Shahdara calling Aanaari

[Serenierre]

FEIRUZ PALACE
Old Shahdara
Imperial State of Sikandara
​

Since assuming charge of the Imperial Government as Chancellor, Babur Suleymani had been keen to expand his attention to the international stage, which had been neglected during previous governments, and he felt by strengthening connections abroad it could drive the Sikandari economy to perform better and, hopefully, break the five year trend of slow or no growth. And sensing his discomfort at dealing with the major international players so soon after assuming the job, the civil servants had recommended encouraging diplomatic contact with the smaller states of the Scanian winterlands, which were generally far removed from the power politics and geopolitical intrigues in dealing with the heavyweights. So, without any delay, the Embassy in Samiiland had been ordered to dispatch an official invitation to the President to visit the imperial citadel as an official guest of the Chancellor.

And the day had arrived when the foreign delegation would arrive, the staff had been busy the entire week preparing the guest rooms and the chefs had been concocting various delicious recipes for the guests, sparing no expense to shower the foreigners with a quintessential example of Sikandari hospitality. While still not a state visit, which could only be authorised and presided over by the Emperor, the Chancellor and his civil servants were aiming to make an excellent first impression on these Scanians.

As the official motorcade arrived, the welcoming committee of the Chancellor's Private Secretary and the civil servants were standing upfront, as they would meet the guests and guide them to the Chancellor, who was waiting inside, in the main hall of the vast palace. Visitors approaching the palace from the main driveway would enter from the massive marble gate that had originally been built in 1456 and was big enough to allow two elephants to enter together, followed by several gardens, filled with blossoming flowers and fruitful trees, only to be greeted by the imposing main facade of the Chancellor's palace. Only the Imperial Fortress, where the Emperor and the Imperial family lived, with its sprawling palaces and gardens, could be considered more majestic than this place.

Seeing the President, Babur Suleymani extended his hand forward and grasped the other man's hand firmly, smiling warmly, he started, "I hope your journey was comfortable." And with that, the Sikandari delegation and the visiting one, were ushered into the formal dining hall, which was an example of traditional Sikandari architecture and interior design. Though the building had been modernised long ago, the engineers had been ever so careful as to preserve the original feeling of the room. With paintings of Emperors and scenes from the traditional folk stories hanging on the walls, the Suleymani invited them all to break bread with him. And only after this meal, with the glorious meal still fresh in everyone's mind, did the official part of the discussions commence.

"So, Mr. President," Suleymani said, "What can Sikandara do for Saamiland? We are very much interested in pursuing a policy which would allow us to enhance and expand our economic, cultural and educational interaction."

 

[Transabina]

Old Shahdara
Imperial State of Sikandara


President Isku Ooli considered himself a well traveled and cultured man. Several times in his political career, he had traveled abroad, once to both Ivernia and Saaremaa, and twice to Boganhem. He also prided himself on his mastery of English and growing understanding of Saaremaan. However, although a true cosmopolitan by Saami standards, his travels had not prepared him for the sights that awaited the President and his delegation upon arrival in Sikandara. Even from the air, on approach, he was struck by the sheer enormity of the Sikandaran nation. Here was a giant, ancient land, in which a single city might hold more people than in the whole of Saamiland!

The sheer size of Old Shahdara was as nothing to the sights and sounds awaiting the Saami diplomats on the ground. Almost as soon as their aircraft had touched down, they were greeted by a friendly collection of low-level Sikandari diplomats and representatives and, after exchanging niceties, ushered into waiting cars and driven to Feiruz Palace, where their meeting with Chacellor Suleymani would take place. Just passing through the narrow streets of the city, with their tight crowds and cacaphony of mysterious languages was enough to awe most of the Saami delegation, many of whom had never traveled abroad before. For his part, President Ooli was struck by the ornate flowering gardens which lined the approach to the palace, so different from the grim pine forests and wind-swept tundra of his homeland. Of the small delegation's five members, only one was oblivious to majesty of exotic Sikandara - Minister Bede Imarri, the second most senior of the diplomats, representing the Saami Ministry of Trade. For him, the heat of the Sikandaran summer had been overwhelming, remarking that Shahdara would be better calledSaanaudara("The Sauna-Room").

The Palace itself was stunning, with its ancient and intricate styling comparing quite favorably to the stern, Prussian styling of Aanaari's government district. As the motorcade approached, they could see their Sikandari counterparts patiently waiting in a cluster of dark formal suits below Feiruz Palace's high and imposing stone walls. As they stepped from the vehicle, each of the five Saami representatives was greeted by name, through the use of an interpreter in almost impeccable Saami. This greatly impressed the less-than-enthusiastic Minister Imarri, and helped to set the younger, untraveled diplomats at ease. The President stepped forward, he was warmly greeted in English by Chancellor Suleymani, exchanging firm handshakes. As they were led into the Palace, the two groups struck up a pleasant conversation about their travels, their impressions of the Sikandari capital, and other trivial topics. These pleasantries continued in the building's main dining hall, helped along by a plentiful meal and liberal offers of Kossu (a favorite Saami liquor). By the time the jovial feasting had finished, even Minister Imarri was in much better spirits, and favorably inclined to hear the Sikandari proposals.

The Saami government had been intrigued by Sikandara's sudden interest in opening trade and diplomatic relations. But even President Ooli had little idea what to expect when preparing for this meeting. Many expected a series of hard negotiations, particularly given the massive size and influence between the two states. Some advisers had even advised refusing the Sikandari offer outright, for fear that the President would only be traveling to accept terms dictated by Chancellor Suleymani. The Saami delegation was then taken by surprise as the Sikandari Chancellor opened the negotiations so graciously.

"What can Sikandara do for

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? We are very much interested in pursuing a policy which would allow us to enhance and expand our economic, cultural and educational interaction."

Across the table from the Sikandaris, President Ooli smiled and stood. "We are honored by your government's interest in our humble nation. I believe that our two states could both profit through the greater economic, cultural, and educational interaction you speak of. However, I am an old man," here he paused to chuckle to himself, "and uneducated in many of the specific details such interactions entail. However, I have asked my four companions to prepare a list of possible arrangements which we think both parties will find agreeable. Perhaps Minister Imarri would begin with his report on possible trade arrangements?"

With a nod of agreement from across the table, the Saami President sat, calmly folding his arms while his subordinate stood and began to speak.

"Thank you, President Ooli, Chancellor Suleymani. Saamiland is, as you know, not yet self sufficient in foodstuffs and other agricultural products. Specifically, we must import large quantities of wheat, barley, and potatoes to support our growing population. We believe that purchases of up to 700,000 metric tonnes of grains per year over the next decade. It is our hope that the Sikandara will be able to supply these needs, in part or in full. Of course all purchases would be made according to current market rates..."

For the next ten minutes, Minister Imarri spoke on a range of issues, from Saami agriculture and energy needs, to timber production and mine quotas in the different Saami provinces, to the state of the Saami merchant marine. After this, Vice-Minister Lejaa Sapteammri stood to deliver a small presentation on the state of the Saami university system and opportunities for foreign students. When she had finished, a Saami representative from the Ministry of Culutre briefly spoke about possible historic and cultural ties between the ancient Saami and Sikandari peoples, and the great interest Saami linguists and archaeologists had in Sikandara. Finally, a minor diplomat made a few comments about diplomatic cooperation and mutual concerns about radicalism abroad, concluding with the "Saami people's great hopes for cooperation with their Sikandari friends."

After each presentation, the Saami representatives distributed a brief outline of their proposal for their Sikandari counterparts, conveniently translated ahead of time precisely for this purpose. In brief, the Saami proposals were:

1) The purchase of between 400,000 and 700,000 tonnes of grain and other foodstuffs from Sikandara, at current market rates. At least 10% of these products would be purchased with Saami foreign currency reserves, while the rest would be purchased through a clearing house system, in exchange for Saami tin, nickle, aluminum, mineral products, construction materials, cut lumber, and timber, again at current market rates.
2) Technological cooperation between major Saami and Sikandari companies in the areas of aerospace engineering, agriculture, construction, electronics, mining, and metalworking.
3) An end to all tariffs and taxes on raw materials and agricultural products between Saamiland and Sikandara, and the immediate elimination of all harbor fees and other duties on merchant ships flying the Saami or Sikandari flags.
3) The opening of all public and private universities in both Saamiland and Sikandara to up to 1,250 students each year, under a joint scholarship program funded by both states, as well as the possibility of additional student visas for citizens of both states.
4) Making Old Shahdara and Aanaari sister cities, with an annual cultural exchange between both cities, as well as a limited exchange of secondary school students.
5) Cooperation between academics and researchers of state universities in both Saamiland and Sikandara in all academic disciplines, but with an emphasis on archeological and linguistic research into links between the Uralic (early Saami) and Sikandari peoples.
6) The opening of two, "Museums of Saami-Sikandari Friendship," one in both Aanaari and Shahdara, funded by their respective governments.
7) An increase in the availability of travel and work visas between Sikandara and Saamiland.
8 ) A joint diplomatic statement, committing both states to continue to pursue friendly and mutually beneficial economic, cultural, and diplomatic relations.

 

[Serenierre]

"My friends," the Grand Councillor for Agriculture spoke, "Meeting the Saami requirements will not be an issue, our farmers could meet it three times over, but given the reservations of our agriculture sector, we will begin supplying 500,000 tonnes in the first year, and make annual increases by 100,000 tonnes until the quota is met. This is a requirement that the trading agents have imposed on us, since they would like time to investigate the Saami market to better understand its needs, so as to be able to provide an efficient system for supply. Furthermore, our friends in the agricultural sector would prefer if the payments for the produce is 20% in foreign exchange, 15% in gold bullion and 65% in a barter trade, since many will need to immediately buy seedlings and supplies for the following year and reimburse their creditors. The percentages can be fiddled around with but we would urge our Saami friends to remember the needs of the farm owners."

And so, each Grand Councillor responded to the Saami delegation's proposals, with Chancellor Suleymani going through the typed brief that had been passed along by the guests, he read it through and found it quite ambitious in some aspects. He smiled internally.

With his glasses resting on the tip of his nose, the Grand Councillor of the Treasury started speaking having read Point Number 3, "The Treasury cannot support this liberal trade policy. There can be no outright elimination of tariffs and port duties with a stroke of a pen. However, we are willing to discuss a discounted regime of port duties given the relative smaller scale of the Saami economy, and in a spirit of friendship would say that we do not need reciprocity on this issue from the Saami side." On finishing, he said to himself, given the slow economy, the kind of regime being pushed by the Saami would not have been particularly beneficial to the Sikandari.

The Grand Councillor for Education spoke next: "The Saami idea for a joint-scholarship is most wise," he praised them following what he knew was a bulldozing assault by his cabinet colleagues, "We would be very much inclined to have Saami universities cater specially for engineering, the sciences and the medical field, while our own universities would offer programs specially for history, Sikandari philosophy, Islamic studies and eastern languages."

With the specifics dealt properly by his ministers, Chancellor Suleymani spoke up finally, "Apart from the issues that my colleagues have brought up and discussed, this brief is is by and large generally acceptable to us. However, it is my personal opinion that it is far too early to spend taxpayer's funds on the creation of a museum celebrating our bilateral ties, when they have only played a very small part in our respective foreign policies. And on," he looked at the brief, "Point number 5, I don't think that it is helpful to confine our academics simply to such obscure research such as linguistic and historical ties between our peoples... why not have them work on scientific developments, possibly on economic research as well... why not expand their horizon?"

An aide passed a typewritten note detailing the Sikandari position on each of the Saami proposals:

1. Commitment to meeting the entire Saami quota of 700,000 tonnes of agricultural produce and foodstuff, however in segments to allow efficient supply and with a reformed payment structure.
2. Full agreement.
3. Unfeasible, in the manner suggested by the Saami government. However the Sikandari government is willing to introduce a discounted port duties regime for Saami vessels in Sikandara, without seeking reciprocal treatment.
4. Full agreement. Sikandari government is however interested in more seats in the scientific, medical and engineering departments.
5. Full agreement. The Lord Mayor of Shahdara shall be informed of decision.
6. Partial agreement, the Sikandari government seeks to expand the areas of cooperation between academics to other fields as well.
7. Rejected. Deemed untimely given the new status of expanded bilateral ties. May be brought for discussion at a later date, following successes due to this meeting.
8. Full agreement. Visa on arrival regime to be enforced in Sikandara, with reciprocity expected.
9. Full agreement.

Chancellor Suleymani continued, "Mr. President, I would very much like to hear what you think of our position on these issues. And following your response, I would like to guide this discussion to topics which are of great interest to us and require detailed dialogue." The Chancellor had a page, which would be given to the President, detailing the agenda of what the Sikandaris wanted to pursue as well, hidden amongst the papers in the file in front of him. Hopefully, now that the Saami had had their points heard, and mostly accepted, they would be more willing to listen and engage in the type of conversation Suleymani was wanting to carry out.

 

[Transabina]

The Saami delegation listened patiently as their Sikandari counterparts responded to the initial Saami proposal, Minister Imarri and the other adjutants occasionally scribbling noted while President Ooli sat calmly, a pleased half-smile on his face, occasionally twisting his mustache as he listened. Overall, they were quite pleased with the Sikandaris' response to their proposals. The biggest concern of the Saami delegation was that the Sikandari would reject the proposed clearing house system of trade and demand hard currency for all agricultural products, effectively forcing Saami purchasers to take large loans from Sikandari creditors. However, the all important proposal on the purchase of foodstuffs had been agreed to in full. With their primary concerns thus alleviated, the Saami diplomats were well inclined towards Chancellor Suleymani's proposed changes in other, less critical areas.

Immediately after the last of the Sikandari diplomats had finished speaking, President Ooli stopped stroking his mustache, placed both hands on the table in front of him, and rose from his seat. He had already been well briefed upon possible alterations to his government's initial proposal, and upon what his ministers felt were the minimum acceptable terms for an agreement. As these had already been exceeded, the President was given considerable leeway to respond to the Sikandari requests as he saw fit. While he spoke, Minister Imarri quickly wrote a new outline of the proposed agreement, taking into account the President's new terms.

"Chancellor Suleymani, I am most pleased with these gracious terms. Of course my government does not wish to harm your nation's economic growth or to gain unfair advantage over your domestic producers. The issue of tariffs and taxes need not be broached now, so long as you are willing to enter into trade relations with Saamiland. Your offer to reduce port duties on our merchantmen is very generous, and I assure you that any such action will be reciprocated in kind by the Saami government." Here the President paused to glance at Minister Imarri, who nodded in agreement. "And likewise, I can guarantee complete reciprocity of a visa-on-arrival regime for your citizens traveling to Saamiland."

"As to your other concerns, I fully agree. This business of 'Friendship Museums' is utterly unnecessary. Understand that my companions were all asked to provide us with a range of possibilities. It would seem that they may have been overambitious in some areas, and not ambitious enough in others. I suggest that point number 6 be amended to include all academic fields. If these terms are acceptable, we would be most interested to move on to any other topics you wish to discuss."

 

[Serenierre]

Having satisfied the Saami, apparently, they seemed even more pleased than before, which was completely to the advantage of the potentially uncomfortable ground the conversation was just about to take on. "President Ooli," Chancellor Suleymani said, "Forgive me for saying this, but the Saami position in foreign affairs is something we have not managed to grasp sufficiently... and seeing that the architects and engineers of that policy sit right here before me this afternoon, why not ask directly?" A few Grand Councillors nodded to the Chancellor's statement.

Following his appointment as Chancellor, Babur Suleymani had been effectively redefining how a man in his position was supposed to conduct official business. Official speak and diplomatic courtesy was dropped in favour of directness and frankness, aimed at cutting vagaries from conversations and getting immediately to the point. Quite revolutionary, if one knew the tradition of spineless chancellors established following the turn of the century. And with that change in leadership also came a change in policy. Sikandara had never been a nation to succumb to communist influences though now that aversion to the leftist movement had approached a feverish pitch, with official discussions dominated in parliament and in think tanks by talk of overcoming and marginalizing the Reds.

"President Ooli, to narrow down the field for you, what we are particularly interested in is; communism and the Saami stance on that ideology. Seeing the might of the Kyivian juggernaut, almost on your doorstep, we are particularly concerned how friendly nations in Scania can limit the effect of assertiveness emanating from that country... if you understand my meaning," Suleymani said, leaning forward, looking straight at the President with his steely grey eyes. He was sure that the men on the other side of the table realised that the success of this meeting rested solely on the words that would be spoken next. Nothing less than a position of antagonism to the leftist strand of barbarism would secure those favourable trade conditions. So it was with extreme interest the Sikandari chancellor started to listen to what the Saami statesman had to say.

 

[Transabina]

President Ooli remained seated, coolly watching as the Chancellor spoke. His trademark pleasant smile fell from his face, matching the suddenly grave expression of his hosts. He had been briefed on Sikandari foreign relations, and suddenly the terms conservative, monarchist, reactionary, and anti-Communist seemed to ring true. But the President had prepared a few responses, just in case such a question would arise. Still seated, and keeping a steady gaze across the table, he attempted to assuage Chancellor Suleymani's concerns.

"Chancellor Suleymani, let me assure you that my government does not condone communist ideology in any form. Neither my government nor any of its predecessors have ever supported an officially communist regime. However, ours is a small nation, and we are as you say Kyiv is so near by..." Here the President paused, trying to delicately choose his words. "The Saami people have long maintained a strict neutrality towards the Kyivian People's Republic since its inception. We have tried to preserve our political and economic independence, while avoiding any action which may be seen as provocative in Kyiv. For this reason, we have allowed the Kyivians to maintain trade relations and exchange diplomats with Saamiland. We have even allowed Saami Communist Party to operate, although we keep a close eye on them, and nobody pays attention to them anyway." Here he paused to chuckle softly, for a moment allowing himself to lapse back into his distant, easy grin. "Of course, my government would welcome any opportunity which might better guarantee our nation's security against any threat from Kyiv. But without strong friends, I fear we can do little but keep our own house in order. As we say in my country, one must walk softly near the bear's cave."

 

[Serenierre]

"President Ooli, if that really is the case, I admire your approach – most wise." Suleymani said in response. The fact that Isku Ooli was a centre-left politician was not lost on the Sikandari government, but to hear of his pragmatism had been quite refreshing in some ways. "Mr. President, we to have a communist party in Sikandara... even a republican one... you see we like our parliament to be full of differing opinions and voices... and I think that Saamiland could do well to have strong friends and I promise this to you that Sikandara shall use her vast diplomatic system and connections to achieve what it determines is right for a friendly state. And we believe Saamiland is a friendly state." Pausing momentarily, Suleymani looked down at some notes and back at the visiting delegation, "So, Mr. President, might I ask what your official positions are on the Fennian Union and Saaremaa, both ruled by individuals who can be considered dictators, the latter having come just recently after deposing a monarchical system. Some of our own friends are troubled by these trends... while we view them with cautious optimism as far as Scanian security, following the Bantyr fiasco, is concerned."

Having heard his answer, Suleymani then asked, "I know now, how you stand on communism, but an equally threatening ideology is Republicanism, in the form it adopts with Sylvanian posturing, and seeing that a non-Scanian power, as in Frescania has occupied Bantyr in part, I am sure you recognise that Republicanism as well is a force of instability in Scania... though let me be clear... it is not the political system of a republic that is causing these problems, but instead the ideology espoused by the grandees of Frescania and Sylvania which see only their form of rule as the best form, neigh the only form acceptable. So, Mr. President, now your thoughts on these ideas?" Sikandara was particularly alarmed by the republicanism taking hold, not that it was endangering the political set-up in the Imperial State but rather economic dealings with such countries became troublesome and markets were shrinking – which upset Sikandara more than anything else.

 

[Transabina]

Still seated, President Ooli leaned back, relaxing as the Sikandari Chancellor's warm response. Considering the blunt and serious tone of the questioning - not to mention the Sikandari's well known aversion to the left, and to communists specifically - he had expected them to press hard for a formal statement of hostility towards the Kyivian communists. However, the Chancellor seemed content with the President's policy of benevolent neutrality towards Kyiv. With that hurdle crossed, he found it easy to respond to the other Sikandari concerns.

"We thank our new Sikandari friends for their generous offer of support, and I assure you that such goodwill will not go unrewarded in Aanaari. So far as your concerns regarding the Fennian Union and Saaremaa go, I can say that events in these nations are of great concern to my government. The issue of their political systems is a delicate one. As I am sure you understand, our people have a long history of democratic governance, and many ordinary citizens and members of government have expressed their personal distaste towards the dictatorships which have been imposed upon these nations. However, state policy must not be dictated by such emotional whims. While their choice of government may be distasteful, the Fennian Union has provided a measure of stability in Scania, and enjoys the support and recognition of my government.

"The recent upheaval in Saaremaa is also a difficult issue for my government. While it remains to be seen whether their new government will be a positive change, my government is hopeful. Considering our difficult history with the Saaremaan monarchy, we believe that this new government presents a unique opportunity for improved relations with our Saaremaan neighbor. Our principal concerns, at least in the short term, are to ensure law and order along our common border, to limit the influence of Kyivian communists in the new government, and to prevent the situation from deteriorating into further bloodshed between monarchist and revolutionary factions. We believe that a positive and supporting approach towards Kuressaare is essential to achieve these goals. A lack of support for the new government will only encourage further violence and may lead towards civil war."

At this point, the President waited for his counterparts across the table to reply. He was hopeful that this discussion would be the beginning of a joint Sikandari-Saami policy towards the National Revolutionary State of Saaremaa. After a brief discussion, which he left mostly to his diplomatic attache, the Chancellor Suleymani raised the issue of Republicanism.

"Our government does not see the situation in Bantyr as one of Republicanism, but rather of simple national sovereignty. Whatever their justifications, Frescania has violated the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bantyr. This is unacceptable to the Saami people. My government opposes the imposition of any form of government by one sovereign state upon another, whether that is a democracy or dictatorship. We believe that the actions of Frescania set a dangerous precedent of foreign intervention in Scanian internal affairs, and may invite other nations to pursue their own interests in Scania in similar fashion. However, we do not view either the Frescanians or Sylvanians as representing a direct threat to our national security. Because of this, our foreign policy is more concerned with recent events in Saaremaa than in Bantyr."

 

[Serenierre]

"Our viewpoints are not radically different," he said scratching his chin, "And so, I would think that a formal alliance would be something I would like to see our two governments work towards... at-least that is something which I would like to see happen." Suleymani knew that while the man was a centre-left politician, an unlikely ally, but the political right in Saamiland seemed divided and was out of power, leaving very little else to do from his own end. "But to get back to the topic at hand, we are just as committed to a peaceful and stable Scania... you people are by far one of the most important regional markets for us... and would heartily encourage your government to solidify its relations with the Fennians and the Ivernians. It would be better for your countries to stick together as a regional counterbalance to, both, Kyiv and Østveg. At the same time, as far as Saaremaa is concerned, I think we can be sure that the new regime is moving to remove the injustices of the monarchy, which even we know was causing more damage than anything else really." He paused and shifted ever so slightly in his seat, "I would seriously advise you to engage with Marshal Vaino of Saaremaa, much in the same manner, I believe, you are with Marshal Häyhä of Fennia. In my own meeting with him, he has not seemed an unreasonable man."

Responding to the Bantyr situation: "Since our vantage point is, undoubtedly, much further away than yours, the views we have are slightly different – as can be expected. You feel that Frescania is simply colonizing the north. We feel it is doing so because of its Republican ideology which it feels impelled to foist on nations with even a hint of instability. But we both agree that the Frescanian presence in Scania is a destabilizing factor. And the Saami position on the issue is admirable and most resolute and I salute it on the behalf of my compatriots," Suleymani said with sincerity, genuinely feeling warmth towards the Scanian man, who he hoped would be his eyes and ears in keeping Shahdara informed about the activities of the two Marshals. "And I want your government to know that if the sovereignty of Saamiland is threatened, we will use all resources at our disposal to ensure that a viable protection is assured to our friends in the north." Just how a country so far removed from Scania would attempt to do that, was a question that could be asked but, Suleymani would not go further on the topic. Instead, he took the discussion to the Mezhist Union, "Our friends in Upper and Lower Swiecziema have proven to us time and time again that their military industrial complex can counter any threat posed by our opponents and I would advise the Saami military to look into that avenue for expansion"

Skillfully, Chancellor Suleymani, then, took the conversation back to the point he had started with: "The very purpose of this state visit, in my eyes, is to cement our bilateral relationship in such a manner as to merge our strategic interests officially, as they seem so aligned already, while we have pursued independent courses of action. So, if you may allow me, the Imperial Government would officially like to present its proposal of signing a Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation with Saamiland. Of-course discussions will be needed at great length, most at ministerial and bureaucratic levels, but this is our intention and we have informed you as such." Aides of the Chancellor passed the preliminary draft of the treaty text to the members of the Saami delegation for consideration.

The Saami proposals, from Sikandara's perspective were innocent and had been easy to negotiate through to agreement. But what the minds in Shahdara presented was an altogether different category of cooperation. The proposal Suleymani had forwarded had three components: military, economic and political. The economic had already been discussed and the Saami proposals would be their contribution to the treaty. The military aspect included defense technology cooperation and intelligence sharing, with the possibility of joint operations and extensive collaboration between ISIS – the premier Sikandari intelligence agency – and its Saami counterpart. But included within, following closer inspection, the Saami would find was a provision that Sikandara felt needed to be advocated. Given the small size of the Saami population and military, Sikandara was ready to augment a defensive force in Scania, mainly to counter the threat of imminent invasion by the deployment of an expeditionary force, though only at the behest of the government. Given that the Imperial Military had learned its craft by studying the Danish, Ivernian, Engellexic and Mezhist militaries, this was a modern, competent and capable force. Couple that with the massive population of the Imperial State, which brought with a vast pool of young, healthy men ready for combat service, the Imperial Military could not be taken lightly.

Suleymani knew that it was a controversial clause but he hoped that the political mileage Ooli could gain by the discounted oil that Sikandara would be shipping to Saamiland would have him reconsider.

Though in their own proposals, Ooli's ministers had not touched upon oil, but when Suleymani presented the draft of the treaty, it included the provision for oil being sold to Saamiland at a considerable discount from the market price, with the only condition being that it could not be sold onto third-parties without Sikandari consent and a commission. Suleymani would use this black gold as his bargaining chip. Cheap oil meant lower transportation costs, which directly impacted the consumer – who also was a voter – by the immediate lowering of prices of goods. Though not a believer in the democratic systems that existed in some countries, he knew, when dealing with statesmen from such countries, it was best to appeal to their political faculty and essentially give them an offer which would be hard to refuse simply because it could allow them, or their party, a clean sweep through the next elections. And oil – which almost singlehandedly drove the Sikandari economy – seemed to do the trick for most such politicians.

Preparing himself for the discussion that would unfold undoubtedly because of the military aspect, Suleymani refrained from handing the political aspect of the Sikandari proposal. Perhaps he was pushing his luck with the Saami, but he knew that when they would find out about the political aspect, they would be eager to back him. Finished speaking, the imperial chancellor took a sip of water, the silence in the room was only broken with the dull hum of the air-conditioners, as the Saami delegation read through the pages that had been forwarded to them.

 

[Transabina]

This new Sikandari proposal momentarily stunned the Saami delegation. Even President Ooli found himself unprepared and speechless as Chancellor Suleymani's aides pushed this unexpected proposal across the table. The Saami representatives had been pleased by the light handed approach the Sikandari delegation had adopted until this point. They had feared being presented with a fait-acompli series of proposals when they had arrived, but until now they had been able to control the discussion and, if not dictate at least propose terms.

Now, the weight of Sikandari intentions for their nation suddenly hit home. President Ooli and his companions had come to negotiate what they hoped would be a mutually acceptable economic and diplomatic arrangement. They had no intention - indeed they had scarcely considered - making Saamiland host to foreign troops or entering any kind of military alliance. To do so would be a monumental shift in established policy, something not done in the century and a half of Saamiland's brief existence. Furthermore, conventional Saami wisdom ran that such an action - especially to such a reactionary state as Sikandara! - would provoke a hostile response from Kyiv. As President Ooli examined the proposal, it quickly became clear that it was unacceptable to his government.

The President was blessed that negotiations had proceeded this far before this document had been presented. This simple fact, more than any other, convinced him that Chancellor Suleymani's delegation was in earnest when they spoke so positively towards his small nation. They had the opportunity to force his hand, to make all negotiations contingent on the condition of an alliance, but Suleymani had instead been an generous host and accommodated his guests needs before pressing for recompense. President Ooli silently thanked Moslem hospitality and he turned, briefly conferring with the other members of his delegation in whispered Saami.

"Thank you, Chancellor Suleymani, for this most interesting and generous proposal. Unfortunately, while I agree that our two nations share many common interests, it is simply not within my power as President to approve such an arrangement without the consent of the Saami Congress. Furthermore, we feel that the possibility of a permanent Sikandari military force in Saamiland would jeopardize our established policy of neutrality towards the Kyivian People's Republic. However, it is our belief that this course of discussion should not be ended out of hand."

At this point, Minister Imarri rose. He was less impressed with the Sikandari's evident hospitality, and quite nervous as he spoke. His ministry ha hoped to negotiate for either a favorable agricultural trade policy, or a favorable energy policy. The prospect of both was suddenly frustratingly close to this inexperienced negotiator, but he was constrained by the foreign policy considerations of the President and others as he spoke. In stumbling words, he outlined one part of the Saami counter-proposal. "The Chancellor's proposal is... too generous by far. The Saami are fair traders and true friends. We propose basing further discussion on a more equitable rate for your nation's valuable oil." Minister Imarri paused to look down at the papers in his hands, stumbling as he proposed a discounted rate half that of the original Sikandari proposal.

At this point, he was interrupted by President Ooli, rising again to speak his part. "While I may be unable to agree to your very generous proposals, I believe that we can reach an acceptable arrangement which addresses many of your key concerns. In exchange for oil at the rate Minister Imarri has stated, it is within my powers as Commander in Chief to agree to full cooperation between our nations' intelligence services, and to limited military cooperation between our two nations. We propose that a joint commission be established consisting of members of both ISIS and the STUP (Saami Foreign Intelligence Bureau), full technical cooperation between our militaries as outlined, and a series of annual or bi-annual small unit training exercises between the Saami and Sikandari Armed Forces for the next three years. It is my hope that this will be an amiable compromise, and one which I can be immediately accepted by both parties."

 

[Serenierre]

Suleymani controlled the urge to frown. A long career as a politician in Sikandara really taught one a thing or two. He smiled instead, though to those who knew him, his eyes were like daggers in that moment, "As you say that a more permanent Sikandari presence should not be rejected outright, though this neutrality, can be argued to be, the cause of a Himyari occupation of Scania. Neutrality very quickly turns into appeasement, President Ooli," the tone was slightly like that of a professor lightly reprimanding an erring pupil, though the smile lightened the tension that would have been felt otherwise. As the Minister Imarri had spoken, Suleymani had not bothered paying attention to a man, who obviously was far too much of a small fish to ever truly take too seriously. "Minister Imarri, our offer is what it is," Suleymani said, his voice was soft, but firm, "It would be rude to turn down such a generous gift from our end... though I can see some merit in this idea of yours President Ooli," he said looking back at the the Saami man, "Perhaps, we too should defer making the final decision on the oil deal."

The Chancellor heard the President speak, "Mr President, I quite like the proposals that you are suggesting on the defence and military front, but..." he paused, building dramatic tension in the room, "it is hardly a compromise. What you suggest is already considered standard between friendly states, at-least in our foreign relations. We stand to provide a lot to your country, but in its place we are not getting any substantive benefits from your country. I do feel that Saamiland has not as yet proven itself to be the ally that merits special treatment on the matter of oil, especially when demand for the substance is higher than ever. It is hard for me to explain in Parliament why I should grant Saamiland such a privileged position." He leaned forward and looked at Ooli in his eyes, "I'm sure you understand... at times the burden of democracy tends to force our hand." Each and every word he had said, despite being direct and possibly rude, had been said with such a disarming style that one would be mistaken to think it as anything but the grievances of a politically compromised politician – which Suleymani certainly was not.

OOC: There's sort of IC room still here for that RP we had planned, if you remember.

 

[Transabina]

President Ooli's face fell. Throughout the negotiations, he had exhibited a sense of cheery optimism and confidence. Now, in an instant he lost his easy charm, taking on a look of determined intensity. His glare met Suleymani's, eyes every bit as piercing as his shorter Sikandari counterpart, standing across the table. He had been watching the man, his sudden changes in demeanor, the way he glowered as he tried to control his reaction when he heard the Saami rejection of his latest offer. But the glazed eyes and dismissive slouch as Minister Imarri spoke told the most about the Sikandari Chancellor's character. It suddenly struck the Saami President: Suleymani was only playing the gracious statesman, but he was in fact just the opposite, a bullish apparatchik, more accustom to dictating orders than negotiating. He had probably been a schoolyard bully, Ooli thought.

As Chancellor Suleymani spoke, it was clear to all the Saami delegates that the Sikandaris were not interested in dealing on this issue. In all probability, a military alliance had been their goal all along, and that their invitation and all this talk of cultural and economic ties were just pretext for getting the Saami President into this awkward situation. On this issue, no negotiation was possible it seemed. 'Very well,' thought President Ooli, 'if the only two options were take it or leave it, he could certainly oblige.'

"It is unfortunate that you consider your democracy such a burden - particularly when your party holds the Emperor's ear so. Or perhaps I my advisers have misinformed me..." President Ooli spoke in a flat tone, his serious expression unflinching as he let the barb sink in. "But perhaps this is just as well. It is not our wish to cause any difficulties for your government. Our nation has thus far managed to provide for its energy needs without the benefit of Sikandari concessions. While it is true, as you say, that demand has risen rapidly, our needs are small and I am confident that we will be able to find other suppliers to meet our needs.

"Of course, you should understand that any discussion of military or intelligence cooperation will likewise have to be deferred. While I am admittedly unfamiliar with how diplomacy is performed here in the Orient, I can assure you that it is not the policy of

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or any other Scandian nation to make friendly diplomatic relations contingent upon military cooperation. Any cooperation on defense is clearly of greater benefit to Sikandara, as this furthers other Sikandari foreign policy goals in Scandia, while jeopardizing established Saami foreign policy. Of course, if these advantages are not evident to the Sikandari people, my government is happy to maintain the status quo."