Nangong Conferece

[Khemia]

HOUR 1722 - November 27, 2017 - 丁酉 - Year of the Fire Rooster

The old palace. A testament to Kingly might and the wealth of the old aristocracy, the structure was embroidered with gold, laden with silk tapestries, and as scarcely populated as a prison with open doors. The Southern Palace had once been the seat of power of the fallen Kingdom of Xiguo, and now occassionally played host to the last scion of the Zhan Dynasty, known now as the Red Prince, now governor of Nangong Province.

Much of the wealth of the Palace had been reappropriated by the proletariat after the fall of the Kingdom, but had since been restocked with modern accommodations. It was within these refined confines, surrounded by scarlet and gold tapestries, that the three most powerful Communist leaders in the northern hemisphere now sat. It felt almost as if fate had called for this meeting in the year of Yin, though no true Dorgönist would admit it.

Zhao Shaling, Secretary-General of the Red Alliance and President of the People's Republic of Xinhai, wore a simple black zhongshan suit with a high mandarin collar. Her skin was delicate and hid her age well. She wore no makeup - such a bourgeois product was not befitting of the woman that led Free Toyou towards liberation - yet her supple, golden skin and soft, flushed lips were distracting in a room filled with mostly foreign men.

Flanking her, the most elite and loyal of the People's Republic's Red Guards, all women, yet all visibly the equal in strength of any counterpart. Stern, strong jaws and unwavering ready stances made them almost appear as if they had been sculpted as they stood with their backs to the tapestries. "Our nations have their differences, this is a simple fact. Yet, the need for cooperation and harmony is more necessary now than ever. Fifty some years have passed since Ivar and Villesen pioneered relations between East and West. Yet, where have we come since, and where are we headed? These are questions I would pose to you, comrades."

Before allowing them to finish, though, she aimed to set the framework for the discussion with a simple note: "I see a Red North, strong and united. Serenierre faces difficulties as does Kadikistan and Rurikgrad. Though we may not agree on doctrines, perhaps we recognize shared threats. Surely, there are then grounds for us to increase cooperation?"

@Kadikistan @Serenierre

 

[Serenierre]

Premier Elisabeth Martinique let the translator finish before switching on her microphone. "Comrade Zhao," she said, making sure that the pronunciation was correct, "You are correct in stating that there are differences in between the powers of the leftist world. That is certain. Every family has its disagreements. That cannot be denied. And in much the same way, our Marxist family has faced the same dilemma. In the past, this was doctrinal and now, it is more with regards to our increasingly complicated world." She eyed her counterparts, pausing for a moment.

"Gathered as we are, members of one family, I do note that some members of this family are bound by ties much closer than those which we share." Of-course, she was referring to the Ruriksgard Pact - the traditional communist bloc. "The need for cooperation has, of course, increased. But so has the need for ideological flexibility." Her eyes scanned the room. "Comrade President, you speak of the diplomatic overtures of the 1950s. They, too, were made possible only by the presence of flexibility in the great minds of the time, Comrade Leninov and Generalissimo Sérazin. So it is flexibility we ask for during the discussions which shall be conducted during this summit."

She put on her spectacles and read some of the notes she had taken on hearing the questions posed by President Zhao. "Madame, you posed two questions to the conference. First, where have we come? In my mind, we have kept the flame of revolution burning bright and leftist ideologies now are present in many more societies than they were when the Ivar-Villesen concord of 1956 was reached. Borovanger is safely a neutral country, free from the blight of Prometheism or Fascism or Royalism." She emphasised it with force. "The Serenien Revolutionary Guards, headed by my honourable friend, Comrade General Honoré de Bettancourt now," she pointed to the commander who sat next to her, "sit in the Ruriksgard Pact as associates, and that is a sign of great cooperation between the Parties across continents. That I believe is a good journey over the past sixty years."

She smiled. "But, my honourable friends, the object of this summit is not to discuss the past, now is it? It is the second question that carries more weight, does it not, Comrade President," she looked over to the other woman. "How do we see the future, you ask. The interpretation is simple. This is your elegant way to enquire, will my Government finally accede to the Ruriksgard Pact. Is it not?"

Martinique let the silence linger for a moment. "As the situation stands, to answer this second question will require my friend from Ivar to make their introductory remarks as well and answer the first of these questions. For the situation with Serenierre is not straightforward and requires much in the way of discussion and debate."

 

[Kadikistani Union]

"Did she just mention Borovanger in her first address to this conference?", Vujadin Mihajlovic, Second Secretary of the Central Committee informally known as the 'mouth of Moravscik', whispered in the ear of People's Commissar for External Affairs Petar Kujundzic sitting on his left. The translators hadn't finished translating the whole thing yet, but the word 'Borovanger' was understandable despite the francophone pronunciation of it. Safe to say mentioning Borovanger in a room where both Leninovists and Serazinists were present wasn't the most diplomatic thing to do. While it had been over 60 years since the two branches fought over dominance of the Borovanger communist Red League both in word and on the streets, the wound hadn't fully healed yet. In fact there was some shame on the side of the Marxist-Leninovists, Kadikistan eventually withdrawing all support for the Red League in an agreement which respected Borovanger as being in Serenierre's sphere of influence, unofficially marked in the collective history of Marxist-Leninovists as the 'betrayal of Saulot'. This act significantly weakened the international Marxist-Leninovist movement, with many members leaving their respective parties disgusted by the cold-blooded pragmatic approach of the Kadikistani military regime after the death of the iconic 'Glorious Leader' Nikolai Leninov.

"Let the past rest, Comrade Secretary.", Kujundzic whispered back as the translators finished up. Martinique was right when she said that this summit is not meant to discuss the past, but rather look at even closer cooperation in the future. Nevertheless Kujundzic hoped that another such mentioning wouldn't occur again as he feared Mihajlovic might be unable to contain himself if this national shame was thrown in his face again. It was natural and even unavoidable that the state of Borovanger was included in these talks, but it would always be a point of tension. Another point of tension was propped up by the ideological hard-liners of Kadikistan which commit all their focus on the differences between the various leftist sects. Though their influence in the government faded in comparison to their high years in the 1950s the anti-revisionist old guard and radical Youth League were still highly significant forces within the regime, dominated by reformers such as Kujundzic and Mihajlovic. Those factions would protest greatly and with all means at their disposal should the Treaty of Mutual Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance, commonly known as the Rurikgrad Pact, turn away from its distinct Marxist-Leninovist signature. The Kadikistani delegation, all wearing the formal military outfit of their respective military branches, medals included and in large amount, would have to balance between a geopolitical willingness to have Serenierre join the ranks of the Rurikgrad Pact on the one hand and appeasing the hard-liners on the other.

"We have already shown a certain flexibility within the Rurikgrad Pact, Comrade Martinique.", Mihajlovic said as he stretched his back and crossed his hands on the table. The 'Mouth of Moravscik' had a very low voice, much as that of his master, and it was known to calm people down. "During the last reforms of the Rurikgrad Pact and at the request of our honourable friends in Xinhai the Political Consultative Committee has been weakened with more powers going to the Unified Military Command. This was, let say, a rationalization of the alliance to make it less politically restrictive for those within the Marxist-Leninovist family. The PCC now plays an advisory role, but regardless of its decreased authority we must stand on its ideological purity. Our Serenierrese friends and allies are very welcome, if indeed they accept the political colour of the PCC?"

 

[Serenierre]

Commissar Bernard Lavosnier smiled ever so slightly when the Secretary Mihajlovic completed his remarks. He knew that Madame Martinique would not be altogether pleased with the direction the talks were taking. Surely, he thought, the Kadikistani's did not think that the cause of reticence on part of Villesen was due to ideological differences. He was fairly certain that the République Populaire had shown itself to be a particularly creative partner in diplomatic affairs - ever since the heady days of the middle of the twentieth century.

Premier Martinique exchanged a momentarily look with him, an expression of some consternation, "Comrade Secretary," she said, "The historical concerns that my country has had with commencing accession talks to the Rurikgard Pact are not based on ideological purity, alone. The concerns that we had regarding that issue have been assuaged and it is for that reason, I am sure you would understand that," she pointed to General Bettancourt, "Comrade General here, as the commander of the Revolutionary Guards, sits here, as have his predecessors too have sat at the table for many decades now. The liberalisation of the internal dynamics of the Pact are the cause of this presence." Despite being a wing of the Communist Party of Serenierre, the Revolutionary Guards existed in a legal grey area, they enjoyed the patronage of some aspects of the state, and yet were an independent entity in many matters, one of which was their associate membership of the Pact. She paused for a moment to collect her thoughts.

"But," she spoke after a sigh, "to extend the notion of membership, even a proposed associate membership to the Ruriksgard Pact is problematic for us. The foreign policy nightmare that would ensue could very well could tumble us into conflict." She glanced at Commissar Lavosnier. “I do reckon Commissar Lavosnier should speak on this point.”

“I must admit that membership would be quite problematic. It shall obviously alarm Nichstein and Bourgogne in the immediate term, while also harm the delicate balance of regional diplomacy, across the Thaumantic to the Germanic. And this is entirely a matter which we cannot say would not provoke one of the many hostile states in our immediate region to use as a casus belli or to create a situation which would necessitate a strong stance from Villesen.”

“A unilateral strike,” Premier Martinique interjected.

“Yes, quite so.” Lavosnier, being a less strident Sérazinist believed in more conciliatory language. But the thrust of the message was the same. Proceeding with the proposed path could very well lead to war - a possibility which had been dreaded for decades in the unending cold war that had plagued Gallia.

“Keeping that in mind, I hope that my honorable friends from Ivar and Yi’an would appreciate the complicated balance that Villesen has to achieve in reaching out to the Marxist sphere, while also staying connected to the realities of Gallia.”

She paused. There was a soft murmur across the room.

“Comrade Secretary, in Villesen, Ivar has a friend, let not these discussions alarm any honorable brother state,” she said in response. “But we must, as I said earlier, speak freely if we seek to cooperate.” She looked directly at the Second Secretary. “My friend, you say that the Pact has shown a degree of flexibility in ideological terms but what flexibility has been shown in diplomatic and political terms? Can member-states genuinely conduct a foreign policy of considerable independence? As you will be aware, Comrade Secretary, the particularities of the Serenien state are such that we cannot move without a fair degree of flexibility from our friends.”

“But, I do suppose I must also answer the second question posed by Comrade President Zhao,” she glanced towards the elegant Asian woman. “Where do we see ourselves going? Was that not the question?” The woman opposite nodded. “I envision our ties stronger than ever before, for that is a certainty, as long as the revolutionary banner flies in Villesen. But we cannot say that for us to reach that level of harmony and cooperation we must join the Pact… one does not quite necessarily lead to the other.” She leaned back ever so slightly, “And not to mention that we have our own concerns as to what accession would entail from us, in terms of obligations.”

In the Embassy, Martinique and Lavosnier had decided that they would discuss the situation in no uncertain terms. It was essential to get the point across. If Serenierre was to accord to the Pact, there had to be a quid pro quo. Communists though they may be, did not mean that the Serenien had forgotten the rules of bargaining. Perhaps this was not in keeping with the high ideals of ideological purity that was true of Leninovism but the reality was, quite indeed, the reality and facts had to faced. By joining the organisation, Villesen would almost immediately open the door of a brutal conflict at worst or crippling regional isolation at best.

In time, the Serenien conditions would be presented but first the bluster of the initial comments had to be allowed to be let out. It was not often that such grand summits occurred. Lavosnier rested his chin on his hand and looked on, curious to see how the comments had carried over. The Kadiki were, he thought, not used to such a robust stance at gatherings of the Ruriksgard Pact, which was quite clearly a one-man show. Everyone knew who wore the pants.

 

[Kadikistani Union]

Second Secretary Mihajlovic sat on his chair, listening to his Serenierrese counterparts, unprepared to the arguments thrown at him by the representatives of the Villesen regime. His intelligence have led him to believe that it was in fact Serenierre which was interested in joining the robust international military alliance. Clearly the opinions brought before him by the francophone Revolutionary Guards were not shared by their own government, the latter seemingly preferring a more regional alliance, or at least a network of bilateral ties with the other regional powers. It wasn't that the Kadikistani delegation did not understand the Serenierre points of view, itself in fact having several bilateral relations with various world powers. These 'mutual understandings', as they were called not to upset the radical wing of the Party too much, had no ideological base, but were built solely on realpolitik inspired arguments. The Status Quo Treaty with the Pelasgian Empire was the most significant of those relations. However despite of this, Kadikistan wasn't about to appease their comrades from Serenierre in such a degree that it would hollow-out the Rurikgrad Pact.

Despite of the fact that many saw the Rurikgrad Pact as a Kadikistani instrument of war, wherein the other partners played a role of the followers, the reality had changed significantly under pressure by the regime in Xinhai. The latter, while originally dependent on Kadikistani support in order to establish itself, had surpassed the role of a satellite state quite some time ago. There was no doubt the proud Xinhalese delegation wouldn't take offence at the Serenierrese delegation for implying and even downright downgrading them to the role of puppet. Xinhai belonged to the Kadikistani sphere of influence, there was no doubt about that, but it had grown and evolved into a respectable power. Unlike Calidia, where Ivar dictated what they would say and when they would say it, Xinhai was listened to very carefully and had a major say in all matters concerning the military alliance.

Mihajlovic looked at his Xinhalese friends, respectfully waiting to give them a chance to reply to the questions and allegations that were given by Martinique and her entourage. When his eastern counterparts kept quiet for the right amount of conventional seconds required in these type of situations, Mihajlovic retook the word.

"Let me be abundantly clear in stating that the Treaty of Mutual Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance is in no way a supranational organization which limits the sovereignty of its member states. The current membership of the alliance are equal partners whom share the same duties to the Rurikgrad Pact, but also its liberties. Kadikistan maintains various relationships with nations outside of the Rurikgrad Pact and it does so with the same pragmatic sentiment, shared by our esteemed friends from Serenierre. The renewal of the charter discontinued the line that it was our task to spread revolutionary activity. I know we have had certain friendly discussions with our Xinhalese friends about this and it is likely that they still don't fully approve of this change. Nevertheless this more pragmatic approach was adopted to remedy the concerns expressed here today by our Gallian allies. Internationalism, or interventionism as some might describe it, would no longer stand in the way of regional politics as it was nearly impossible to maintain stable and respectable relations with non-socialist nations as this highly aggressive foreign policy was in place."

Mihajlovic paused for a second to catch his breath and bought himself some time to think by lighting a cigarette and taking just a few seconds longer than usual.

"The Rurikgrad Pact remains committed to the defence of established socialism, more specifically socialist states. This is a cornerstone of our alliance and we must stand on its preservation, lest we loose all of the ideological basis on which is was build and is still deemed as necessary in defence of the international proletarian movement. This promise, this vow, is what should unite marxist states. But at the same time the Rurikgrad Pact does not have the allure of initiatives such as the International Open Forum and has no other role to play on the international scene than a defensive alliance between independent states. The latter, I repeat myself, endure no restrictions upon both their internal and external policy. Except if you experience a defensive military alliance as a restriction, that is."

The Kadikistani delegation never really showed much facial emotion, today wasn't different. At least for now.

 

[Khemia]

As the two most powerful Communist leaders outside of Toyou spoke, tensions simmering just below boiling, President Zhao couldn't help but think that they were talking past each other. Futile posturing, like roosters puffing their chests. There was bigger game afoot. Perhaps Serenierre had not realize, or perhaps it had realized it all too well, but the Republique Populaire was outnumbered and outgunned. It was seeking assistance from countries whose ideological purity would crumble under scrutiny, whose commitment to international partnerships was unproven at best.

Despite that, Serenierre could be a crucial component to Rurikgrad, enhancings its visibility in Gallo-Germania, creating a new dynamic of power on the continent. One which no one could reasonably challenge, not without much blood being spilt.

There had been no major war in decades, and it was reasonable, in President Zhao's mind, that simple, raw military strength was enough of a deterrent in itself.

"Clearly," President Zhao cleared her throat, "members of the Rurikgrad Pact are capable of conducting an independent foreign policy. This Conference, for example, is the brainchild of a united effort, and not Ivar parading its policies through conferences in foreign nations." She gestured to nothing in particular, as if to remind Martinique that the people, the architecture, the colors of this place were different than Ivar. As if to remind Martinique that she was not in the West anymore.

"The Republique Populaire is besieged." The sentence came after, and was followed by another pause. It was a stern reminder of the position Serenierre found itself in, hardly a position to bargain from. "The Retalian Sea is little more than a bathtub for Eiffel royalists, and at worst the noose with which the Gallian revolution will die. Chagny, Trier and Altburg align against the Republique, and yet your policies would see you find friendship with countries whose eyes are set solely on Engellex."

"Slavers though they may be, does the Republique truly need to align itself against yet another power? You believe that Ivar will force you to heel to their diplomacy, yet you refuse to believe that the Gallian ministers you court would not do the same. The Republique can ill afford distractions from its true threat."

President Zhao breathed in deeply, giving herself a moment to pause before continuing to the crux of her point. She felt that she was standing on a soap box like some foul Tianguo preacher, and that she had unfairly stabbed at Serenierre; yet these words needed to be said. "To be frank, Premier, alliances with your neighbors are not to your benefit. You may pursue peace with them, yes, but they will never trust you, and they will never refocus their gaze to your enemies. The Rurikgrad Pact provides security. In some ways, certainly more than Gallega, we share common goals. We have proven to be stronger, better coordinated, and Gallia and Germania alike quake as children hearing stories of boogeymen to think of our influence spreading."

She turned her gaze to her comrades from Ivar. "Yet the Pact needs Serenierre as well, does it not? Certainly, this conference would not be held if we did not have some benefit. The world is hardening; Kadikistan stands on the Status Quo Treaty as if it were some eternal principle, and yet if it were compromised, Kadikistan risks fading into obscurity or worse, becoming besieged itself."

She did not need to chide Secretary Mihajlovic; her words no doubt stung deeper than they had the Premier. "I have one goal here," she spoke to the Martinique and Lavosnier, the Second Secretary Mihajlovic, and Bettancourt, "and that is a strong, capable Pact. This will not happen today, this is something which needs to be built, engineered even. The sooner we can move past our hubris, the sooner we can identify the steps necessary to ensure security for both Serenierre, Kadikistan, and Xinhai."

 

[Serenierre]

It was not entirely unsurprising that President Zhao had taken the more direct line. The Xinhese were always the bridge in such situations when the two brands of Marxist thought were at odds. She did concede, to herself, that her own remarks were harsh. But that was deliberate, to evoke the kind of forthright discussion she had wanted - to that effect she had been fairly successful. She nodded with much of what Second Secretary Mihajlovic was saying, listening to the man with great attention.

"Comrades," she began, "Let me first reiterate the comments made by the Second Secretary, the République Populaire, as well, as a committed brother-state to the cause of revolution. The thrust of my comments, and that of our policy, reflects on the fact that we have grave concerns. Concerns which cannot be simply done away with by appealing to the notion of showing us our strategic weaknesses. For half a century, we have stood strong against all three of those wretched states... But comrade," she looked to the Xinhese woman, "I do understand your point. I am not unreasonable. However, I do hope you realise that once it is announced, hypothetically speaking that, Villesen accedes to the Pact... almost immediately we open the door for the creation of a formal defence alliance between the Chagny-Trier axis. Something which has remained unseen for now."

She paused for a moment to collect her thoughts. "Now, in your neck of the woods, as well, you face formidable foes - foes which waste no opportunity to stand up against your strategic objectives and so while Serenierre and the Rurikgard at large are brothers of the blood... there can be no doubt that were hostilities to emerge... either in Gallia or in Touyou, how could either branch of this expanded alliance assist the other? Is not the Long Sea not full of one hostile power after another? Our outreach to Gallega and Occidentia, and to Andaluz have more to do with securing access to the Long Sea and less about fighting wars with them. In my estimation, neither Gallega nor Andaluz are entirely unhelpful as economic partners... Serenierre can build a fairly decent working relationship with them."

She looked at the Kadikistani man. "As we know, Ivar has long established ties with Pelasgia, enshrined in its Status Quo Treaty." This was a partially touchy point but she spoke without making it raw. "But it is equally true that Pelasgia has an accord with the Eiffellanders through the Trier Concord. And the Eiffellanders, in turn, have their alliance with Bourgogne. So I hope you understand that the moment Villesen accedes to the Pact, it will complicate your own foreign policy as well. It is not at all a simple matter."

Commissar Lavosnier spoke, "I do imagine that some insult may have been felt by the directness of some of our comments but these are the most sensitive issues for our time. And require forthright discussions. Your Excellency," he said to the Xinhese President, "You used the expression, 'besieged', well that is perhaps what Madame Martinique has been arguing that while so far we have simply had the threat of being besieged a formal accession will actually serve as a self-fulfilling prophecy. Perhaps it would be best to say that taking the plunge, so to say, would increase the possibilities of the Gallian Cold War to transform into a more hostile situation. In these increasingly hostile times, we must be clear that we need to deliberate very cautiously... and perhaps some definite assurances need to be given to help clarify and refine our official stance."

During this comment, Premier Martinique had been mulling over all the matters at hand. But one statement from President Zhao seemed to have caught her attention. "Madame President," she said when her compatriot finished speaking, "Commissar Lavosnier has expressed it well. However, I find myself drawn to something you said, Xinhai, clearly has a vision for the Pact, a vision that perhaps the older powers of the western continents seem to have ignored. So, I would request that you lay bare what you envision."

 

[Khemia]

Madame Zhao nodded. She was graceful, her face carrying with it a sense of understanding and warmth as Martinique asked her question. "Madame Martinique," she said almost the moment the Premier had finished talking, "I believe that you just illustrated the precarious web of alliances already arrayed against you, and you just illustrated a potential buttress to it. Kadikistan's commitment to the 'SQT' presents a complication for Trier. Propontis would need to weigh the benefits and risks of conflict, and the Trier Accord would allow them an option to refuse war were Trier to initiate a first strike due to your accession to the Pact."

"What's more, I believe we already know who our enemies are." President Zhao used the term 'we' in the sense of all parties involved now, but also in a broader, revolutionary sense. "Were the Pact to embrace Serenierre, then we would quickly discover who our enemies are and who is worth being diplomatic with. Some may run to Chagny for aid, or grovel at the feet of Trier, but Trier is not ready to risk war. Not when the wages of sin will be measured by the millions."

"My vision? It's simple, really. I see a northern hemisphere too weak in principle and conviction to withstand the Pact, one that accedes to our demands and which, ultimately, chooses surrender to death. This will not be achieved overnight, but gradually, and it must begin with small steps. Trade, cooperation, diplomacy, and the determination to challenge our adversaries when they present us with strength. Erode at their ability to enforce their hegemony. Fray the edges and watch the fabric tear apart." The ideas were lofty, she knew, but neither Serenierre nor the Pact were currently on the path to breaking the hegemony of the royals of the North. Instead, the Communist nations had compromised their values over the decades to keep the peace, and the royalists knew it.

The Royalists walked tall, commanded respect, and were a force to rally around. For too long the Pact had been sidelined, had demonstrated weakness and compromise; compromise in all the wrong places, she felt. Madame Zhao had grown far too tired of compromising with the wrong people - compromising with the enemy.

 

[Kadikistani Union]

Before this historic conference began the Kadikistani officials knew and prepared for eventual verbal assaults onto its commitment to the Status Quo Treaty. Yet so far it seemed that even the more revolutionary Xinhalese delegation had come to accept the advantages of Kadikistan's mutual understanding with the Tiburan Empire in keeping the Kalahari Sea open. The delegation from Serenierre on their end seemed to hope for similar regional alliances out of pragmatism. Their points were heard and accepted by Mihajlovic and his entourage as they simply weren't that much different than the way the Kadikistani State had conducted its foreign policy for the past sixty years. Nevertheless they also supported the arguments launched by Xinhai, it would seem unlikely that the Trier Concordat, and especially their Himyari flank, would compromise stability in the Kalahari Sea and risk paying an enormous economic price by declaring war over Serenierre's membership of the Rurikgrad Pact. Mihajlovic signalled People's Commissar for External Affairs Petar Kujundzic that it was his time to speak by use of a discrete hand gesture. Kujundzic had a higher voice than the Second Secretary, which was surprising given his big stature.

"Our agreements with Pelasgia have stood for over a century on the basis of the simple fact that a war between their nation and ours would have catastrophic repercussions, not only for the Kalahari region, but for the world. It is with a certain confidence that we can expect them to follow the path of pragmatism rather than conflict. And if Propontis undoubtedly continues on this path, the rest of the Concordat will follow. The Pelasgians understand that we have offered the same leniency concerning for example the conversion of Gouw Marken to Pelasgian Christian Orthodoxy. Certain things are a bridge too far, like Trivodnian membership of the monarchist alliance for example, but the membership of Serenierre in the Rurikgrad Pact is not, we assure you. The Status Quo Treaty is a mutual agreement that seek to keep stability in the Kalahari Sea and securing the vital trade routs that run through it. It is a stick behind the door for a return to the 19th century when every imperialist power made a throw for dominance of the strategically invaluable Kalahari Sea. And finally, no matter how much we regret it, Kadikistan can't maintain its current influence in the region on our own. Especially now that anti-Status Quo sentiment is on the rise in every corner of the world."

Mihajlovic looked over some papers placed before him, holding them high to cover the right amount of his face. He used Kujundzic's exposition to look at the individuals within the other delegations, carefully trying to find an unguarded moment were they would reveal their characteristics and emotions. Such things were of great knowledge for Kadikistani's, respecting those who show strength and looking down on those that show weakness. Kadikistan's macho culture wasn't as bad as it was half a century ago, but it still dominated in the closely entwined political and military sphere. Yet these strong women before them did command respect. Mihajlovic allowed Kujundzic to finish while taking another drag from his smelly cigarette before making a plea for clarity.

"However interesting as this discussion may be, my dear friends, perhaps it is time to make something very concrete. If not membership of the Rurikgrad Pact, what is it that Villesen wants? As you said our nations have worked very closely together for a long time now, sharing intelligence and committed to each other defence in case of war through our bilateral agreements. This and much more has united our people's in such a degree that it seems almost impossible for relations to be stronger without membership of the Rurikgrad Pact. Therefore I ask, what is your vision, Comrade Martinique?"

 

[Serenierre]

Elisabeth Martinique had not become the strongest leader in the political system of her country without having learnt anything. Quite to the contrary, she knew how to dominate the narrative. That she, believed in that moment - whether rightly or wrongly - she had achieved once more. The two other heads of government had genuinely seemed more than eager to court her attention; be it by flattery or force. Even she was a girl, when her husband had been just another one of her suitors, she had loved being courted. And now, even as the Premier, she had to admit deep within; it was not disagreeable to be pursued.

She had smiled and listened silently when President Zhao spoke but she was genuinely curious to hear what the Kadikistani's would say. So she waited. And when they did speak, they for sure, gave her much to say.

"Commissar Kujundzic," she looked at the man. "I am well aware of the history of the treaty in question. But I appreciate your analysis of the situation. In some regards, Commissar Lavosnier," she pointed to her own foreign minister, who nodded at his name being mentioned, "is in agreement. However, our official position is not altogether identical, as can be expected. But it is similar enough for me to agree to some of what you say." She turned her attention to the Second Secretary, "I am glad you say that. Yes, of all of us here, it is we, the Serenien who have travelled the furthest. So to go home without any definitive would be most... disappointing. So I would take this moment to lay bare certain strategic points of importance for us."

She opened a dossier and read. "First and foremost, the République Populaire views the contention over the waters of the Retalian Sea between ourselves and Altburg to be a very particular kind of flashpoint. The policies adopted by the Altburger government have the potential of depriving Peninsular Serenierre from access to the Long Sea - and so to the wider world, unless we kowtow," she looked at President Zhao, "to the whims of the Nichtstein government. That is unacceptable to us. Secondly, our long established tensions with the Grand Duchy of Bourgogne remain a very delicate matter... a very delicate matter, indeed. The Gallian Cold War has been a defining feature of the last century and, it seems, shall continue to be so in this century, as well. And third, the neutrality of Borovanger, albeit under the guiding wing of Villesen's influence, is of paramount importance to us and we would be summoned to its defence if there are any hostile incursions into that nation aiming to harm either Serenierre or to besmirch the constitutional neutrality that that State embodies."

Even though Borovanger remained a touchy subject between Ivar and Villesen, it was a fact that its neutrality was absolutely vital for Serenierre. They had, had they not, signed a Treaty of Friendliness with that country - that had to be protected, as well.

"These are the guiding points of our foreign policy. Can membership into Ruriksgard help us better achieve our goals? And more importantly, what shall Ruriksgard do to help weaken those who stand in the way of blocking our sealanes?" She closed the file. "Answer these questions, in light of our strategic interests and concerns, and I imagine if we can reach agreement on them, Villesen would not hesitate to bolster the hold of the Pact in the western continents... surely, now if the rumours are true that Ost Guow Marken is in negotiations to join this August organisation," she smiled knowingly - Directorate 77 was an aggressive intelligence service with its eyes and ears everywhere - "our presence would surely assist them as well, would it not?"

 

[Kadikistani Union]

Mihajlovic's eyes once again turned to flames at the mentioning of Borovanger, unlike Kujundzic whom chuckled as Martinique finished her rebuttal, seeing the obvious request uttered by Martinique. It was clear that Serenierre wanted to dig its claws into Eastern Gouw Marken. The latter had been under Marxist-Leninovist influence ever since the primitive nation announced its arrival on the international scene in the 1950's. The prospect of seeing Markstad open the door for the Serazinists after decades of Leninovist hegemony over the nation and a bloody civil war brought a shiver down the spine of the Kadikistani delegation, though they wouldn't show it. Every Kadikistani that was around in the 1950's deeply remembered what happened last time a Ivar-backed regime in the vicinity of Serenierre allowed for the Serazinists to gain a foothold. The latter quickly hijacked the revolution, liquidating Leninovist leadership, officers and even those deemed too outspoken among the lower ranks. The Betrayal of Saulot was scorched in the Kadikistani collective memory and nobody was waiting to see a repeat of those events in Gouw Marken. Mihajlovic took a more formally assertive tone as if he was seemingly reliving the past, his uncle having been sent to Borovanger as a Kadikistani advisor, bringing back stories of street fights between Serazinists and Leninovists and the piled bodies of Borovanger Red League officers he had trained and even befriended himself.

"No, Madame Martinique. While we see the advantages of your proximity too our long-standing allies in Gouw Marken, the introduction of another ideology within the delicate political climate of Gouw Marken is non-negotiable for us. The latter is of paramount strategic importance to both our foreign and our defensive policy. We could not bare to see a repeat of the tragic Borovanger Workers' Republic and the shame it has brought upon our nation and ideology. Such an interference would bring back painful memories of a very dark page in the history of our great nation. Even if I wanted to, I could not show my face again in any part of the Kadikistani Union if I would agree with this. I do not need to remind you what happened last time our poor Borovanger comrades allowed for the Serazinists to infect..."

Before Mihajlovic, speaking with the same fire as Sergei Moravscik when he could still talk, could finish his sentence he was tapped on the shoulder by Kujundzic. The People's Commissar for External Affairs wanted to defuse the situation before the Second Secretary would escalate it further over events that happened more then sixty years ago, no matter how vivid the memories pragmatism had to prevail. Kujundzic quickly took over from Mihajlovic before the latter could catch his breath after being interrupted.

"Your dominance over Borovanger will continue uninterrupted should you decide to join our ranks. We will honour the Accords of 1956, as we always have since. Your influence over Borovanger must be maintained and the Rurikgrad Pact could assist you in keeping it so at your request. We could offer assistance merely by being a threat to those external forces who would oppose Borovanger's neutrality. We could offer assistance on the field of deeper intelligence sharing concerning your enemies. Such forms of assistance in no way compromise the Accords of 1956. Let it be abundantly clear that we do not desire any form of presence in the Gallian region, be it political, militarily or even economical. Nevertheless if you should desire such forms of assistance you can also count on the Rurikgrad Pact, be it Xinhaiese until such a point where the Accords of 1956 are amended. We trust our position on Borovanger is clear and we need no more mentioning of it?"

Kujundzic paused a few seconds to drink some of his water while Mihajlovic was composing himself after nearly verbally assaulting his Serenierrese counterpart. Kujundzic continued, deliberately dealing with Marinitque's point in the opposite way.

"To answer your second question, we have no doubt that despite our already very close cooperation on the field of military science, manufacturing and development, the uniformization of our armies within the Rurikgrad Pact will put you several steps before Chagny in this Gallian cold war. Our Unified Military Command joins our armies as one once the Pact is triggered. While maintaining our national identity and privileges, Bourgogne will realize that he does not only face Serenierre but the entirety of the alliance. Will this drive them further into the arms of the Trier Concordat? Highly likely, but honestly I don't think they can get any closer than they are right now. The fact that Bourgogne is not a member is a sham purely for the sake of nationalist pride, while in fact they are all allies. In fact the three members of the Rurikgrad Pact, Calidia, Xinhai and Kadikistan are planning to host naval war games in the Kalahari Sea next month, I hereby invite a delegation from Serenierre to observe these exercises and experience the awe of our joint forces."

Mihajlovic had decided to show his more diplomatic side and discretely signalled Kujundzic that he would take over and he put out his third cigarette.

"Your first question is somehow related to the second one. Without a doubt you realize the military advantages that will help you in opening those straits with military means if necessary. The Kadikistani Naval Base in Eastern Gouw Marken ensures that we can bypass potential blockades of the Gothic or the Long Sea and come to your aid. Furthermore Kadikistan also wields certain leverage through the Status Quo Treaty. We could weight on Pelasgia and push them to keep Nichtenstein from preforming such a blockade. I will not deny that the distance between us won't cause logistical problems, but within the framing of the Rurikgrad Pact we would be much better equipped to deal with these problems and prepare more effectively."

 

[Serenierre]

Lavosnier suppressed a smile at the Kadikistani man's outburst. He, in his ideological fervour and sense of national pride, had entirely misunderstood what Premier Martinique had meant to say. Where her intention had been to signify that Ost-Marken could benefit having another Pact member - a rather strong one, at that - close by; no, shoot first, question later Kadikistani's living up to the stereotype had interpreted it as an attempt to infuse Séraznism into whatever Leninovist experiment was happening in Scania along the frigid waters of the Gothic Sea.

Madame Martinique in turn was rather annoyed. "You see," she spoke, looking at Mihajlovic with a steely gaze, perhaps much harsher than would be appropriate in a setting such as this or with a country such as the Worker's Republic, but the fact was the fact, his outburst was based on a misunderstanding and entirely uncalled for, "I appreciate your passions, Monsieur Secretary," her voice was calm and low, but the ferocity of her spirit lingered just below the surface, "You get upset over a misrepresentation. At no point did I suggest that I seek to expand Sérazinism in Scania. But your outburst has shown the pointlessness of going forward with the façade of Rurikgard," she said the name of the city in her trademark South Frankish accent, "having abandoned the days of ideological purism... here, I was, simply stating that geopolitically Serenierre could be a first responder of sorts to any problem for Ost-Mark. But look how conveniently you have turned the dialogue back to the agenda of the 1950s."

She wanted to say more. She wanted to say that despite Leninovist propaganda to the contrary, the truth was that before Serenierre got involved in the Borovanger Civil War, the precious Marxist-Leninovists - the stooges of Ivar in Gallia - were losing and rather badly. It was Serenien blood, not Kadikistani valour that had won the day. The Red League, the treacherous bastards, were liquidated only because they fell for the line being peddled by Ivar. Yes, Serenierre had been brutal - no denying that. But boundaries had had to be established; boundaries which had been violated by the Kadikistanis, who played games behind Villesen's back. She wanted to say it all. But she remained in control of her temper. Serenien national honour could survive. It was not so fragile.

She leaned back, disengaging from the discussion, Lavosnier could take charge. She was miffed. How dare the Kadikistani man talk to her in such terms. She opened her cigarette case and plucked out a single Orleanais brand stick and placed it between her lips - her aid passed a lighter to her. Disengaged though she was, as she took the first inhalation of the cigarette, her gaze remained locked with the Second Secretary; almost as if to suggest she was not the sort of woman to be trifled with nor talked to in the manner the brutes from Ivar would talk to their women at home.

"Comrades," Commissar Lavosnier, without missing a beat entered the conversation, "The official stance of the République Populaire remains to respect the accord of the 1956 Accord between Villesen and Ivar. Comrades Mihajlovic and Kujundzic, you have spoken well and answered our concerns, in fact it reveals the greater extent of how close our countries actually are. Already, we are committed to each other in the fields of economic and defence cooperation... joining the Pact would simply cement the bond at a strategic level as well. And that is good to know that our combined forces would operate in the system of a unified command. And I draw the conference's attention to the topic of registering the force of the Pact in the West. The Kadikistani base in Ost-Mark," he looked at the two Kadikistani men, "Now this is what we have been waiting to hear of. What mechanisms are in place for the Pact to effectively challenge the petty Kingdoms and Duchies of our neck of the woods?"

"Our membership into the Pact," he continued, "is contingent on whether this bloc can effectively play a role in the west. For that, we do require some projection of force to be demonstrated. Perhaps," he looked in the direction of President Zhao, "a destroyer or two pay a port of call to Ardeche through the disputed waters of the Retalian?" He looked at Mihajlovic, "Maybe, the robust strength of the Status Quo Treaty can be demonstrated to us... let the upholders show what influence they can wield on the tyrants of the Pelasgian Empire. Because, with all due respect, we suspect that the SQT is not a sturdy building block in geopolitics in our modern times... when push comes to shove, the imperialists of Himyar will disregard Ivar in favour of Trier."

Madame Martinique exhaled a long puff of smoke, the special smell of nicotine rose up - as was the hallmark of Serenien cigarettes - in contrast with the heavier scent from the Kadikistani corner of the conference table. Arms folded, she said, "Oui, Madame et messieurs, we Serenien are a practical bunch, who look less at ideals and more at actions. Comrade Mihajlovic, you say you have influence over Pelasgia, I say, prove it." She placed her cigarette once more in between her lips for a quick burst of nicotine. She puffed out another cloud of smoke.

 

[Kadikistani Union]

"... prove it.", These words echoed deeply within the mind of Second Secretary Mihajlovic and he turned his hands into fists of anger. Martinique had decided to utilize the same hard discourse as the Mouth of Moravscik had done before her. Many diplomats who had experience in dealing with the stubborn and proud Kadikistani's would have advised her against it, but then again Kadikistani's also respected projections of power and strength. Admittedly it was nearly impossible for anyone but the best trained diplomats of the world to have a difficult discussion with Ivarish functionaries and successfully walk the delicate balance between not disrespecting while still demanding respect. Kujundzic could do nothing, but sit back and watch the situation escalate before him. The People's Commissar knew that this was no time to oppose Mihajlovic, potentially risking his own skin for the sake of the Serenierrese leadership. The deadly gaze by Martinique towards Mihajlovic, the nearly disciplining tone and the cheek of demanding a display of power. Even a pragmatist such as Kujundzic couldn't salvage what he knew would happen next. The Second Secretary knocked his fist in the table, not outrageously hard but enough to shake the various beverages on the table, and turned his tone from respectfully assertive to downright aggressive.

"We don't need to prove anything to anyone. Not even you, Madame Martinique. Our power projection and yielding through the SQT for the past century has proven itself time and time again. The fact that no major conflict has erupted in the area for the past 80 years says more than enough. The Justiza Crisis for example would've plunged the world into transcontinental conflict if it wasn't for our understanding with Pelasgia. All nations, including Serenierre, have profiteered from this, the safety of the vital trade routes in the Kalahari, while we have faithfully carried this burden by cutting into our own flesh. You demand that we demonstrate our power, I find this and your tone highly insulting and unworthy. You think it is your womanly charm that has kept the Pelasgian imperialists off your beaches for so long? Kadikistan has facilitated the advancement of socialism throughout the world. We have established ourself as a leading power through the tears, sweat and blood of millions of Kadikistani sons and daughters. We will not stage a demonstration of that power in order to woo Serenierre or any other nation. As was stated before, you are more than welcome to observe our military power by attending our naval war games, but your demand to somehow show our influence on Pelasgia can only be explained by your lack of analysis of international politics for the past century."

The conference was deviating from its productive start in a rapid pace. There was little doubt that only a Xinhaiese intervention could mediate and defuse the situation. It would not have been the first time Xinhaiese diplomats were in such a position. Experience and endurance had made them experts in dealing with Kadikistani's, knowing their sensitivities and style. Mihajlovic wasn't quite done. In fact he was only at the beginning of what was about to be a long tirade directed against their Serenierrese counterparts. Luckily the eastern hosts managed to interrupt the Second Secretary.

 

[Khemia]

"Qǐng bié xiāchěle!" Madame Zhao snapped, visibly frustrated, the words a harsh reprimand as if to be delivered to a child, despite the age advantage the Second Secretary held over her. She rubbed her temples firmly, "I did not invite you here to squabble like children." Her gaze drifted between Premier Martinique and Second Secretary Mihajlovic.

"Mister Lavosnier," she relented her frustration and the musical notes of her voice picked up again, "upon the conclusion of our naval exercises, I will order the deployment a Task Group to the Retalian as a sign of our commitment to our relationship. Recognize that this puts lives on the line, something heretofore your own government seems hesitant to have done."

Her words held bite, and she turned her gaze to the Second Secretary. "The Status Quo Treaty may have prevented wars, but I do not see red banners across the world yearning to join the Pact. Three nations! The SQT has built walls to defend us, but has also built walls to contain us. Do not believe that the Pelasgians respect the Treaty, nor do they respect the Kadikistani."

"I called you here to discuss how to move forward. Not to bicker about the past. This is how I see us moving forward: economic integration. We are all socialist economies, are we not? We have, to some extent or another, liberated the means of production and returned it to the workplace. I will be announcing a new economic initiative that rewards socialist thinking in workplaces, and I would like to have the support of both of your nations in creating a common, global proletarian market. Once that has succeeded, we can then reconsider how else to broach the divides between us. Can we agree upon this?"

 

[Kadikistani Union]

'Fucking bitches', the increasingly misogynist Second Secretary thought to himself as the once deemed 'diplomatic' Xinhaiese just referred to him as a child. Kujundzic was sitting in his shadow, loosing his optimism for this endeavour fast. He had hoped that at least the Xinhaiese would be more aware of the Kadikistani sensitivities. The national shame being thrown in their face's several times, demands being made by Villesen to demonstrate Kadikistani power as if they were preforming in a circus, aggressive body language of the francophones and to top that all off Zhao decided it was opportune to call all attendees children. Clearly the Kadikistani's had to revise their opinion of the Xinhaiese as great diplomats with a long established history of dealing with the Kadikistani political and military elite in a most professional manner. Indeed, being called children was almost as bad as being called a woman in the eyes of the Kadikistani men. Nevertheless Mihajlovic did something Kujundzic did not expect. While not hiding his obvious irritation at Zhao's latest comments, the Second Secretary decided not to react upon the infantilization and returned to business.

"I assure all of you that the Supreme Leader, nor any other Kadikistani member of government, holds any illusions concerning Pelasgia's loyalty towards the Trier Concordat. The SQT will endure until such a point were the polarisation reaches a point of no return. Upon an escalation of global politics Kadikistan will side with his true friends in the Rurikgrad Pact just as Pelasgia will do with their monarchist alliance. You say the SQT has built a wall around us? We can firmly deny this as it has kept Pelasgia's tentacles out of Germania and Touyou, which has allowed for socialist states to develop themselves in the region. The only restrictions upon Kadikistan is that we are bound by the treaty not to interfere in Pelasgia's Himyari backyard. The SQT, however, holds no such restriction over our allies. For example, there is no mechanism included in the SQT that bars Xinhai from adventurism in the Himyar should they so desire. It is Kadikistan who is restricted by honouring the Treaty and in return Pelasgia is restricted in our own region. I do hope that my counterparts will see that the benefits of the SQT, at this time, outweigh the restrictions. Until we reach the point were we become strong enough to lay our own claim upon the Kalahari region, we will prefer shared hegemony with the Pelasgians over letting every regional power with aspirations of grandeur making a throw for dominance over the vital sea. The latter would have the potential of destabilizing the entire region with catastrophic consequences.

Our position concerning the SQT should be clear. We will not abandon it until a drastic situational change occurs or we get a better offer. Equally clear has been our position on economic integration. We welcome the efforts of Secretary Zhao to promote such endeavours and wish to position ourselves as eager partners on this field. We are willing to take this economic integration as far as it needs to be brought so we can form a strong fist against our enemies on this field as well."

 

[Serenierre]

"I see we are at an impasse," General Honoré de Bettancourt spoke up at last. As the oldest man in the room, approaching his seventy eighth year, the man had served in time of titans like Sérazin and Leninov, so he was amused at how petty the current brand of revolutionaries were. Not to say that Sérazin and Leninov did not have their moments of tension, but they were much smarter and shrewder than this lot. "Comrades," he said with a strong, whiskey drinker's voice, quite unaffected by the ravages of time, "I move that we forget about the past and all this nonsense about the Pelasgians and the others and focus simply on this alliance. This great pact."

He turned to look at Premier Martinique who seemed to be uncomfortable at the old man's interjection into the increasingly fraught dialogue. "Madame Premier, you have my respect but we must be practical. Our enemies are the same. Yes, I agree that the SQT is beyond any reason but we know that we can trust the heads in Ivar... we have done so for decades and we already are solidly allied at a bilateral level." He continued to speak, focusing in turn on the Xinhese and Kadikistani delegations, allaying their fears of a strident Serenierre unwilling to walk the walk. So, he tried to calm them all down. When either side flared up and tried to overpower him, he would simply look nonchalantly in their direction and continue over them in his polite, yet forceful way, as was the way of generals - they always got the last word. He soothed the egos of the Kadikistani men, much younger than him, and reigned in the wilder tendencies of his own Premier. And he got away with it because of his rank as one of the old guard of the revolutionary path. In addition to that, by virtue of his command of the Revolutionary Guards, he had come often to such summits and he knew full well how to handle the Kadikistanis.

"So, now that tempers have cooled somewhat, let me ask all of you are we now ready to think for the future?"

Premier Martinique spoke: "Whatever we decide here," she said conceding some ground, "I cannot accede to the Treaty without consulting the Commissariat of People's Deputies, but I do imagine that to make this summit a true coup de grace, I can say that we need a simple formula which will eventually lead to a greater role for the Pact in Serenierre." She was still unwilling to actually join. She would seriously need to mull it over. But she knew that if General Bettancourt had indicated that Serenierre should join, it would be rather difficult to convince the Commissariat back home to adopt a contrary position. The Revolutionary Guards were the hallowed beacons of the political establishment.

"Regarding, the SQT, perhaps real-politik suggests we simply wait and see where the chips fall, so to say," she managed a weak smile, hopefully some civility would return to the room, "I think I should also address the elephant in the room, there is a sentiment among this group that Villesen is not committing itself wholly to its litany of disputes... well, I suppose a gathering such as this is the perfect place for all of us to lay forth our demands and then let's see where we stand once we all reach a compromise. I see that President Zhao has already agreed to one of my requests... so my question to both of you is what overt steps can we take to show our own commitment?"

 

[Khemia]

de Bettancourt had a way with words that Madame Zhao could only admire. The man quickly combated the passions of the infernos raging in the room, until, finally, Premier Martinique relented. Zhao could not bring herself to smile, for doing so after de Bettancourt's speech would seem condescending.

"Villesen's position is such that it is not capable of taking a stand on several issues, which is the reason for much of our outreach. Still, there are matters your government can see to. Two, in particular, stand out before the others. First, intelligence sharing; I want a Gallo-Germanian intelligence operations room to be established to coordinate intelligence efforts and create the foundation for all other levels of cooperation - economic, military, and so on. Second, sponsorship for a joint space program," her eyes turned to her Ivar counterparts - this included them as well, truth be told. "We do not need moon bases or mines on asteroids, but what we do need is satellites. You may have read a recent report about a failed missile test from our site in the Arctic Circle. That information was a leak designed to hide the fact that we successfully launched a missile we believe capable of achieving low orbit. With more effort and funding, a joint-space program can create a capable network of spaceborne infrastructure we can all benefit from."

Zhao paused for a moment to smile. "None of these overt steps are so overt, you will note. It would not be wise to incite your neighbors any more than what will already be done. Your good neighbors have a nasty habit of overreacting, and I am sure a handful of warships will undoubtedly stir up a hornets nest, much less a request for permanent basing rights or some such. Accept these requests and we can create a tighter framework for future meeting." She leaned back in her chair and smoothed her zhongshan suit. She knew in her heart that this meeting would never see Serenierre join the Rurikgrad Pact, but she also knew that Martinique was undergoing some sort of immense cognitive dissonance in trying to convince herself why doing so was not to her advantage. Better yet, she knew that Madame Martinique herself realized this. It would not be long before their accession would occur, and the enumerated demands, alongside the economic treaty previously proposed, would simply lay the groundwork for greater military cooperation.

 

[Serenierre]

It was Commissar Lavosnier who responded to the Xinhese President. "Madame Président. We do believe that our own technological efforts in the realm of rocketry and electronics will greatly benefit the program, as we are sure you will agree. And in addition, we do believe that intelligence cooperation has been a common occurrence with both of your countries but a devoted Gallo-Germanic effort would certainly do much in weakening the hegemony of the Trier alliance."

Premier Martinique looked at the other woman in the room. "Yes, you are quite right Commissar Lavosnier, these two conditions are not problematic for the government to accede to. I could even propose some wide reaching economic cooperation agreement as well is something which I can accede to at this very meeting. But the issue of acceding to the Pact requires discussion in our Party legislature."

 

[Kadikistani Union]

The highly respected General de Bettancourt had successfully demined the tensions in the room. He was a man with a strong reputation, a man that Kadikistani's would always listen to. The Nangong Conference was back on the right track and the atmosphere turned productive one more. Economic integration of the socialist states was not a point of discussion as all those present were on the same line. This conference would be successful in achieving a closer economic and scientific cooperation between the nations of the Rurikgrad Pact and Serenierre. The latter would help strengthen the ties and lay the framework for the postponed military integration of Serenierre in the Rurikgrad Pact. Meanwhile it was hoped that the Serenierrese government would give its approval in the following weeks. Kadikistan was very aware of the factionalism within the Communist Party of Serenierre. Support of the hawkish Renaudiere Bloc was assured even before this conference, the Rousseau Bloc might be persuaded if the right amount of anti-Burgundian rhetoric was used to justify ascension to the Rurikgrad Pact. This conference would prove to be a test for the Martinique Bloc as it would have to rally every single one of its 129 deputies in support of joining the socialist alliance. But this was a matter for Serenierre and all that her partners could do at this time was wait and see.

The creation of a joint space program, uniting the three national space programs into one, was an important point brought up by the Xinhaiese. Indeed it could end the supremacy of the joint space program of the Trier Concordat and offer the Rurikgrad Pact a strategic advantage. Kadikistan hadn't spend much of its resources on space exploitation and exploration, threatened by the perspective of an expensive and fruitless space race with its rival in the Trier Concordat. In fact it wasn't until the 1970s that Kadikistan successfully shot its first unmanned satellite into space. Unlike on the military field, Kadikistan was several steps behind the latest technology in space travel. A new joint Global positioning System was something the Kadikistani Union wanted dearly. Mihajlovic signalled one of his aides that he was to retrieve General Andrej Zurkatjev, the Chairman of the Kadikistani 'Rocketry and Space Exploration Program' whom had been waiting in a hall outside. The medium sized, old general came in to give the attendees a short 10 minutes presentation on the achievements and current status of the Kadikistani efforts outside our atmosphere. The latter was far less impressive than the kadikistani military might would suggest. After finishing his presentation, Zurkatjev made a bow to the various leaders sitting around the table and left the room again after receiving a nod of approval by Mihajlovic. The latter spoke once more, this time in a far less aggressive tone than before.

"We are willing to combine our achievements with yours, should our esteemed partners agree. We also offer our territory to host a part of this Joint Space Program. We suggest agreeing upon a minimum of state investment into this program to make it competitive with similar programs launched by our rivals. Let the establishment of a 'capable network of spaceborne infrastructure', to quote our Xinhaiese friends, be a symbol of our closer cooperation."