Dulwich Evening Dispatch | Flanders-Hainaut Riots

[Great Engellex]

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DULWICH EVENING DISPATCH

THURSDAY • AUGUST 09 • 2012​

GREAT EXPOSITION​

PAYMENT OF ADMISSION & TAXATION

The Marquis of Bath, a Royal Commissioner of the Great Exposition, rose to address to the House of Lords a most serious consideration of the Great Exposition.

His Lordship, Henry Archibald Walpole-Rees the Marquis of Bath, has addressed the following much significant statement to the House of Lords :- My Lords, - Within a few months the designs for those structures that shall receive the contributions of Europe’s industry, arts and sport will be presented to her Majesty the Queen-Empress for Royal Patronage. The question, of great importance, which now arises for my cause of address to-day is of finance and taxation. And it is upon this important subject that I now claim the liberty of addressing your Lordships. Shall the transactions and activities of this Great Exposition be at the mercy of taxation or shall it be free? Each mode has its benefits and difficulties; but, after an anxious consideration of the matter, it is my conviction that this glorious endeavour of imperial prestige should be released from a burden of taxation, in doing so, it remains more in harmony of the enlarged and enlightened purpose of the Exposition. There will be thousands of exhibitors and millions of visitors. Surely no tax should be levied upon them, the exhibitors, or those millions of visitors for the right of visiting an exposition to the staple of which they have themselves contributed as Crown Subjects of her Majesty’s most Victorious Empire. And I am further confirmed in my opinion of the practicability and wisdom of free exhibition – to be modified as I shall hereafter propose – by the unanimous and hearty opinion of very many of the most influential members of the imperial metropolis. The Royal Commissioners, of whom her Majesty has yet to fully appoint, shall incur a particularly large debt indeed – a debt that will need to be liquidated in the future. And it is to be feared that a too anxious sense of that obligation may induce the levying of a rate of entry that shall, to many millions, amount to prohibition; this is without the additional inconvenience of Exchequer designs on the success of the Exposition. I have, therefore, to propose that for the first fortnight of the Exposition admission shall be, in a probable case, by payment; and, further, that two days in the week shall, for the whole term of the Exposition, be reserved for the higher classes of all nations who may prefer to pay for the exclusive privilege of admission, rather than encounter the inconvenience and discomfort of lower class crowds. With these, that the entrance should be entirely free. The sum taken during the first fortnight, and on the two days of each week, would, no doubt, be very considerable; nevertheless, a large deficit would remain onerous upon all the Royal Commissioners, certainly. This deficit I am emboldened to solicit your Lordships to meet by a Parliamentary grant. And this solicitation I make the more readily from the belief that from the very fact of the Exposition a large addition will accrue to the revenue of the country – an addition, it is calculated upon trustworthy authority, of upwards of four billion. Now, of those four billions, how small indeed does the parliamentary grant appear in the requirement to throw open the doors of the Great Exposition to the peoples of Europe! When the subject of the Exposition was brought before this Imperial Parliament, it was very properly dealt with; for, as every thing was then in a state of uncertainty as to the future. The case at present is entirely altered; her Majesty has almost completed appointing a full compliment of Royal Commissioners, and the Imperial College of Architects are due to submit proposals for the Exposition – which, once approved, will see the most rapid construction endeavour in Engellexic, no, European history; the greatest difficulty at this moment is to find the space for the vast warehouses and hospitality estates for those attending, though, I feel inclined to thank those outrageous petticoats for that evening’s worth of civil destruction for we now have several areas of the imperial metropolis in need of reconstruction! We will be inviting all the nations of Europe to a friendly competition of skill, well, most nations! To those invitations many it is hoped many will heartily respond. Her Majesty has expressed her determination to invite the whole family of European royalty to come and participate in the first banquet Europe has ever dedicated to peaceful industry, and cultural and intellectual triumphs. An event so pregnant with high and humanising good to all mankind should be informed with the most liberal, with a purely cosmopolitan spirit. If it be otherwise – if at the very threshold of the estate dedicated to this civilised and industrious banquet, a tax be laid upon those who would partake of its beneficial influence – a banquet, moreover, to which millions of the payers have contributed – the whole purpose of the Exposition will forego a grace which otherwise would endow it with a crowning lustre. It is with no doubt that foreign governments will feel compelled to vote considerable sums to aid their people in the object of their individual exhibitions, and on the participation of foreign peoples, it should be well remembered that foreigners are especially accustomed to gratuitous entry into all institutional buildings of culture, science, and education; and I beg of your Lordships not to abandon this honourable European custom for the sake of pennies! But not alone for the stranger do I ask for free admission. I ask it for the large body of our own working classes – for those men and women, whose skill, whose industry, will, I doubt not, be triumphantly represented at the forthcoming congress of industrious civilisation. Thousands of these men are at this hour depriving themselves of many little household comforts to enable them to visit Dulwich; and one must contemplate that these many working class families delivered a great victorious occasion of unprecedented scale in Engellexic history only months ago. Therefore, I ask for the working men of Engellex a free entry into the estate dedicated to the Exposition. Again, such will be the magnitude of the Exposition, that no one, two, or three visits will suffice to the knowledge of its manifold objects. I might, my Lords, dilate upon this subject; but I hope that I have said sufficient to obtain of your Lordships a patriotic consideration of the question – shall the Great Exposition of our most Imperial Civilisation be free to those whom Engellex invites to meet in generous rivalry? Or, shall we send forth invitations, and then tax our humble guests? FINANCIAL MARKETS​ The failure of an old-established firm, Dedlock and Jarndyce, colonial brokers, for upwards of two billion, has produced great excitement in Dulwich financial circles, especially as it is known that acceptances for upwards of nine-hundred-million have yet to fall due. The house in question had very extensive transactions in domestic agricultural produce, acting largely for Implaric-Oceanic importers. The continued caution with which Dulwich bank directors are now making advances upon acceptances and produce, and the great need of metals and other industrial commodities in Engellex, have induced several large mining operations. The consequence is that Consols have given way about one quarter per cent. As cotton has ceased increase in price, owing to returned stability on the Great Thaumantic, and as there is a very large balance due to Engellex from Occidentia – estimated at two-billion-seven-hundred-million – a decline in Consols is anticipated by some parties. A general gloom pervaded the Royal Dulwich Stock Exchange (DSE). All securities were alike affected, and whatever speculative business had been transacted, it was decidedly against any improvement. The present unsettled state of affairs is attributed in some quarters to the appearance of Occidentia and Toyou politics – in others to mercantile difficulties which are predicted to be hovering in the distance in the East, and hence, a triple cause for apprehension exists.

[[OOC: I moved quite ahead with the Expo in this news, and will jump forward again - to try and catch up.]]

 

[Great Engellex]

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DULWICH EVENING DISPATCH

TUESDAY • SEPTEMBER 18 • 2012​

PEERAGE​

PEERAGE FOR THE CHANCELLOR

The Duke of Nonsuch, as a Peer of the Realm and First Lord of Aldwych d'Evercy House, proposed to the House of Lords a Peerage for Chancellor Veronica North.

His Grace, the Duke of Nonsuch, who was very distinctly heard, said that the proposal he was about to submit to their Lordships’ decision that evening was one of the very highest importance. In bringing the motion, of which he had given notice by a petition to her Majesty, under the consideration of the House and the constitution of the peerage, it was not necessary for him to enter into the merits of the proposition. Neither was it necessary for him to discuss then whether it was expedient of wise to raise such a proposition of the kind at the present time, in respect of the political discussions taking place within and around Cantignia. But being a member of the House of Lords, it became his duty to consider what was the proper, the prudent, and the wise course to be adopted under the circumstances. He confessed that he looked on the subject as one of the significant propositions under the consideration of the House in a century, and this being his opinion, he thought it should come before them with all the advantages of that advice and counsel which the constitution of Great Engellex provided for that House of Imperial Parliament. The simple object of his motion was the conferring of a peerage, an Earldom, upon her Excellency Chancellor Veronica North, in her own right; a conferring that should permit the Cantigian Chancellor to sit within the House of Lords in Dulwich. It is well recognised throughout Europe that the great constitution of this country has provided for it a House, within its parliament, formed of constitutional advisers and councillors – Lords and Ladies of great authority in the nation, who when they received their offices bound themselves to attend this House, and assist it with their advice. In conformity with that obligation, many, indeed, many of the Peers of the Realm sit and attend the business of the House, and were perpetually called on to give their advice in matters of importance. There is great wisdom and prudence in providing this House, this country, with such assistance, because in every assembly composed of Common men endowed with the privileges determined by the enfranchised classes there was the possibility of their being led away by temporary excitement to adopt rash and inconsiderate measures, and in that case the constitution interposed, and what that meant was this House selected as advisers of the Realm, Lords and Ladies of judgement and learning, who had no interest in the matters of the Commons under debate, except that which the nation in general had. The most noble part of our constitution, however, was permitting the doors of this House to be opened, and the benches most enthusiastic, to the entrance of new Lords and Ladies to serve and better advise the Realm. I might rest my case here, but there was more than this to be considered. I do confess that as an individual peer of the Imperial Parliament, I found myself placed in circumstances which do demand particular consideration. This consideration was of the conferring of her Excellency the Chancellor Veronica North the Earldom of Guildford in absolute acknowledgement of her dutiful service, her courage, her wisdom, and in doing so, recognising that there is nobody in Cantignia who represents the strength and heart of the Engellexic rose and fleurs-de-lys more so than her Excellency. HAMMERSMITH AGRICULTURAL EXCHANGE​ The recent fall at the Hammersmith Agricultural Exchange (HAE) was intelligible enough. It was owing to the ascertained goodness of the Engellexic harvest which, after a period of excessive heat, followed by rather heavier rains than was desirable, turns out to be abundant and well got in. The present rise is another question, and it is ascribed to the damage done to the Montel crops by the beastly energies of war and social strife, and to the expectations placed upon the harvest within Solaren; many in Hammersmith anticipate a quite below the average yield. It is presumed, then, that Preuti-Borussia shall not be able to supply its wants with such facility as heretofore, or with such convenience to the usual course of trade. But surely this inconvenience must be exaggerated when the largest land owners are at this moment calculating, not what they can supply – for on this point the enthusiasm within the Lords Agriculture Committee implies a belief in boundless agricultural resources – but what the Engellexic markets can take. Free trade has given such encouragement to agriculture in Great Engellex that the greatest land owners acquired the acres in the Montel Successor States within a moment of the Fall of Valmy, in fact, there is much belief that a country only has to give the word and any quantity is forthcoming. As say the county papers, though it is not unlikely they may find the definite sooner determined than they expect. But it appears that the import of West Marcher manufactures into Great Engellex has this year been much more than usual, and there is now some anxiety lest there should not be a sufficient demand for our agricultural produce to balance the accounts.

 

[Thaumantica]

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______________________________
VESPER, TUESDAY, 18th SEPTEMBER 2012
​

Madame Chancellor North wishes to extend her most reverent gratitude of those men, women, Lords, and Ladies of Dulwich who have reciprocated the love and respect Madame North harbors for our mighty Empire. With the belief that Cantigians are first and foremost Engellexic, Madame North views this individual achievement of recognition to be a purely moral story: any Imperial Citizen who keeps heart, soul, body, and mind true to their patriotic roots can rise higher and accomplish more than ever was expected from their birth.

Extreme ideologies hailing from every corner of the world, to include these friendly confines, threaten to undermine the world order ushered in by our brave forefathers. Everything this administration has done was for the perseverance of Imperial Establishment through a grim and uncertain future; this is the precise time to recall our stalwart spirit and our dazzling traditions to overpower those who would spare even a threatening stare at the foundations of Engellexic fortitude.

Above all Madame North would have her Queen-Empress honored in this surprising occasion, regardless of the results, to even be considered or discussed in the prestigious House of Lords is an unprecedented realization of a young girls dream. Lord Alcott Edward Acres, of the Cantigian Province of Perdition, was the first man of power or influence to recognize Veronica North's potential for statecraft when he appointed her Civil Secretary of the Fairfield Acreage, which effectively catapulted her in to later democratic representation in her home Province of Perdition. Queen Alice I, from which all powers of the Chancellery stem from, has also been a constant asset and example for Madame North to call upon - the Grand Covenant is after all a solemn agreement between Queen and Chancellor to preserve and propagate the Can-Engellexic franchise of Implaric-Oceania forever.

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Harriet Fauconberg,
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[Great Engellex]

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DULWICH EVENING DISPATCH

WEDNESDAY • October 17 • 2012​

SPEECH BY THE MARQUIS OF BATH​

WHIG GRANDEE AGAINST GOVERNMENT POLICY OF DIPLOMATIC ENGAGEMENT; WANT OF MORE EMPIRE

The Marquis of Bath speaks out against the present policy of engaging with other nations to better free trade and access of resources in Europe; the Grandee implies opposition to support for the Republic of Jurzan; blames ideological differences for European turmoil.

His Lordship the Marquis of Bath requested the indulgence of the House of Lords this morning on the ground of the unfeigned consciousness which I have of my personal claim to attention, and of my utter inability to do justice to the magnitude of this subject. It would be most unjust to the House were I to allow it to be supposed that the grave and difficult nature of the question which I propose to bring before it, and its want of connection with party feelings and interests as demonstrated in the other place (Commons Assembly), will at all indispose it to yield me its kind and patient attention, I must say, in justice to the present Imperial Parliament that however I may deplore the violence of party spirit to which the political class occasionally does give way, as I have never observed any parliament which has shown itself so conscious of the deteriorating character of our party strife, and so desirous to make amends for its indulgence in them by every now and then giving a calm attention to matters of great public concern, beyond and above the low domain of party. Amid the very clash of party strife in which we are too apt to concentrate our energies, we cannot help being conscious of such heavings of the soil on which we tread as to compel us to believe that around us agencies at work that threaten the solidity of the very framework of society. We have of late had warning enough of the necessity of looking to the condition of the country, from the existence of distress of an unusual extent, duration, and severity. Owing, too, to inquiries which we never had the wisdom or the boldness to make before, we are now in possession of a fearful knowledge of the moral and intellectual state of the great masses of our people. And from such events as the warring disturbances of last year, we know well what effects such disturbances have upon physical distress and moral neglect on the masses. I do not believe, however, that there ever took place in the House a debate calculated to fill the public mind with such understanding as that which was raised by my Noble Friend, the Marquess of Salisbury (Pro-Suffrage Leader), when she brought forward a motion on the distress of the Empire, in a speech showing so accurate and comprehensive a knowledge of the state of the Empire, and so wise an appreciation of the immediate remedy for many ills, that I cannot but regret that she has left me anything to do which might legitimately have been made a part of the remedial plan. What was the result of that debate? A universal agreement as to the existence, and even the intensity of the civil mischief—an entire disagreement as to the remedies proposed. No one ventured on that occasion to deny the fact of very severe distress; but, at the same time, whatever measure was proposed for the relief of it was negatived by a majority which proposed no remedy of its own, but created a chaotic rift even within parties.* The view which I take of the existing evil, and of the appropriate remedy, would so much more be obscured than strengthened by any exaggeration, that I must guard myself against being supposed to represent the difficulties of the Empire as desperate. It admits of no doubt, that even after so long and severe a distress as that which has for many months hung over every class and interest in the empire, we are actually a richer people, with more of accumulated wealth, more of the capital of future commerce, than we ever possessed at a former period. But still, without any exaggeration—without believing that our resources are less than they used to be—without desponding for the future, it cannot be denied that this is a period in which wealth is growing at a less rapid rate than before—that it is a period of European depression and stagnation—that a smaller amount of profitable enterprises are being carried on now than two years ago—that there is less employment for capital, and that business brings in smaller profits, that there are more subjects out of employment, and that the wages of those who are employed are less than they used to be. The great increase of the Poor Law within the year, is an unequivocal proof of suffering in the labouring classes; and the falling-off of the revenue from customs, excise, stamps, and taxes, furnishes as undeniable evidence of a diminution of the comforts of the people; and though there is not the slightest ground for fearing ruin as a nation, there is evidently an amount of individual suffering, so wide and so severe, that we cannot contemplate its existence without pain, nor its prolonged duration without alarm. There is no denying that the present distress is not that of any simple matter, or branch of industry. I admit, that a bad harvest, wars, unsettled commercial relations, the monetary and commercial derangements of other countries, particularly in Saamiskavia, have undoubtedly combined to disturb our commerce; and I think it impossible to deny that, had these causes not been in operation, the distress which we lament would have been different in character and in intensity, even absent. And though I stress the point that our national distress is no simple matter, confined to a particular condition and evil, it cannot be denied that the tremendous turmoil which grips Europe and the Empire is a consequence of greater engagement with other nations for the purpose of securing for the people and our industries better availability of resources. It is with this view that I propose that you should investigate the efficacy of colonisation, as a remedy against the our distress. I say as a remedy, because I do not bring it forward as a panacea but as one among many remedies, which would be valuable, even if they could not go the length of entirely removing distress, provided they enabled us to render its recurrence less frequent. I say distinctly that you will not effect your purpose of permanently and fully bettering the condition of the people, unless you apply a variety of remedies directed to the various disorders of their present state. But confining myself to the economical evil that arises solely from that one cause, of which I have laboured to describe the operation, namely, the competition both of capital and labour with other nations, I propose colonization as a means of remedying that evil by enlarging the field of employment and the access of resources. The commerce of the Europe is narrowed now not by our own legislation, but by that of other powers; the influence of restrictive views extending among them. Within the last few months no less than four hostile situations have been seen against us, more or less narrowing the demand for our manufactures. I say, then, that in the present day the restrictive policy of other nations must enter into our consideration as an element, and no unimportant element, of commercial policy; and, though I advise you to set the example of free commerce to others, and extend your intercourse with them to the very utmost, still at the same time take care to be continually creating and enlarging those markets which are under the control of no legislation but your own. Show Europe that, if the game of restriction is to be played, no country can play it with such effect and such impunity as Great Engellex, which, from the outlying portions of her Majesty’s mighty empire, can command the riches of every continent and every soil and every sea that Europe contains; and can draw, with unstinted measure, the means of every luxury and the material of every manufacture that the combined extent of other realms can supply. This we have done before, and must now do again, by placing our own people in different portions of New Dominions; secure that, while they remain subjects of the same empire, no hostile tariff can by possibility exclude us from their markets; and equally secure that, whenever they shall have outgrown the state of colonial dependence, and nominally or practically asserted, as they will do, a right to legislate for themselves, our hold on their markets will be retained by that taste for our manufactures which must result from long habit, and by that similarity of customs and wants which kindred nations are sure to have. Under these impressions I direct your attention to colonisation as a means, I should say not merely of relieving distress, but of preventing its recurrence, by augmenting the resources of the empire and the employment of the people.

[[*Refers to the parliamentary split on women's suffrage, and resignation of the Northern Secretary, and the entry of coalition governance to counter.]]

 

[Great Engellex]

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DULWICH EVENING DISPATCH

FRIDAY • OCTOBER 19 • 1952​

ROYAL ENGELLEXIC NAVY​

DEBATE ON NAVAL ESTIMATES AND EXPANSION

The First Lord of the Admiralty participated in a House of Lords debate on the Navy's operational estimates and the present expansion program.

All the noble Lords who had made participation in the debate of the Royal Engellexic Navy’s operational estimates referred to a question of new construction. The noble Lord, Lord Selhurst, referred to one fleet carrier which he believes entered building phase last week, and the noble Lord, Lord Poplar, asked when all naval expansion projects would be under construction and completed. Her Majesty’s Royal Engellexic Navy hopes H.E.M.S. Gloriana and H.E.M.S. Majestic (the two aircraft carriers) will be commissioned within four to six years, and the other warships of the naval expansion program within a similar time-frame. We have thirteen warships at various stages of construction around Great Engellex. Noble Lords will appreciate that a considerable amount of scientific knowledge has been acquired during and since the war, and her Majesty’s Royal Engellexic Navy is anxious that all this knowledge, so far as possible, may be applied and adapted to the warships now being constructed and to be constructed, replied the First Lord of the Admiralty. The Marquis of Bath questioned whether the Admiralty were considering several concerns made within the Imperial Parliament, by both chambers, on continuing with the introduction of oil-fuel for the new generation of expedition carriers. The First Lord of the Admiralty responded with a confirmation that the Admiralty is in continued communication with the warship contractors for the possibility of changing the fuel-orientation of the aircraft carriers; the First Lord stated that it was a development the Admiralty would prefer not to consider as it will incur additional costs and delays. I might mention here, in regard to the point raised earlier by noble Lords about deploying aircraft carriers in Saamiskavia, a point which was particularly emphasised by my noble friend Lord Esher, that the original build-up of naval aviation in Saamiskavia was designed in face of the Bantyric operations in the North. The end of the Suonian-Bantyric War has removed the naval threat, and at the present time there are foreign naval forces in that immediate area, apart from that of Frescania, which compare in any way with those of her Majesty’s. At the time it was decided, for reasons of economy and security, to withdraw our expedition carriers from areas northwards of The Solent, but not to close down the naval air stations in Bantyr or withdraw stores and supplies. While it is true that the aircraft carrier can often help in a time of emergency, its main purpose is to work with the Fleet to protect her Majesty’s vessels, and generally to take part in naval operations. It is considered that the Royal Engellexic Air Force, which already has bases in Saamiskavia, can better meet the requirements in Bantyr at the present time. However, should circumstances arise in the North in which the assistance of an aircraft carrier would be valuable, one would be sent. The First Lord of the Admiralty then returned to new construction, research and design, saying that work and development of the new Fleet Arm of the Royal Engellexic Air Force, that is the Naval Co-operation Command, particularly the jet aircraft, for the two new aircraft carriers is proceeding, and that the Admiralty is anxious that the new warships should be equipped with the most modern armaments when they are completed. So far as we are able, we are embodying all the modern knowledge which has been acquired, and the assembly of the equipment will take some time. I should say, however, that it is not expected that the research work on the Fleet Arm intended for these ships will be sufficiently advanced to justify a restart of structural work during the course of the new few years. Of the Solent class submarines, the First Lord anticipated that five will be completed within two to three years. Two new Defender class frigates are approaching final stages of construction, owing to being laid down during the war, though, technically part of the naval expansion program. The First Lord also confirmed the position of the Admiralty in respect of battleships :- I would like here to recall that no battleships are laid down or included in new naval construction programmes.

 

[Thaumantica]

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______________________________
VESPER, FRIDAY, 19th OCTOBER
​

THE Grand Covenant remains committed to protect the Implarian in accordance with the standards of Engellexic and Imperial martial prowess. Our Crimson Armada swells with the menace of the HHS Pioneer and HHS Mariner, powerful assets of the Empire in name and substance.

Financial and political events have complicated our common positions regionally as well as globally however, and strategists within the North Administration believe that the only appropriate plan of action demands legitimate cooperation between Covenant and Imperial forces at home and abroad.

​

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Harriet Fauconberg,
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[Hanseatic Republics]

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Kongens Departement for Utenlandske Krefter Korrespondanse
7. maj-plassen. PB 8114 Dep. N-003
Kristiania, Agder​

Til: Dulwich, Great Engellex
Fra: Kristiania, Agderike

STRENGT HEMMELIG
(top secret)
HEMMELIG
(secret)
KONFIDENSIELT
(confidential)
BEGRENSET
(restricted)
UKLASSIFISERT
(unclassified)

* * * * *​

19. Oktober 2012

His Royal Majesty suggests that a naval accord be drawn up for the collective Monarchist protection of the Gothic Sea. As such, in this collective security, the Kingdom of Agderike would be welcome to aid Dulwich with her own aircraft carrier and the ability to rapidly respond to crisis in the region. With our collective control of the strait into the Gothic, it is of His Royal Majesty's opinion that security of this region lay directly at our collective feet.

Med Vennlig Hilsen,
Solveig Thorsnes

Solveig Thorsnes

Agderikes utenriksminister​

* * * * *​

 

[Great Engellex]

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DULWICH EVENING DISPATCH

SATURDAY • DECEMBER 8 • 1952​

DUCAL OCCIDENTALIS COMPANY​

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT TO APPROVE DOC REBIRTH

As part of imperial policy reformations, the Imperial Parliament are to deliberate on renewing the Imperial & Royal Charter of the DOC for the first time in two hundred years.

The Countess of Addiscombe presented a Commoners Petition from the Royal Society of Loyne Merchant Marines, based in Vauxhall, praying that their Lordships of the House of Lords would not consent to a renewed Imperial & Royal Charter for the Ducal Occidentalis Company in the name of her Majesty the Queen-Empress, granting the company exclusive privileges of trade and enterprise in accordance with the Empires foreign policy. Lady Addiscombe said, that in her rising to move that the Commoners Petition do lie on their Lordships table, she could not avoid recalling their Lordships attention to what took place on a former evening in a private sitting respecting the intended discussion on the great imperial question to which the Commoners Petition referred. Their Lordships were all agreed that the question was not only of the greatest importance to the commercial and industrial interests of the Empire, but involved, at the same time, some of the highest interests on which the imperial legislature could be called upon to deliberate. This subject, great and extensive as it is, I believe would be utterly impossible, were we to confine ourselves even to the commercial part of the question, to discuss in a fit and proper manner, such as its importance required, in what remained of this parliamentary session. The subject was recommended to the attention of the Imperial Parliament from the throne five months previous. Five months had now elapsed without a moment of time being bestowed upon it; but now, when we are told the subject was very nearly ripe for consideration, this House was expected to remain in the same state of utter inactivity, with respect to it, waiting until we should receive lessons from the parliaments of Loyne and Walssex-Battent on the subject, and until it was brought before them in the shape of a Bill. A noble friend of mine, Lord Esher, had suggested a mode of proceeding, which the subject could be brought before both parliaments, where the functions of one could not be necessarily excluded until the other had taken its final leave of business, but a mode of system of deliberation in which both parliaments could reciprocally afford light and assistance to each other. I trust some of my noble friends would forward this session, and bring the subject before this House in the shape of resolutions, involving the consideration, whether, on just grounds, the trade and science, of the Ducal Occidentalis Company, that is to be re-formed, should be encouraged or prevented from becoming general, or confined exclusively to any part of the Empire or Europe. In this train of discussion, Lady Addiscombe trusted they all wished to see it; and she again expressed her hope, that some noble Lord would, were it not done by her Majesty’s Cabinet, bring the subject before the House of Lords in the shape of resolutions. COMMONERS PETITIONS AGAINST CHILD LABOUR Sir Arthur Horne, a Whig Member of the Assembly for Sydenham West, presented a Commoners Petition from certain persons concerned in the textile factories of Sydenham and Eltham, praying that a Bill similar to one proposed at the beginning of the session for the coal mining industry, respecting limiting the hours of the labour of children, might be introduced and passed. Sir Robert Durant-Barns, an industrialist Pitt MA for Dorking and owner of a network of cotton mills in Loyne and Middlesex, said he had been informed, that many of the individuals who had signed this petition for the object prayed for by it, had been persuaded so to do, in consequence of being told that should this Bill be passed they would be in receipt of more money for their labour, and have to work fewer hours than they do now. Horne disagreed saying he had no reason to suppose that any persons had signed this petition under the impression described by the Honourable Gentleman for Dorking. I had heard assertions of undue means having been resorted to for obtaining signatures, but I am not aware of any false representations having been employed to procure such signatures to this petition I present, as such, I do regard the assertions to that effect as unfounded. The Speaker of the Commons Assembly gave way to Sir Frederick Throckmorton, Whig MA for Woodcote, who reminded the Commons Assembly that his Highness the Archbishop of Southwark had, indeed, presented a Commoners Petition to the other place, and signed by it were the clergy of the established Church of Loyne, Catholic clergy, medical professions, manufacturers, shopkeepers, and other inhabitants of twelve industrial towns and metropolises in Loyne, to the number of seventeen-thousand, praying, like the Honourable Gentleman’s petition, for the limitation of the labour of children in the country. Durant-Barns had risen again to remind their Honourable Gentlemen, who might be disposed to lay some stress on the circumstance of the petitions being signed by medical persons, of what occurred last session, with regard to petitions similarly signed. Some of the medical persons who had signed the petitions, on being examined before the Commons Committee of Child Labour last session, had, indeed, declared, that on inspecting the manufactories they found the children employed at, generally speaking, in better health than was usual for children of their age. They were of course asked what had induced them to sign the petitions. They answered, Mr. Speaker, that they had been induced to sign them by the representations of friends; but now, since they had had the opportunity of a personal examination of the children, they would sign no more. The Speaker stated that this was certainly a very important subject, and he could not imagine either way why a greater representation of Honourable Gentlemen had not been observed in the Commons. There could be no doubt that if children were by over work or harsh usage injured in their health, or distorted in their limbs, as had been attributed to the severe labour of textile manufactories, their parents or masters were punishable at common law for the offence, and I had hoped that the debate would have turned upon that point, and closed with the adoption of some specific measure for the enforcement of what I would call the prohibitions of the common law. I will say that a petition, presented this morning for deliberation by the Honourable Gentleman for Brixton, permit me to say without offence to call a very dangerous petition, for it required the interference of parliament, not for the regulation of children only, but of adults, by which means the Freedom of Labour would, in my mind, be essentially affected. This was dangerous ground, and I believe it would be well to postpone the consideration of it until there was a greater representation in this Assembly. The original motion was also postponed.

 

[Danmark]

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​

On behalf of the His Majesty the King, the Realm communicates and urges caution over the latent surreptitious intentions, but with a due regard and trust, and the Empire's regard towards the implosionist and erudite Bantyr land, with an immense and commensurate call for an introspective refocusing en masse of the ambitions of the Empire towards Bantyr.

Whilst we do not distrust the intentions of the Empire, as well as the great, noble and true intent it prescribes towards the irksome and banished regiment and focus of Bantyr, we do believe it calls upon a sensitive approach voiding incorporation. Incorporation is beyond the quintessential scope of the responsible remit of the Empire towards this errant nation, a blot upon the responsible Grand Family of Nations.

We trust and believe that the Empire harbours ambitions nil and void towards the decadent and defunct regime of Bantyr upon which the bestowal of some degree of calmer governance graces some of the peoples there. As per proclamation and as per great worldly published intent, we do not believe that the Empire would act in such a manner, impoverished of virtue, honour and decency, a course which this Imperium does not believe that the Empire wishes to follow and to which, if it chose that rather intemperate and uncharacteristic folly, would be an immense and detrimental misfortune to the Empire, one that we feel is understood by the politicians and higher authorities that reside within the confines of Dulwich.

The baton of honour and thorough decency, as per Bantyr, lies within the grip of the adjutants and practitioners of noble decency and twentieth century chivalry, not entirely within the domain directed from the Empire, in the context of the mortal realm within which we share. We trust that this shall not be failed nor undelivered and we trust that these doubts shall be vanquished.

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HR. HENRIK JOACHIM WESTERVELD

FOREIGN MINISTER OF THE GREAT DANISH IMPERIUM

 

[Ivernia]

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Teachtaireacht ón Prionsa-Toghthóir na Íverniann i iúl in ainm Teamhrach Caislean, an Airdrígh agus uile-Íverniann.
Ochtú déag na Nollaig 1952

To the CONFIDENTIAL attention of: The Queen-Empress Charlotte and her Government.

The High King of Ivernia is extremely distressed at the decision of the Navy of Great Engellex to blockade the Solent. This decision was done without word to the other nations of the Gothic Sea and, worst of all, this comes just days after we agreed to meet to discuss terms of shared responsibility for the Gothic Sea's security.

In your good judgement you have specified your blockade to Danmark excluding their merchant ships, but ANY blockade of the Gothic damages the economies of Scania, as traders become wary of the hints of war a blockade brings. Stocks go down, and the people of Scania, who are facing a regional recession, must feel it a little more.

Let it be known that the free and haphazard deployment of blockades of the Gothic Sea shall be one of the first terms of discussion when the High Kings representative enters the Gothic Security Meet in the Empire of Great Engellex.

This message was written on Behalf of the High King of Ivernia and Tara Castle

Signed David MacSweeney, Prince-Elector of Foreign Affairs and Trade

Árd Ríocht na hÍverniann
Cuige na Nemedia, Contae na Mhí
Bán Dair Cathrach, Teamhrach Caisleán
An Roinn Gnóthaí Eachtracha
Oifig an Prionsa-Toghthóir

 

[Great Engellex]

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Teachtaireacht ón Prionsa-Toghthóir na Íverniann i iúl in ainm Teamhrach Caislean, an Airdrígh agus uile-Íverniann.
Ochtú déag na Nollaig 1952

To the CONFIDENTIAL attention of: The Queen-Empress Charlotte and her Government.

The High King of Ivernia is extremely distressed at the decision of the Navy of Great Engellex to blockade the Solent. This decision was done without word to the other nations of the Gothic Sea and, worst of all, this comes just days after we agreed to meet to discuss terms of shared responsibility for the Gothic Sea's security.

In your good judgement you have specified your blockade to Danmark excluding their merchant ships, but ANY blockade of the Gothic damages the economies of Scania, as traders become wary of the hints of war a blockade brings. Stocks go down, and the people of Scania, who are facing a regional recession, must feel it a little more.

Let it be known that the free and haphazard deployment of blockades of the Gothic Sea shall be one of the first terms of discussion when the High Kings representative enters the Gothic Security Meet in the Empire of Great Engellex.

This message was written on Behalf of the High King of Ivernia and Tara Castle

Signed David MacSweeney, Prince-Elector of Foreign Affairs and Trade

Árd Ríocht na hÍverniann
Cuige na Nemedia, Contae na Mhí
Bán Dair Cathrach, Teamhrach Caisleán
An Roinn Gnóthaí Eachtracha
Oifig an Prionsa-Toghthóir

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An Extension of The Queen-Empress' Statement in Council.
DULWICH, TUESDAY, 18th DECEMBER 1952​

TO THE HIGH KING, LORDS, AND COMMONERS OF THE KINGDOM OF IVERNIA
I am instructed to DELIVER on behalf of her Imperial and Royal Engellexic Majesty;​

I regard this letter to be in pursuance of the notice from the High Kingdom of Ivernia to have her Majesty’s Imperial Cabinet focus its attentions upon its own conduct in relation to the Empire’s response to the affairs of the Agderike Succession Crisis, as affected by the contest now proceeding for Kristiania.

I regret that this subject had not been taken up by myself or her Majesty’s Minister to his High Majesty’s Court at a more favourable and earlier time, however, I implore his High Majesty and the Cabinet of Ivernia to appreciate the circumstance of which her Majesty the Queen-Empress was quite rudely placed in. I have intimately examined the letter that establishes the areas in which the High Kingdom of Ivernia has found offence, and may his High Majesty permit me to extend sincerest assurances that there existed no deliberate intention of her Majesty’s Imperial Cabinet to conduct the affairs of the Empire, in relation to the crisis, with the greatest lack of regard for the wise and prudent counsel of his High Majesty; the Empire of Great Engellex, with appreciation to our previously adopted policy of neutrality toward the Agderike Succession, quite suddenly and with the greatest urgency found itself without sufficient time to form a new policy to contain the rapid escalation in that respect; it must be obvious to his High Majesty and his Cabinet that the question of Engellexic interference was one solely involving the independence and integrity of the Agderike Kingdom – objects which had always been the policy of her Majesty the Queen-Empress since her Majesty’s election to the Crown of Great Engellex and with regard as being of paramount importance.

The Empire of Great Engellex sacrificed the lives of hundreds-thousands of her Majesty’s loyal Crown Subjects in the Great Continental War in pursuance to enforce such a policy of respecting, encouraging, and protecting the independence and integrity of those nations in Europe that are and were otherwise unable to absolutely guarantee their own self-determination and security; a policy that would undoubtedly be extended to the High Kingdom of Ivernia in the event of a great national threat, and a policy in which her Majesty the Queen-Empress has determined to be guaranteed to the troubled people of the Kingdom of Agderike and Fey.

Her Majesty the Queen-Empress and the Empire of Great Engellex, united and absolute, had heard that a Danish fleet was engaged toward the sovereign territorial waters of Agderike, without an extended invitation or due consideration toward those nations and powers that guarantee the integrity and security of Saamiskavia, and, more significantly, that the Danish Sovereign was at the head of this aggressive armada; the ultimatum issued by the Danish Royal Council of State, in terms the most peremptory, had been addressed to the legislature and government apparatus of Agderike, without due consideration or time for a response from the Kingdom of Agderike. The aggressive assertions of the Danish Kingdom cannot be permitted to be assumed accepted diplomatic practice; the Empire of Great Engellex will ensure that propriety be sustained at all levels of diplomatic proceedings.

With the formally declared intention of addressing the Ivernian offence, her Majesty the Queen-Empress as commanded I, the First Lord of Aldwych d'Evercy House, to extend an invitation to the High Kingdom of Ivernia to deploy a military and ministerial delegation to observe the proceedings of the Empire's position in respect of the enforcement of a naval blockade.

His Grace, the DUKE of NONSUCH,
By the Grace of GOD, of the EMPIRE of GREAT ENGELLEX, CHARLOTTE, the QUEEN-EMPRESS,
through the FIRST of LORD of ALDWYCH D'EVERCY

 

[Ivernia]

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Teachtaireacht ón Airdrígh na Íverniann i iúl in ainm Teamhrach Caislean agus uile-Íverniann.
Octhú Déag na Nollaig 1952
​

Teachtaireacht do na parlaiminte Béarla, agus an Banríon-Banimpire

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na Shasana.
Message for the Engellexic Parliament, and the

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of Engellex.

The High King has deemed the Engellexic reply to be both assuring, and understandable. Ivernia can now understand that your Parliament was reacting to a flash of potential conflict, which no doubt brought back memories to the Great Continental War. Hopefully over the coming meeting between our nations, the High Kingdom and the Empire (And indeed, the Kingdom of Agder and Fey) may work together in maintaining the security of the Gothic Sea so as to lift the weight somewhat from Engellexic shoulders, as it were.

The High King deems the idea of deploying a military and ministerial delegation to observe the blockade to be a most enlightened one; Not born from a mistrust in Engellexic practices, rather simply to assure businesses at home that Ivernia's presence in the strait is maintained and business is open. To this, the High King, as commander-in-chief of the Ivernish Military, shall dispatch two Observation Class-3 Airships from the Ivernish Air Corps; the Nimbus and the Heidecker III, to watch the blockade from above, and also removed from Engellexic proceedings. The Airships shall be in radio contact with representatives of the Ivernish Senate but also with members of the Ivernian Embassy in Dulwich so that complete contact might be maintained between our two great nations during this troubling and worrying end to the year.

This message was written on Behalf of the High King of

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and Tara Castle

Signed David MacSweeney, Prince-Elector of Foreign Affairs and Trade
Árd Ríocht na hÍverniann
Cuige na Nemedia, Contae na Mhí
Bán Dair Cathrach, Teamhrach Caisleán
An Roinn Gnóthaí Eachtracha
Oifig an Prionsa-Toghthóir

 

[Great Engellex]

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​

On behalf of the His Majesty the King, the Realm communicates and urges caution over the latent surreptitious intentions, but with a due regard and trust, and the Empire's regard towards the implosionist and erudite Bantyr land, with an immense and commensurate call for an introspective refocusing en masse of the ambitions of the Empire towards Bantyr.

Whilst we do not distrust the intentions of the Empire, as well as the great, noble and true intent it prescribes towards the irksome and banished regiment and focus of Bantyr, we do believe it calls upon a sensitive approach voiding incorporation. Incorporation is beyond the quintessential scope of the responsible remit of the Empire towards this errant nation, a blot upon the responsible Grand Family of Nations.

We trust and believe that the Empire harbours ambitions nil and void towards the decadent and defunct regime of Bantyr upon which the bestowal of some degree of calmer governance graces some of the peoples there. As per proclamation and as per great worldly published intent, we do not believe that the Empire would act in such a manner, impoverished of virtue, honour and decency, a course which this Imperium does not believe that the Empire wishes to follow and to which, if it chose that rather intemperate and uncharacteristic folly, would be an immense and detrimental misfortune to the Empire, one that we feel is understood by the politicians and higher authorities that reside within the confines of Dulwich.

The baton of honour and thorough decency, as per Bantyr, lies within the grip of the adjutants and practitioners of noble decency and twentieth century chivalry, not entirely within the domain directed from the Empire, in the context of the mortal realm within which we share. We trust that this shall not be failed nor undelivered and we trust that these doubts shall be vanquished.

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HR. HENRIK JOACHIM WESTERVELD

FOREIGN MINISTER OF THE GREAT DANISH IMPERIUM

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An Extension of The Queen-Empress' Statement in Council.
DULWICH, TUESDAY, 18th DECEMBER 1952​

TO THE KING, LORDS, AND COMMONERS OF THE KINGDOM OF DANMARK
I am instructed to DELIVER on behalf of her Imperial and Royal Engellexic Majesty;​

With respect to the concerns put to her Majesty’s Imperial Cabinet by the Kingdom of Danmark, in respect of the territory of Glanarought, I can only permit a response that is suggested obvious; for the subject of Glanarought has not been proceeded to as of yet with regard to the Imperial Parliament in Dulwich.

The position of the Empire of Great Engellex on the Bantyric Matter, which has been agreed to, that I have not yet prepared to lay upon the table of the House of Lords – that position confers upon her Majesty the Queen-Empress the power of determining what should be considered appropriate in relation to the reconstruction of an independent State comprising the territory of Glanarought.

The present does not appear to her Majesty the Queen-Empress or the Imperial Cabinet to be the proper time to enter upon discussions of the application of honour and thorough decency, which it is desired that the Danish Kingdom would, naturally, acknowledge; and I may add that it does suggest to Aldwych d’Evercy House that the other Powers with responsibilities toward Bantyr are of similar opinion, as has been observed quite recently.

With respect to the reconstruction of the Bantyric realm, pertaining to Glanarought, it will be in the Danish Kingdom’s recollection that the conflicts of nineteen-fifty-one had produced for Great Engellex the responsibility and right to administer and re-construct government apparatus within the occupied territory of Glanarought, where it was found decidedly appropriate and confirmed that the independence of Glanarought from the Bantyric Republic shall be her Majesty’s endeavour; it was considered an object of great importance to Saamiskavian integrity and prosperity, similarly, that a dynasty should be secured to that people, and that the succession of that dynasty in a regular form of parliamentary election should be guaranteed to the Glanarought people by the Empire of Great Engellex.

His Grace, the DUKE of NONSUCH,
By the Grace of GOD, of the EMPIRE of GREAT ENGELLEX, CHARLOTTE, the QUEEN-EMPRESS,
through the FIRST of LORD of ALDWYCH D'EVERCY

 

[Danmark]

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​

Upon what is widely understood to be a commensurate misunderstanding and misreading of the Royal Procession of His Danic and Agderric Majesty towards the capital of his inherited Realm of Agder and Fey, it has been deemed totally appropriate and within the domain possessed by State, that Her Danic Majesty Queen Dowager Benedikte, Queen Consort of His Late and Danic Majesty The King Henrik XIII, visit The Queen Empress Charlotte upon the manner of diffusion, in person and via tete-a-tete.

Her Majesty the Queen Dowager shall speak personally and directly to Her Imperial Majesty on matters of immense importance and Grand State, upon the desire of the Court of St. Ansgaard and upon the issuance of legitimacy of His Majesty's Government.

It is understood that Her Danic Majesty The Queen Dowager shall communicate in person the reality of the Grand Naval Escort of State affording His Majesty due protection across the High Seas, commensurate with due and proper protection.

His Majesty's Government is of the understanding that the rather uncharacteristic proclamation by Imperial Ministers residing within Dulwich is one that seeks clarification. Indeed, judging by the very fact that Their Majesties the King and Queen Consort had toured the Realm of Engellex only days ago, it is most understandable that this Imperium judges the Empire to be an quintessential ally in kind and of sort, even if direct state policy may diverge as per neccessity.

Her Danic Majesty The Queen Dowager shall visit the imperial metropolis, in due and expected manner on board the Royal Train.


UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE KING

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HR. HENRIK JOACHIM WESTERVELD

FOREIGN MINISTER OF THE GREAT DANISH IMPERIUM

 

[Great Engellex]

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ENGELLEXIC MECHANICAL-PICTURES BROADCAST CORPORATION (EMPBC)
Live Transmission of her Engellexic Imperial & Royal Majesty's New Year Address
12:00 DOMESTIC BROADCASTING CHANNEL ONE

My Lords, my ladies, and my people of the Imperial and Engellexic Realms, I speak to you for the purpose of performing a duty which, though not without a measure of difficulty, is, nevertheless, of a most grateful character – to move that this Empire and, indeed, all of Europe, should come together and find agreement for my thanks this New Year, which, can by no possibility excite discordant feelings, but which, on the contrary, must, I am certain, assuage for this time every feeling of patriotic party, and must combine in entire unanimity all my industrious and noble people throughout the Engellexic Realms.

Fortunately for me in the performance of this task, no eloquence is needed to induce you all to agree to this address of thanks. They must, I am sure, under existing circumstances, appeal directly to the hearts and feelings of all of Europe that partakes in the enjoyment of enlightened and civilised freedom – to those with as to those within the purest shores that are my Realms. I do, indeed, feel that any elaborate praises, however adorned with oratorical power and chastened by the purest taste, would be less calculated to influence the minds of you, my people, on an occasion like the present than the simplest record of the deeds done and the services rendered which I now seek to acknowledge with the greatest regard of the Empire. On former occasions, when it had been the duty of my Ministers to move the Thanks of the Imperial Crown of Engellexic for the services of the Air Force, the Army, and the Navy of the Empire, similar to those which I am about to express before you all, it has been customary to give some lengthened detail of the operations which had taken place, and to lay before the Empire a statement of the services which had entitled the armed forces to this favour at my hands of majesty. On the present occasion of the New Year, I believe that I should only be uselessly trespassing on the time of my people and those enlightened souls of Europe if I were to attempt to enter into any such detail. The circumstances on this occasion are very different from those which existed on former occasions. In the first place, the deeds to which I am about to refer were performed at a time of great European struggle. Moreover, at the present time, those deeds had been formally recorded in a manner unknown to us in former days, and in terms so striking and so graphic, through the medium of skilled gentlemen who have been eyewitnesses of them, that it would be the merest affectation in me were I to attempt to say anything new, or to present to give you all information upon actions and events which are known gloriously in every metropolis, and are discussed in every drawing-room of Europe. It has always been considered that an acknowledgement of Thanks to the gallant soldiers, sailors and airmen by their Sovereign is the highest reward which is to be seen in Europe. It has always been looked upon as the greatest incentive to the exertions of the officers and the valour of the men. It has always been looked upon by the armed forces of this Empire as not only a proof of the gratitude of the Crown for the actions performed, but as an expression of the Empire that they had the power of rendering still further services – that it had as much a view to the future as it was a record of gratitude for the past.

It is not for me, at this moment, to discuss an aphorism which has become so trite and prevalent as to be generally accepted around Dulwich, that Great Engellex is not a military nation; but in this I am sure you all will agree with me, that the glory acquired by my armies has ever been most dear to you, my people of the Empire, and has always excited the warmest expressions of gratitude from you all – Lords and Commoners. But, so far as we are concerned to-day, I feel the Empire must entertain still greater pride and pleasure on this occasion when he who is in command of my armies – he who has won great renown – has recently been taken ill, one whom we have been in the habit of seeing among my most trusted advisers, and one whom I am certain you all will agree with me in heartily wishing that we may again see among the administration of the imperial affairs on a future day, safe, in health, and enjoying that increased renown which he has so justly won. My people, I consider that his Grace the Duke of Rothermere deserves the thanks and approbation of the Empire, not merely for the military actions he has performed in Montelimar, but for the course of conduct which he has pursued from the first moment of war with the European Defence Federation. I consider that the proper and judicious arrangements which he made in Dulwich and in Lewes-Bassett – that the preparations he made subsequently for the invasion of the Kingdom of Montelimar – are as deserving of approbation as even his great military successes in the field. I do believe that a man of weaker mind than his Grace, of less heroic courage, might well, under the circumstances of the moment, have hesitated to undertake that Great Expedition; as was observed by those nations reluctant to intervene alongside Great Engellex. I believe that a man of less power of mind, of less moral courage than his Grace, might well have been deterred by the circumstances of the time, by the rot which prevailed in European diplomacy, by various events, which might almost have justified him in exercising that discretion which, of course, no Sovereign could avoid placing in a Commander-in-Chief, and have declined or hesitated to enter upon that great and important expedition.

If I may say nothing further in reference to his Grace the Duke of Rothermere, you will attribute it to the reason I have assigned – that eulogy is as needless from my lips as it is to your ears.

Following the precedents of former occasions, I shall call upon you all, from Empire and Europe, to recognise my Thanks to the Generals, Admirals, and Officers that assured the glorious victory against those of my Empire – naming, as is usual, all those, not merely veterans like the Air Chief Marshal Sir Christopher Leuroit and Rear Admiral Sir Thomas Troubridge, two gentlemen whom we all know to have advanced to that period of life which, as the Scripture tells us, is the term of most of us – one of whom has passed that period, and is entitled to that repose from labour which his years in most gentlemen would absolutely require. To them I shall ask you all to give the Thanks of the Empire for their distinguished services. In the next place, to the illustrious Crown Prince of Walssex-Battent, who has on this occasion endeared, if it were possible, still more to the people of my Empire the family to which he belongs, and who has proved that the ancient valour of the Engellexic race has not degenerated in the present day. I am confident you all will rejoice – as I know their Majesties of Walssex-Battent and Queen Alexandra of Cantigny does – that a Member of their House has been entitled to share in the toils, the difficulties, the privations, as well as in the hard-won glory of the Royal Engellexic Navy. I will ask you further to provide Thanks to General Sir Thomas Delores, 2nd Baron Delores; and here I must allude to what I shall ever feel to be one of the most successful campaign records which ever distinguished a field general. Sir Thomas Delores commanded the invasion of the Second Great Engellexic Army into North-West Montelimar with unrivalled success. I shall further ask you all to recognise the Thanks to all the Generals, Admirals, Marshals, and Officers, from the highest to the lowest, who, not yet arrived at years of maturity, stepped forth one after another to secure my Colours triumphantly over the metropolis of Valmy and Bangleann.

I shall not stop here. You all shall, I am sure, with equal unanimity, recognise my Thanks to the Non-commissioned Officers, Soldiers, Sailors, and Airmen of my gallant armed forces. I know how difficult it is, on many occasions, to reward individual private servicemen, but they all deserve our warm and hearty thanks. Perhaps in no battles and wars recorded in the history of my Empire did the private servicemen more justly entitle themselves to the Thanks of the Empire and Europe than at those which have recently occurred. Lille, especially, may be called, as I have heard it designated, Tommy’s Battle. That was an action in which no great military strategy could be displayed; it was one of those fierce hand-to-hand encounters which remind us of the battles of which we read in classic volumes; it was a contest in which the individual bravery, perseverance, and fortitude of each single soldier were brought most severely to the test, and right well did they discharge their duty. Whether you look to the individual bravery displayed by our men upon that occasion—whether you look to their collective discipline—whether you look to the power of mind over matter, if I may use the expression, which enabled every man on that day to overcome, by a paramount sense of public duty, almost every human feeling, every regard for self, and even that dread of death which is natural to every human being—in whatever aspect you view the conduct of our troops, it is impossible not to admire and to honour every man who fought at Lille. Whether you contemplate the triumph at the Battle of Solent (August Catastrophe naval battle), or the storming of Lille – two battles which present as remarkable a contrast, perhaps, as any that are recorded in our history – you must recollect that the Engellexic servicemen by whom they were fought were men fresh from this Empire, the greater part of whom had never before heard a shot fired in anger; but I venture to say that, upon the occasion of 1951, Europe will admit that no military, however practised in arms, however endured to contest, ever fought better, ever more distinguished themselves, or maintained the honour of their Sovereign.

And let me here observe that it was no despicable enemy against whom they had to contend, for undoubtedly, from whatever cause, whether from the excitement of fanaticism, or from some other influence, no men ever fought with greater desperation than did the Franks at the Solent and the Montels at Lille. I believe that Engellexic servicemen never had to contend against more fearful odds than those which on that day they encountered and overcame.

As I fulfil my duty of ushering in the New Year of 1953 with my people, the Empire of Great Engellex, I should like us all to venture to contemplate the joy and pleasure that those families throughout the Empire are permitted, from the return to peace and liberty by the triumph and victory of this Empire. For the New Year is a time of great kindness and unity, between family, friends, and countrymen. As I deliver this address to you, my people, and Europe, I, too, will partake in the traditional celebrations this day with the expectation and hope that the New Year shall be a golden glow of prosperity and liberty enjoyed by all, and secured to Europe by the Imperial and Royal Families of the Empire.

I extend a hearty happy New Year to you all, from your Sovereign, and my dearest friend, his Royal Highness the Crown Prince of Arendaal.

 

[Great Engellex]

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DULWICH EVENING DISPATCH

THURSDAY • JANUARY 3 • 1953​

POTENZAN-SIKANDARA CRISIS​

THE EMPIRE STANDS WITH THE GRAND DUCHY

The Duke of Nonsuch informs the Imperial Parliament that Great Engellex will force Sikandara to conduct itself with propriety or accept ruin.

The Duke of Nonsuch rose to bring forward his promised address on some important information respecting the conduct of the Sikandaran Empire toward the Grand Duchy of Potenza, an historical and particularly important partner of Great Engellex. His Grace described the proceedings which had taken place between the Empire of Sikandara and the Grand Duchy of Potenza, particularly in respect of what had been stated publicly regarding agricultural trade of Sikandara and Preuti-Borussia, which had induced many in the House of Lords and the Commons Assembly to appeal for a swift and robust position of her Majesty’s Cabinet in support of the Grand Duke in San Salvo. The anger and frustrations arose principally from the conduct of the imperial regime of Sikandara, with respect to the power exercised by it, relative to the commercial intercourse between their Empire and the Grand Duchy. The Duke of Nonsuch alluded to the suspension of propriety by Sikandara when negotiating investments, of which Potenza was discriminated, in one point of view, but more especially to the restrictive power exercised by San Salvo, with respect to the important of Sikandaran agricultural produce; so necessary for the sustenance of tax revenue and employment of Sikandara. The line of conduct to with I do refer, in a political and a commercial point of view, was of the most serious importance, and still more, as it affected the supply of the Grand Duchy with articles of the first necessity, as agricultural produce and provisions. The industrious and mercantile inhabitants of the Free City of Caen, in particular, felt it so strongly, that their legislative body has, indeed, made repeated representations to her Majesty the Queen-Empress upon the subject, who, in one of her answers at Battent Palace, stated, that the biggest economy of Preut-Borussia will not permit the Grand Duchy of Potenza to be subjected to such improper treatment, and will, if necessary, utilize the position of the Empire to block Sikandaran industries and merchants from participating and benefiting from the prosperity of Preuti and Saamiskavia. With respect to the questions raised, though, as affecting the interests of Great Engellex, of great importance, it was still of greater, as it might affect the commercial intercourse and good understanding between this country and the Grand Duchy of Potenza. Lord Hackbridge, of the Pitts, argued that the Duke of Nonsuch deprecated every thing like a narrow, selfish, commercial policy, with respect to Potenza :- ministers should consider the circumstances and situation of Potenza, the great importance of continuing that good and historical understanding and extensive commercial and friendly intercourse which does happily subsist between this Empire and them, and to which our common perceptions of Europe, government, and manners, so very fortunately disposed us. One of my objects in coming forward was to provide an opportunity to her Majesty’s Ministers to disclaim any such notions or principles as actuated their conduct with respect to the restrictions on the trade and commercial intercourse now existing between Potenza and Sikandara. It so happened, and fortunately, I believe, that Great Engellex, now (referring to industry acquisitions from the Montel War), exists as one of the largest agricultural exporters of Europe, far surpassing Sikandara, and can adequately supply the Grand Duchy with provisions and articles as may be deemed necessary. Lord Hackbridge thought this was especially fortunate, because the important consideration to which he adverted would operate as an additional inducement with the government of Great Engellex to cultivate a friendly and more closer relationship with Potenza and the other nations of Preuti and Saamiskavia. Through the whole of the Duke of Nonsuch’s address, more especially towards the conclusion, the Duke expatiated upon the great national importance, either in a political or commercial view, of maintaining an amicable intercourse and a close support of Potenza; and repeated, that one of his principal objects in coming forward to the House of Lords was to give Parliament the opportunity to assess first-hand the position of the Empire of Great Engellex in response to the discriminations made by Sikandara toward Potenza. The Duke of Nonsuch confirmed, as First Lord of Aldwych d’Evercy House, that he will be making letters to the capitals of Preuti and Saamiskavia with the object of finding agreement to shut-out Sikandaran agricultural produce from the continent until that government extends a formal apology and fully compensates the Grand Duchy of Potenza. AGDERIKE SUCCESSION CRISIS The House of Lords was in session on Wednesday with the admittance of Common Strangers, from the other chamber, for the special purpose of taking into consideration her Majesty’s Statement-in-Council, relative to the Kingdom of Agderike and Queen Inger Lise of Østveg, which being read by the Lord Speaker; the Engelleux-at-Arms, his Grace the Duke of Rothermere first moved, and spoke as follows :- I am sure, my noble Lords, that it is impossible that the statement we have now heard, can fail to excite the strongest sensation in every temper and disposition of mind which exist in the Empire and, indeed, righteous Europe. In the first place, when we hear it stated that Queen Inger Lise of Østveg has abstained from appealing to her Majesty the Queen-Empress, on account of the violence and injustice which had been done to her and her subjects in Agderike, by the attempts at seizure by foreign despots, in due to the lack of willingness to invest the lives of her Majesty’s Engellexic subjects in a conflict in a foreign country which they have no immediate interest in, it is impossible not to feel grateful for that kindness and mildness which Queen Inger Lise of Østveg has shown to her Majesty’s realm and those realms of Europe not under her Crown of Agderike and Fey. It was with the most extreme reluctance that her Majesty the Queen-Empress could consent, and certainly the Council of State, to involve Crown Subjects in affairs upon any ground that was not immediately and directly connected with Engellexic interests. After the sentiment of gratitude to his majesty for this tender consideration of his subjects of this kingdom, the next feeling which must be strongly excited by the message, is a feeling of just indignation at the conduct of the Court of Christiansborg, and, with equal frustration, those Lesser Courts and Regimes of Europe determined to prove their worthiness under their Elected Danish Masters. His Grace the Duke of Rothermere refused to give way to a question from Lord Waddon, asking his Grace to specify which countries he refers. I hope that my noble Lords, while you feel this just indignation, will, at the same time perceive the propriety of uniting the most vigorous measures, with a language temperate and moderate, and which does not violate that respect which has been always considered as due to Crowned Heads, and ought not in the present times to be departed from. Indeed, to describe justly the measures which have been adopted by the Court of Christiansborg against the Kingdom of Agderike and Fey, they cannot be called the measures of the King of Danmark; for that Sovereign is known to be of a mild and pacific disposition. The measures must be considered such as his Danish Majesty has been induced to adopt from the pernicious councils of the enemies of Agderike. Had it been my object to condemn, in the strongest terms, the decision of the Danish Royal Council of State, I might have though it necessary to lay some additional papers on the table, but that not being my object, I have moved but for few. More would have been unnecessary, as it was not my wish to give the strongest possible colouring to the accusation that the message contains. In order to understand those proceedings which have terminated in an outrage, unprecedented in the history of the worst proceedings of the worst times of Europe, it will be necessary to view the transaction a little earlier. The origin of this position is to be traced to the convention concluded, at the former Royal Palace at Dulwich, of the year nineteen-fifty-one, between her Majesty the Queen-Empress and the Imperial Cabinet; but when it is considered what was the situation of Europe, at the time when Great Engellex stood firm for liberty and sovereignty, it must be recollected, that the means of negotiation were significantly lesser than, what we derived from our own sources, or our own armies, or theirs (referring to the EDF). The armies of the European Defence Federation were undoubtedly numerous and respectable - fearsome; but was it on them alone that the Queen-Empress of Great Engellex had to consider our prospects in war, when her Majesty was negotiating with the Council of State? Certainly it was not. The Federation had a strong additional support, which gave weight to the expectation that this Empire would suffer humiliation before all of Europe. The Emperor of Wiese, after he had considered the more valuable interests of Augsburg, gave the whole weight of Wieser and Germanic League influence behind the cause of Valmy and Nurnberg. And how did the Empire respond to those events? Why, to seize a glorious victory and re-organise part of the territories of one of those powers which had been supporting the Kingdom of Franken in the war and which enabled Dulwich to conclude peace on our own terms. After this treaty was signed, a considerable difficulty remained in the balance of power in Preuti-Borussia; this difficulty proceeded, in a great measure, from the Kingdom of Danmark, which perceived that it would be very simple and easy to prevail upon his Wieser Majesty to ratify such a treaty of Borussian independence to Danmark, and who, therefore, felt that this situation would be so improved as to make the acquisition of Agderike. This might have been a considerable misfortune to the Kingdom of Agderike, yet it was one which continues to be justified by necessity. But the sort of necessity claimed by the Danish Royal Council of State, is different; it proclaims that :- because I have experienced new found independence and liberty, I therefore feel myself under the necessity of seizing the dominions of some third Crown; not only of a third Crown, but of one that remains under the guaranteed independence of a fourth Crown which, from all times, and by every circumstance, the Danish Crown is bound to respect. This is the sort of necessity claimed by the Danish Court, and it is this which makes the case of Danmark much worse than that of any other nation in Europe. The wildest Schemes that ever were before broached would not go so far to shake the foundations of all established governments as this new practice from Christiansborg. If we are to make acquisitions, let us acquire those things which are the proper objects of acquisition; let us acquire a field, or let us acquire its stock, its oxen, and its sheep; but let us not consider the people of a country, or the subjects of a State, as matter for acquisition or barter. There must be, in every nation, a certain attachment of the people to its form of government, without which no nation can subsist. This principle, then, of transferring the subjects of one Prince to another, strike it the foundation of every government, and the existence of every nation. I had, therefore, great pleasure in presenting this letter, penned by me to her Majesty, which expressed, that no consideration of convenience or mutual accommodation, much less an equivalent, should ever induce his Danish Majesty to forget the exemplary fidelity and attachment of the Subjects of Agderike to their Prince, or consent to the alienation of the electorate. I do not know that it is necessary to make any further observations; but before I sit down, I must state, that there can be no doubt but that the formation of so-called peacekeeping army formations and units is alone most clearly and unquestionably an act of great hostility against this country; this Empire of her Majesty the Queen-Empress.

 

[Serenierre]

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OPEN STATEMENT
January 4, 1953
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The Council of Diplomatic Affairs
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The Imperial Government would like to inform its counterpart in Dulwich that Sikandara's own stance is motivated by the lack of propriety and offensive terms used for Our Emperor by the Grand Duchy's government – as a fellow imperial nation, we are sure that Great Engellex can understand the fondness a nation has for its sovereign and the lengths a people can go to honour and protect Their good names.

The Imperial State has for several weeks sought proper discussions to resolve the matter with the Grand Duchy but the lacklustre response from San Salvo has been nothing but disheartening. The actions we have taken are measured and the harsher elements to our policies are simply our own responses to the actions of the Potenzan government.

Azam Shah Khan
Grand Councillor for Diplomatic Affairs
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[Thaumantica]

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______________________________
VESPER, FRIDAY, 4 JANUARY 1953
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THE Grand Covenant of Cantignia fully recognize the distinctions which separate Potenzans, Sikandarans, and their outstanding disputes; without Engellexic Imperial justice this matter will never be settled within the world civilization each nation claims to embody. Thus, if an official telegram or telephone agreement cannot be reached by weeks end, the Cantigian people offer their Covenant Capital of Vesper to serve as a neutral point of deliberation.

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Forward

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Harriet Fauconberg,
Chief Officer
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[Serenierre]

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OPEN STATEMENT
January 5, 1953
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The Council of Diplomatic Affairs
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The Imperial Government is open to dialogue aimed at soothing the matter but requires, if nothing else, a formal apology for disparaging remarks made by the officials within the Government of Potenza against the dignity of His Illustrious Majesty Our Most Noble Emperor. We want nothing more than to resolve the matter but we, as a nation, cannot allow the disrespect of our sovereign.

Azam Shah Khan
Grand Councillor for Diplomatic Affairs
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[Potenza]

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The Grand Duchy gives her hearty thanks to our historical ally and now our northern neighbor, the Engellexic Empire. Our government has far more pressing concerns than the whims of a far away nation that is seeking to find conflict where there is none, and proves herself to be a bully to those who do not conform to their notion of foreign policy.

Gian Lombardo
Foreign Minister​