was not exactly the kind of government Carentania wanted to see gaining power in eastern Himyar. Intervention was necessary, but war would not bode well with the Carentanian public which was already swallowing the bitter pill of war in Solaren. And with the Revolutionary Army engaged in fierce battles in Pope Urbans fortress of depravity, the commitment of ressources to another front would be risky.

A multilateral effort at enforcing a lasting peace resolution in the area was deemed preferable and that's what Carentania had called the numerous powers to Rijeka for. The invitations had been sent to nations without obligations to either Talemantros or Altai and with enough influence to actually be able to contribute to a common strategy. What remained was to convince the delegates to actually do so.

"Welcome to Carentania," Commissar Mejic welcomed the many delegations in the largest conference hall the Commissariate for Foreign Affairs could offer.

"I do not want to spend hours pointing out the obvious to everyone in this room. You have your own ministries, government agencies and beuraucracies to analyze the current conflict in eastern Himyar. Both Altai and Talemantros engaged in warfare with the obvious intention of territorial expansion and with nothing but imperialist ambitions. This war threatens to destabilize the region and further spirals the global warfare out of control. If we can achieve an end of war in Himyar through united efforts, it may help to put a stop to the catastrophy that has engulfed Europe on a global scale.

Altai is aware that it is unable to resist the Talemantines. That is good, as it means that resistance to a peace treaty from the outside, even if it may place conditions upon Altai, will be next to non-existant. Continued warfare is undesirable for the Altaisk government. Talemantros meanwhile, has sought expansion against Jurzan in the past and is now seeing its chance to achieve the expansion it had previously been denied. Even if all countries present here contribute to a joint response and are willing to impose severe sanctions upon the Talemantines, we can force them to accept peace without the need for warfare of either of us with the Talemantines.

Ultimately, we need to work out a treaty that adresses the regional problems without granting the Talemantines or the Altaisk any kind of territorial gain. Reports of crimes against christians in Altai, I believe, are best adressed through a peacekeeping mission that observes the behaviour Altaisk authorities closely and reports any abuse to the world public, so that, if necessary, responses to guarantuee the rights of the christian minority can be drawn up without allowing the Talemantines to set up a puppet government in the region. Additionally, I believe, Altai will need to terminate its EDF membership, seeing as how it was their EDF membership that drew them into the war in the first place and encouraged them to pursue imperialist ambitions in the Engellexic territories of Zadar-Istria. Once Altai abandons the EDF, Engellex loses any reasons for warfare in Himyar and the war becomes purely and issue of Talemantros versus Altai. A less complicated situation that will be easier to adress."
 
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It was the first time Saida Nasri, Europaland's recently appointed foreign minister, had been to Carentania. Originally from nearby Hajr she had left as a child 25 years ago when her parents, both communists, had chosen to seek a new life in Europaland. She hadn't been back much since apart from a couple of short visits to some of her few remaining relatives in the country. In Europaland she had found a progressive, tolerant and largely happy nation where everyone was welcomed and accepted as long as they didn't stray too far from the prevailing left-wing, feminist ideals. Saida, over the last decade, had risen quickly through the ranks of the governing Socialist Left party and was delighted when she received a call from President Nordahl just weeks ago asking her to be the country's next foreign minister. She was especially proud as a woman of Muslim origin (even if she herself was an atheist) to be representing one of Europe's most important nations internationally and wanted to be seen as a role model to other young women and girls in Hajr and other predominantly-Islamic states long held back by outdated religious traditions.

Sitting in the conference room Saida listened intently to Commissar Mejic. She hadn't followed all the developments in Himyar as closely as she should have but had been briefed carefully by foreign ministry staff over the last few days. She had also discussed the conference with both the President and the cabinet who were unanimous that Europaland should take part and offer to contribute actively to the efforts to bring peace to that part of Europe. Nothing was ruled out including a potential military intervention provided it was part of some multilateral force that could gain a degree of legitimacy in the eyes of the international community. The Talemantines were clearly a menace and couldn't be allowed to achieve their will unimpeded yet again.

”Comrades and friends,

”I would like to begin by thanking Carentania and Commissar Mejic for bringing us all to this conference today. It is a great honour to represent my nation here in Rijeka.

”Europaland is deeply concerned at this terrible outbreak of violence in Eastern Himyar and the accompanying loss of civilian life. Considering the failure of both sides to negotiate any resolution to the conflict we feel it is a necessity that some kind of multilateral action is now taken by the responsible states of Europe. While an end to the ongoing global conflict is beyond the power of any nation present today we can at least try to stop things spiralling out of control in yet another region of Europe.

”I think the proposals of comrade Mejic make a good starting point for our discussions and also our potential actions in the months ahead should we achieve an agreement among those present. Our aim must be to get both sides, and particularly the Talemantines, to bring an end to the conflict without the use of direct violence. I suggest we call for an immediate cease-fire and try to draw up a peace settlement with representatives from both states. Should either refuse we will need to draw up a plan ourselves and lay down serious sanctions should they fail to accept it.

”This could of course include a trade blockade and an attempt to enforce some kind of no-fly zone. Even airstrikes should the worse come to the worse. Naturally we must be prepared for a possible escalation in such a case with our own forces coming under attack. United however, our nations are at far less risk than they would be acting alone. The lives of millions of Altaic and Talemantine civilians depend on our ability to act and to put a stop to this insanity before it is too late.”
 
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Paul Mason was an ambitious young diplomat from the Foreign Ministry, who had only recently been given the full-time post of Emissary to the RDTO. It was an interesting role which combined a number of responsibilities, but which also allowed him to, to some degree, speak on behalf of the RDTO in certain contexts, aswell as represent Havenshire's interests within that Alliance. He wore a crisp grey business suit, thick horn-rimmed glasses, and had black slicked back hair. Adjusting his tie, he waited for the Commissioner to finish his remarks. Saida Nasri, the newcomer from Europaland, opened first.

He regarded her with curiousity, intrigued by the likely prospect of Europaland putting its full weight behind the RDTO. It would certainly be very beneficial to Havenshire's own ambitions and long-term goals to have Europaland to fall back on, he reflected.

"I am in agreement with my esteemed colleague." He said, sensing his opportunity. "Talemantros has wisely declared a seasonal ceasefire, but they have shown no evidence of a willingness to respect our efforts to broke a more general end to hostilities, or to respect efforts to establish a safezone for humanitarian reasons. I strongly urge us to take strong, immediate measures, to prevent further unnecessary loss of life, and to discourage the impression that imperialist aggression, regardless of perpetrator, is acceptable."

He then passed a thin red folder across the table to Commissioner Medjic. "We are prepared to commit up to 2,000 rapid response troops from December 31st, to match Hoffland's contribution, if the RDTO is amenable to this. Aid Coop is already doing what it can, but with Mark 77 Bombs devestating the cities, they are frankly overwhelmed. State Intervention is necessary if we are to simply prevent the situation getting worse, much less to halt hostilities alltogether."
 
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The situation in Eastern Himyar had alarmed the government that the continental conflict would also destroyed the South, a situation that Frescania did not want to see. It did not help that this was a situation brought upon the conflict by two unstable states. Altai had just gone through reforms and wanted to join the game of diplomacy, while Talemantros still had the humiliation of Jurzan on its shoulders. This had been a receipt for disaster, and it had gone too far.

Gabriel Turman, Frescania's ambassador to Carentania, had been given the task to lead the Frescanian delegation. Out of everyone in the Foreign Service, the government decided that someone already in the host nation would better serve Frescania's interest. Turman had been the ambassador for the past five years, and had done his job remarkably well.

Yet, not everyone in the government had fully supported the idea of working with the Communist State. The center-left members of the Socialist Party argued that Frescania's position as a great power would be tied up with the RDTO. The Chancellor had successfully told these members that Frescania's ideological views had to be put aside in Himyar. Indeed, Frescania and Carentania were the only powers in the South willing and stand up to the situation between Altai and Talemantros. As a responsible regional power, Frescania would cooperate with other nations to maintain the peace. The Chancellor finally pointed out that if the Democrats could work with Carentania, as they had done during the Jurzan Crisis, then the Socialists could do the same.

“Esteem Delegates,

I would like to first thank our host for putting together this conference. As a nation in the region, Frescania is deeply concern with the situation between Altai and Talemantros. As Mr. Mejic has already stated, this was a conflict brought by both parties, and both parties have to make concessions for peace. We too believe Altai can be persuaded to ending its EDF membership, and we further believe that for the best result, the Altaik government should remain neutral after said withdraw. Only neutrality, with the guarantee of independence by regional powers such as my nation and Carentania, will make sure no further aggression is inflicted upon Altai and its people.

The Talemantine Kingdom will be harder to persuade. As everyone in this room knows, the blunder of Jurzan is still in the conscious of their government. Expansion is their main goal, and we cannot, in the 21st century, allow imperialism in any region, including Himyar.

Frescania has already taken measures to pressure both nations towards ending the conflict. An full embargo on both states have been put in place. Unfortunately, this does not seem to be stopping them. We thus realize that only force seems to be the way both nations, specially Talemantros, will back down. The Republic strongly favors the suggestions by Europaland of a non flying zone and air strikes. This should be our plan of actions should diplomacy fail us. If our nations have to use force, our Air Force will lead the Frescanian efforts to end this conflict.

Lastly, I would like to strongly call upon everyone in this room that has yet not stated their position on the new puppet state in Altai to not recognize it. The Talemantine regime cannot hide its imperialist attempts from all of us.”
 

Touzen

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"With all due respect, but I do not believe that dispatching military forces is a viable undertaking at this point."

Kenji Arakaki's interjection was followed by a nod towards Mason.

"We are here to end a war, not perpetuate it. Our goal here should be to create immediate lasting peace beyond the ceasefire that was enacted on Christmas Eve, not provoke a further outbreak of violence", the Touzen Foreign Minister continued while moving his eyes from delegate to delegate, taking a moment longer to muster Turman before moving on. The former ambassador to Engellex had arrived in Rijeka only a few hours ago. In fact, he mused, while it had been only a few hours since he had stepped out of the machine that had brought him here from Nokanawa - a standard-fitted airliner, excessive luxury for diplomats and government personnel was not something the Touzen governmental ethos was compatible with - it had also been several years since any Touzen national had stepped onto Carentanian soil in any official capacity. No fanfare, no dramatic headlines in the newspapers - it had simply happened, as if things had simply fallen into their natural place. In his mid-50s, he had seen his fair share of governments rise and fall in Touzen's political history, especially in the last few years. Now, with the rise of the Okazaki government only this summer, it seemed like this trend would continue, and he often secretly wondered how long he would really be the Foreign Minister of a country that seemed to not have been lucky in recent times when it came to stability in the political process. Yet, stability had never been the primary concern of the Touzen political system, and its volatile nature was accepted, even welcomed, as coming with Post-Delegationism's radical interpretation of democracy.

But a diplomatic conference in a socialist country? Unthinkable under the previous Kaname administration. Unthinkable in general, he had thought until previously. Yet the times had been changing, and even prolonged sessions of meditative thought could not have brought him to any other conclusion than, that for now at least, the socialist world was the most likely partner for the Constitutional State to advanced its political agenda. After all, who was left? Delegationist, parliamentarian democracies were mostly too insignificant both in numbers and their capacities to project their agenda, and both the European Defense Federation and the new block beginning to emerge around Dulwich were either collapsing or beginning to create a new world order based on old principles. Post-Delegationism itself was strong in Touyou, could with luck be exported to the Far West, but had not been able to bring down delegationism in an advanced industrial society in Germania or Gallia. Likewise, Touzen was strong, a great power even, but in the end only one statehood amongst many, and a carefully watched at that, too. No, the small man with the beige sportscoat, silverish hair and the graceful frames mused, there really was no way around this conference. The Constitutional State certainly could stand on its own and, in principle, had done so for as long as he could remember, but it also had never shunned away from forging alignments that could yield benefits for its revolutionary cause.

"I also will go right ahead and say that my government cannot possibly agree on an economic embargo against the warring states. That the Touzen government can't and won't restrict the freedom of economic initiative of its citizenry, its constituent element, is known amongst your circles, so I cannot give Nokanawa's endorsement for any such decision." Only for the moment of a second did he remind himself of the lively debate his recent remarks on the economy had sparked at home before focusing back on the issues at hand.

"Our primary goal is to end the loss of innocent lives and the cessation of Talemantine expansionism at the expense of Altai. Yet at the same time any agreement we make here must also keep in mind that we need to create a situation where similar aggression will not happen again in the future - the current government in Altai is as much responsible for the suffering of its people as the Talemantine government is. Altai must cease its ties to the European Defense Federation, though I believe it won't be a difficult step to take for any Altaic government..", the Touzen Foreign Minister quickly showed around a printout of the latest CPBA lead article, "...and initiate democratic reforms giving due recognition to the interests of all Altaic citizens. This settlement must include the territories now caved from Altaic sovereignty by Talemantine-backed Salvationist elements. Any potential secession from Altai, a secession that would obviously have to result in a democratic entity and not a theocratic regime as currently backed by the Talemantine Empire, must be legitimated within the currently existing framework of Altaic statehood, or we will risk creating a legally dangerous situation that could come back to haunt the region and us in years to come."
 
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With wars erupting first in Solaren, then Montelimar and then Scandia, it seemed like armed conflict had become the rule to solving diplomatic disagreements rather than the exception. Governments that one would think were rational were using what would be the most trivial of an excuses to go to war, at least trivial in comparison to the death and destruction that such wars would bring about, has had for these many months the collective heads of the Euskadi government shaking in disbelief the insanity of it all and why, when invited to attend a peace conference designed to end yet another war started on the flimsiest of grounds, Foreign Secretary Francois Zabala did not hesitate to accept and travel to Rijeka if it meant that there was a chance to inject some sanity back into the world, even if it means that Euskadi must join the insanity to help stop it.

"Fellow delegates, I must agree with the Touzen Foreign Minister, that our primary goal is to end the loss of innocent lives and the cessation of Talemantine expansionism at the expense of Altai, but I am at a loss on how Minister Arakaki hopes to achieve those ends if he insists on taking two of the most potent tools we have off the table right out of the gate. To remove those option during negotiations, perhaps in return for certain concessions is one thing but to remove them outright? Though I too hope a solution short of military force or embargo can be agreed upon that will bring about a lasting peace, those options should still be made available if it means the primary goal is unattainable without them."
 
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The Cœurlois foreign minister, the Countess of Corza, looked around the table. She gently rubbed her left arched eyebrow. Corza looked calmly at her counterparts, exchanged a whispered message with one of her private secretaries, then looked back at the delegates.

Messieurs et Mesdames, what we should first work on is humanitarian efforts. I believe if we start there we can truly open the way toward negotiation,” the countess smiled as she gracefully shuffled through her papers to find a memorandum from the prime minister. “The Cœurlois government proposes that we order both sides to agree to a temporary ceasefire while we bring leaders on both sides to the table. During that time an international monitoring group from the present nations will go into both countries to give humanitarian aid to civilians. We believe the ceasefire should be at least for three weeks - long enough for initial talks to be held - with the option to extend the ceasefire. Should the meeting end up with nothing and war resumes, the Cœurlois government proposes that the nations unanimously condemn both nations for ‘continuing acts of brutality against civilians’ and impose sanctions.”

“I must also talk on the practice of unconventional weapons. As was reported, last week the Talemantine military authorized the use of such weapons which is guaranteed to devastate a region for decades to come. Should either sides use such weapons, I ask the delegates to agree to a unanimous declaration of war on that state.” The countess took off her glasses, sighed, then placed them on her papers. “Military intervention should be the last task taken by members of this meeting. But if it should allow long-term peace on the I ask the represented government to agree to she said took off her glasses and placed them on her papers. “The nations present shall unanimously declare war on the Himyar continent, then it will appear a necessity.”
 

Polesia

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The large Vangalan delegation was led by the Director-General of the Department of Himyari Affairs in the Ministry of External Affairs, Amal Nandi, who was accompanied by the former Ambassador to Gorno-Altai, Debraj Ghosh, and the current Ambassador to Carentania, Chabi Sen, together with a whole host of secretarial staff and a mostly silent representative from the Ministry of National Defence, who asked only to be referred to by his rank. The People's Republic of Vangala had an important role in the conflict at the edges of Himyar. An internationally agreed safe zone would be established around the small Altaic town of Alesd, after the city of Surdoiu was devastated by Talemantine bombers, led by units from the People's Armed Forces. External Affairs Minister Ajoy Qamaruzzaman had instructed the diplomats garner as much international support for the Vangalan military mission and support Carentanian initiatives on the issue.

"Esteemed delegates," Amal Nandi rose while speaking, "Action is already being taken. The People's Republic of Vangala, after deliberation with our friends in the Revolutionary Defence Treaty Organisation and the European Defence Federation, will be leading a peace mission to establish and secure a safe area for Altaic civilians to take refuge, in co-operation with a still unknown partner state. Once this has been completed, we can then start considering other military options, like the use of air strikes, to force unwilling combatants to end the hostilities."

Amal Nandi took a sip of his glass of water, and heard the low murmur of interpreters translating his Vangalan speech. Clearing his throat, he continued.

"The People's Republic of Vangala would welcome further contributions to the taskforce, to ensure the safe zone is not attacked and violated by the Talemantine military, who have shown a flagrant disregard for innocent lives in the conduct of their campaign, providing the consent of the Altaic government is given. The international community must appear strong and united if we are to stop Talemaniki continuing with another disastrous war of expansion."
 
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Paul assessed the various delegations, and quickly came to the conclusion that, whilst they mostly agreed with one another, each was determined to present themselves and their view as unique, and therefore that they were the ones leading the way in this peace mission. He decided that if this was the impression they wished, he would not disabuse them of it.

Changing tacks smoothly, he once again addressed the gathering, after a brief look at the Commissioner, who nodded his assent. "Honored, nay, esteemed delegates. The course of action before us is clear, and I believe that it is right to assert that the presence of humanitarian forces is a necessary prelude to negiotiations. Talemantros has after all, already shown its willingness to use illegal weapons of terror against the Altaisk peoples. A three week ceasefire is something we should insist on I agree, but we should also not be hasty in removing options. Talemantros is a proud Imperialist and hyperreactionary nation, after all, with many centuries of history of similar attacks and acts of barbarism. If we are to convince them to halt their War, we should make it clear that we are, all of us, united in this endeavour, and that whilst they may bluster for war with Carentania, even they would hesitate at the prospect of fighting all of us." He paused, his gaze lingering significantly on the Vangalan delegation.
He knew that, of all those assembled here, they would be the most likely and most important contributors to any conflict with the Empire.

However, he then turned to address the Touzenian delegation directly. Their support was crucial for a different reason- an RDTO mission, no matter how humanitarian, could easily be spun by reactionary media into a war of aggression. The presence of third-way superpower Touzen would make it clear that this was a truly co-operative effort, and not merely a "communist plot".

"I understand your caution and your concerns. We cannot appear to be too eager to act in a millitaristic fashion. Similarly, I agree that economic blockade in this instance would probably take too long, and have minimal effect. Whilst I am happy to agree to rule it out as an option, I do not agree that we should inform either Altai or Talemantros of this. And yes, although I have spoken at length of Talemantros as the aggressor, I am in agreement that we should also be prepared to act decisively to force Altai to accept the peace. The theocrats are obvious puppets of the Empire, and will not be invited to the discussions. If necessary, we can provide limited support to the legitimate Altai army in crushing these insurgents, although right now the most important thing is to seperate Altaisk and Telemantrine forces on the ground, and prevent any more millitary attacks on civillians."
 
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Turman was not surprised by the disagreement in the room. All non-Himyarite states did not seem to comprehend that Talemantros in particular would not back down without force. This was a truth that Frescania and other nations in Himyar understood very well. He spoke briefly with the rest of the Frescanian delegation, experts on Talemantros, Altai and the region from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs before turning to the rest of the delegates.

“I would like to clarify a believe that Frescania wants to jump towards conflict right a way. This is not true, we are merely stating that we have attempted bilateral diplomacy with both sides, and Altai is the only one willing to discuss an end to the conflict. We strongly suggest all delegates here to understand that Talemantros has always been a torn in the region, as other presents in this room will surely understand” He looked at Mejic, to make sure he listened to that part.

“And Altai is the only state that is suffering not only from invasion, but our sanctions and is willing too cooperate. Thus while we agree we should pressure both nations, Frescania believes Talemantros in particular will not be deterred until force is used.

Frescania also welcomes the news that there's a ceasefire by both nations. Our question is how do we make this ceasefire permanent without Altai losing its sovereign territory? We can, as a collective unit, economically pressure the Kingdom. However, if this does not work, how do we stop them? A military solution has to also be drawn up. If economic sanctions fail, Talemantros will ask as a condition for peace for their satellite regime to be given independent, or ignore the sanctions, as they have done to ours, and continue the conflict.”

Turman then turn to the Nandi.

“We would also like to applaud the initiative taken by your nation, the RDTO and EDF for creating a peacekeeping force. However, how do we make Altai withdraw from the EDF and yet allow troops from, what we will surely believe, an EDF nation be in this force? Nations in the region, particularly my own and Carentania, should have soldiers in this force and not EDF states. By doing this, we can make sure the EDF issue is not a reason for Talemantros to re-invade Altai. Furthermore, our two nations will also serve as a deterrent of further Talemantine attack in the future. Would the government of Talemantros be willing to fight the whole of RDTO and the Karlskrona Accord? We believe them to be more sane than that.

We must find a solution that puts pressure on both nations economically, militarily, and politically. A united embargo and our positioning of our forces near the region as a warning should be, in our opinion, the first step. If both nations fail to come to the table, or even if one fails to do so, we should then begin air strikes against said state or states.”
 

Socialist Commonwealth

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"At least," Commissar Mejic said, "we agree in our perception of the conflict. This common ground allows us to find a compromise, as we only disagree in what measures will be necessary. We agree, however, that something needs to be done to pressure Talemantros into peace, while Altai, equally responsible for this conflict, will likely accept it more willingly. And we agree that we should take the least drastic measures that achieve this result. The question is: which measures are this and which are simply not drastic enough?"

"I believe that negotiations between Talemantros and Altai can not result in any just settlement of the conflict, nor would they benefit the population of the wartorn region. Two peace negotiations have already failed because the Talemantines, winning the battles on the ground, believe it their right to claim a prize for the glory of their empire. A fair and lasting peace can only come from the outside, through the intervention of neutral powers - like us. Our first duty should be to agree on conditions that can ensure a lasting settlement of the dispute by containing the imperialist ambitions of either power and setting an example to the world that Europe does not stand idly as belligerents try to achieve territorial expansion through violence. We will present these conditions to the belligerents and demand them to accept the peace settlement, reinforcing this right to peace of the people of Himyar and Europe by the threat of whatever measure we deem necessary. It is Carentanias firm belief, that the following conditions must be met by both parties in this conflict.

Altais territorial integrity will be maintained.
Altai will allow a peacekeeping mission into the territory of Zamosk to end religious and ethnic violence.
A demilitarized zone is created between Altai and Talemantros.
Both Altai and the Talemantine Empire sign a treaty of non-agression.
Altai leaves the EDF.
Both nations pledge not to allow the stationing of troops of third powers outside of the peacekeeping mission.

These conditions are qualified to guarantuee a lasting peace in eastern Himyar and will contain the imperialist ambitions of either power, but specifically the Talemantines, who possess more military strength and a larger population and hence can pose more of a threat to the continent as a whole. We will need to construct a plausible threat towards any nation unwilling to sign this treaty and I believe that the first duty of each nation committing to this multilateral effort is, to dispatch a naval force to the region. War should be avoided at all cost and a regime change mission, I believe, would be both too costly and too devastating on the local population. But the options presented to us by a united task force off the coast of Talemantros and Altai should be enough to considerably weaken and humiliate any belligerent unwilling to abandon the path of destruction.

These options include both a naval blockade of the belligerent, as well as the establishing of a no-fly zone above the conflict area. I understand that there are ideological, legal and political resentments against certain measures," Mejic eyed the delegates from Touzen and Breotonia cautiously, "and I respect that there may be measures certain participants of this conference can not take. What I ask, however, is for these participants to allow other participants to take these options without speaking out against them. If you can't walk through the door, at least leave it open for the rest of us and give us your moral support to do what is necessary to build a lasting peace in Himyar.

And all this needs to happen quick. The current ceasefire gives us a narrow window of opportunity where we can intervene without having to react towards rapidly changing realities on the battlefield. Once fighting erupts once again, it may be considerably harder to pressure the belligerents into peace, as public opinion is enflamed by daily news of deaths and atrocities."
 

Saracia-Polamar

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Having patiently listened to the same repetitive statements, Irma Roybal was growing increasingly annoyed. A trusted colleague of the Prime Minister, he had requested she attend the conference on behalf of Polasciana. Even with limited experience in the Foreign Office, Roybal was a sharp negotiator and a strong representative. The message, she thought, was clear - any escalation of tension at this time would be unproductive, unhelpful and distracting. She cleared her throat before interrupting,

"Commissar, we are thankful for the invitation to be a part of this conference - which we hope will bring about a framework for peace in Himyar. But I must say that if we are to work together on this, which I hope we will, we would find it unproductive for some states to take action that some delegations feel uncomfortable with. We agree that something must be done to protect freedom to our near neighbours, but we must be insistent that 'moral support' is not nearly as effective as shared resolve.

We believe strongly that the humanitarian efforts suggested by our Cœurlois friends should be considered wise - we must use this time of peace to move swiftly and effectively."

Roybal was no expert on Himyar, an advisor in the Yanaka government, she followed her former boss to the Foreign Office just weeks ago. Naive perhaps, but wise, she was strongly under the belief that this conference would achieve little in a practical sense, but could be instrumental in changing efforts from short-term peace - to long-term stability.
 

Touzen

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"Esteemed Mr. Secretary", Arakaki nodded towards the Euskadi representative, "I do not believe that we should work from the get go to resolve the situation we are presented with by military means. Even though it might seem to be an attractive option for some of the delegates at this conference, feeling secure in the knowledge that a potential military mission created by all of the assembled nations here would be more than able to challenge any threat the Talemantine forces could pose to our efforts, deciding to deploy military forces is a very serious decision. So serious a decision in fact that we are here right now to stop the deployment of military forces by a third party to enforce its political goals. Utilizing armed forces should be our last weapon in an arsenal of diplomatic tools."

He paused and looked around the room. Here and there were representatives, ministers, officials had brought their staff to the meeting, orbiting their respective delegate like planets in the gravitational pull of a powerful solar body. The Touzen man however had come without his staff, without any fancy political scientists telling him what to do. He knew what to do, this is what he had been doing for over 30 years. It seemed only fitting however that delegationists would even delegate away thinking to useless idle talkers. Whether on a microscopic or macroscopic level, the Foreign Minister could not help but be amused at the many curious and wasteful decisions of the rest of the world. So much potential that would never be utilized.

Looking up again, the elder statesman in the making locked views with Mejic, saying nothing for a moment, before turning towards Zabala again.

"Nokanawa will not support an economic embargo on the Talemantine State. As long as peace exists between the members of this conference and those in control in the Orthodox Empire, all avenues between the Constitutional State and the warring parties will remain open." His statement carried the weight of a final decision, and he made sure to at least glance every single candidate for a short moment to make sure that he was understood.

"The Constitutional State will however not interfere if other states opt to do what it is delegationist states tend to do when they engage in disputes with each another."

A nod towards the Carentanian delegation.

The next moment, the man from Touyou mustered the Countess of Corza, pondering whether to funnel all his ideological rejection of her classist, reactionary and obsolete existence into a verbose rant about the inconsiderate orientalism she had presented in her call for a war on the continent of Himyar, but he abandoned the thought after a positive evaluation of her feminine nature.

"To sum it up."

His eyes opened up and looked around the table again.

"As Mr. Mason has adequately assessed, economic sanctions will not bring about the short term effect we desire, the cessation of all combat operations in the Altai-Talemantine War. Keeping silent about the potential scope of our intervention will further our cause while leaving us all the options to consider in any future negotiations. Any democratic restructuring of Altaic territorial integrity giving due weight to all its various populations will have to wait until the permanent establishment of a democratic status quo."
 

Touzen

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With a polite cough, the Touzen Foreign Minister bumped the thread.
 

Polesia

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Norse
Amal Nandi raised his voice and himself once again to speak. Nandi had to secure the support of the other delegates for Vangalan peacekeeping efforts, which were being undermined by the seemingly endless objections of Kenji Arakaki, the Foreign Minister of Touzen, whose obstructionism was slowing the pace of the conference and threatened the possibility of a successful conclusion.

"I must note there was very little concern in Nokanawa over intervening in Aresura, Mr. Arakaki, in a conflict far smaller and less devastating than this. I would be disappointed to the Constitutional State refuse to support international initiatives to end the war between Talemantros and Altai because of corporate interests," The Director-General of Himyari Affairs began, staring directly at Touzen's Foreign Minister. "A safe area for Altaic civilians must be established, and our greatest concern must be their well-being, as they have suffered most. From there, humanitarian operations can begin and if needed, more direct military intervention. The People's Republic will continue with plans for the safe zone's establishment and expects the full support of the international community."
 
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Paul Mason was quick to agree with Vangala's representative.

"The concerns of the Touzen Republic are understandable and we note them with care. However, intervention must be swift and it must be unitary and it must be decisive. Any peace negiotiated now between Altai and Talemantros without the careful supervision of foreign and neutral powers would inevitably see a great disparity in power in the region for years to come. Make no mistake- Talemantros has used unacceptable degrees of violence in response to Altai's own misguided policies of revanchism, and Altai is now suffering dearly for this mistake. The war crimes committed by both sides must be fully investigated, and the only way to achieve this is to begin- right now- to put observers and yes, peacekeepers on the ground." He paused, and took a sip from a glass of water.

"Touzenian aid would go a long way to achieving the goal we are all here, united on. The RDTO has not and does not flinch from difficult tasks, and Vangalan forces and Havenite ships are already proceeding to the trouble zone, where they can then be used as and when necessary to maintain peace and order, and not an order or forced peace dictated by the Talemantrine Empire, or Altaisk warhawks, or religious zealots."
 

Socialist Commonwealth

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Revy
"Esteemed representatives, we need to make progress, else history will unfold before us. We have the unique opportunity to put the weight of the world behind a just cause, creating lasting peace in Himyar. But we need to put aside our differences and demand both the Talemantines and the Altaic to sign a peace with the conditions that:

1. Altais territorial integrity will be maintained. - this should be obvious. There is no room for imperialism in Himyar.
2. Altai will allow a peacekeeping mission into the territory of Zamosk to end religious and ethnic violence. - This ensures that the allegations raised by Talemantros are not abused for imperial gain, but also ensure that, if true, they are not falsely mistaken for propaganda.
3. A demilitarized zone is created between Altai and Talemantros. - This denies either party to once again initiate warfare.
4. Both Altai and the Talemantine Empire sign a treaty of non-agression. - This formalizes the commitment to lasting peace in Himyar.
5. Altai leaves the EDF. - After all it was the EDF which incited the Altaic attack on Zadar-Istria.
6. Both nations pledge not to allow the stationing of troops of third powers outside of the peacekeeping mission. - It was foreign meddling that encouraged the participants in this war. Altais attack on Engellex was as much a work of the EDF, as Talemantros attack on Altai was the work of Engellex. Kyivan and Cidonian promises of support to Talemantros have reinforced their imperialist ambitions. Interference by allies of the respective warfaring parties must be prevented in order to deny either party to return to warfare, reinforced by their allies.

If everyone present can agree with these demands, we could put them out for the world to see and demand Talemantros and Altai to accept these terms, while giving weight to our roadmap to peace by assembling a joint force in the region. Should the warfaring parties denounce the peace process, we can place sanctions, such as a naval embargo and a no-fly zone."
 
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Austriavakia/Frescania
Turman read the list in silence before speaking.

"Frescania fully support this list and we hope everyone in this chambers will support it."
 

Touzen

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"I don't believe that it is the right of this conference to permanently infringe upon the right of the involved states to determine their foreign policy with all its aspects. As such, any provision banning the deployment of foreign military assets in the combatant nations, if it is to be included at all, ought to be limited to the time till the conclusion of a peace treaty. After that, both nations must be fully allowed to determine their foreign policy on their own terms once more, as it is neither just nor feasible to permanently enforce restrictions on either Altai or Talemantros."
 
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Paul Mason seemed impatient to conclude the treaty, checking his satellite phone for text messages from the Central Congress. "My government approves the terms, and would most likely be amenable to the modifications suggested by my colleague in Touzen aswell. We also invite our colleagues in Touzen to send observers, if it deems this necessary, to ensure that the fair and neutral enforcement of these terms is carried out without bias to either nation."
 
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