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Ebria

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Is the west moving towards Post-Delegationism?
EPA

Collectivism in Cayabocan and San Jose, reformism in Gran Occidentia and now the Green Roadrunners in power in Natal, the nations of Westernesse and Occidentia are slowly moving towards a revival of the mostly Toyou limited ideology of Post-Delegationism. The nations of Occidentia have been built in a very oxymoronic way from the nations of Gallo-Germania, many of the colonists, immigrants and pilgrims going west running from the ossified systems of the old world, hoping to reach a place where meritocracy and social mobility was present. This idea is built in the narratives of the nations of the west, which see themselves as bastions of freedom in the face of an encroaching reactionary return to the absolute monarchies of the 19th century in Gallo-Germania and the rest of the old world.
In this case, the collectivist elements of the governance of the Great Archipelagic Republic shows a pathway of political development very similar to the anarcho-communist nation of the Cayabocan, with the differences being seen only in the personality of its president, Jose Constanza, usually dubbed even by the foreign press as "El Presidente", as his magnetic presence overcomes any Cayabocani typical civism, where any random citizen can end up representing the nation in the foreign scene. Even so, the collectivist element in San Jose is very much present, and the importance of the local kin groups as a modern day political unit can be seen as the Great Archipelagic Republic is moving slowly, since its revolution towards a form of anarcho-communism, where direct democracy and social justice are raised as the main elements of the national narrative, building on the importance of El Presidente into as much as a founding father figure. In this case, El Presidente can before one of the first overseers of the transition of San Jose into a Post-Delegationist nation with collectivist characteristics.
A little bit further north, in Natal, the Green faction of the Roadrunner Party has campained since 1980 on a platform of direct democracy, social justice, meritocracy and egalitarianism, besides the ecologic elements of their policies that have been later emphasised in political campaigns. Before becoming the head of the Green Roadrunners, Olivia Harper Poole has been the chairwoman of the Friends of Touzen Association and a member of the Supreme Presidium of the Post-Delegationist Front of the Western Hemisphere, an association that lobbied for the adoption of Post-Delegationist political elements in Natal, the Federation of Westernesse, Cayabocan and San Jose. Now that they have not only won the general elections of Natal, but have won them pushing the PD elements besides the green socialist ones forward, the Green Roadrunners have an open pathway towards transforming the nation as they have finally received the support of the majority of the Natalian people. President Harper Poole has announced that it will push forward the E-Gov Platform, as a way to move the politics of the nation online and to give an easy way for people to vote, sign petitions and promote bills using an encrypted platform that they can log in through their social security number. The Green Roadrunners have also mentioned that they are ready to go as far as to adopt a new constitution where direct democracy is enshrined and where civil, political and economic liberties are fully cemented into the narrative of the nation, together with the social justice, and green politics of the Road Runners.
Further down south, the Republic of Gran Occidentia is the furthest from those political ideas as it is a nation dominated by integralists, which used to promote authoritarianism and radical catholicism, but the election of a new Caudillo seems to have changed the way the nation sees itself in relation to its past, as the new government has condemned the totalitarian episodes of the previous administration, and enticed more and more by Natalian developmental aid, the Gran Occidentian Caudillo can be swayed into supporting further reforms, potentially reaching a point where the nation would resemble politically the current Archipelagic Republic, but from a Catholic Social perspective, rather than a socialist one. El Presidente would be replaced by the Caudillo, Collectivism by Integralism, socialism by the Catholic Social Teachings, changed in name but not very different in form. It remains to be seen if the nation will truly take steps towards harmonising with the liberties of its neighbors or it will remain on its own path.
 

Natal

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The intensity of the Alodian war should not be a surprise
Opinion piece by Zandile Khumalo
EPA CAMP HILL


For many who are used with the image the two Pelasgian Empires emanating the vibes of ancient powers that are stagnating but still alive and kicking, the intensity of the war in Alodia has taken them by surprise. The Alodian Liberation Army, which has made itself known to the world just a mere few weeks ago, seems to have outright overwhelmed the authorities of the Nome of Alodia. In the past five years, no more than seven (!) armed mutinies have taken place in Cyrene, although the authorities of the Sublime State have been very successful in suppressing them and covering them up, painting them as nothing more than disturbances in the garrisons in the country. This shows that while the politicians from Aresura and Cyrene are up in Nikaia acting like Anaxander is still alive and kicking through their mere presence, the empires are rotten to the core and dying.

The war in Alodia seems to represent nothing more than the natural course of a frustrated people, and an old empire trying to still smother reformists, separatists and revolutionaries alike, with the only goal in mind to be cruel, so as to show potential threats what they can expect. Usually this strategy works in the short run, but by now, the lid has come off.

From the initial reports of what is happening in Alodia, the ALA started quite small, but with a significant network of supporters, some going as far as to say that they enjoyed unanimous support from the Alodian population. While at first they used limited military actions that resembled urban guerrillas more, the order coming from Sebastokrator Chrysanthos Fotios Samaras, the head of the Cyrenian government, to pretty much arest everyone considered a sympathiser, order a curfew and all the actions resulting from adopting a military administration over the Nome of Alodia, have escalated the conflict so much.

While the timeline of the events is extremely sketchy as of yet, as very little information comes out, and the one that comes out is nearly impossible to verify, there are many witness reports that state that only a day after the initial arrest operation, which ended up sending over 300 people in custody in Myrthos, armed units in Alodia have mutinied, many joining the Alodian Liberation Army. It is exactly as a response to this, that Sebastokrator Samaras decides to send in the Imperial Army and extends the state of emergency over the whole state, albeit in a lite variation from the extremely severe one in Alodia.

What is extremely hard to comprehend for many is that the Cyrenian state is still a closed off one and it is extremely hard to feel the general vibe of the nation. Out of the seven events that the state called army mutinies, but many see as revolts of the armed forces, five come from armed units from Cyrene proper, three of them even being failed coups organised by the units in the garrisons around Cyrene City. In this environment, Samaras sees his chance to calm everything down in a very classical Pelasgian way, exterminating his opposition and instilling fear into any potential dissidents. His problem is that he is playing a very risky card, as while a victory in Alodia can offer him stability and end this series of revolts (especially is he hands down harsh punishments for it), a simple stumble can be problematic too, for Cyrenian society is clamouring for reform, as the political system mimicking democracy but never giving a chance to any other party but the imperial approved one, mixed in with economic stagnation, rising inflation, widespread corruption and state sponsored abuses, start to be less and less tolerated by the people too. As of yet, Cyrene is a powder keg with a lit fuse and everyone who followed the events in the country isn't surprised about the happenings, but rather, they ask how long is that fuse and when will the keg itself explode. A simple error can bring everything crashing down: a defeat in Alodia, a controversial event like a massacre, or even a Pyrrhic victory that will be seen by many as a useless one. All of that starts a domino effect.

In conclusion, one must not be surprised. The instability here will affect coal and mineral prices a bit, but it is in the end Aresura that holds the important resources in the eastern half of Himyar, hence why international responses to Cyrene's plight were sluggish as best, ignorant at worst. Even so, the Nikaia Conference has shown how blinded the delegations were, with the Pelasgian empires still blabbering on about the heritage of Anaxandros, being completely blinded by the realities on the ground. Something tells me that the average Cyrenian is now more interested to safeguard his economic savings from a crashing currency, or even his own skin, should the Imperial Army be mobilised to wage a war to save the Sublime State, than whatever Anaxandros the Conqueror would do, especially now as he's been dead for nearly 13 centuries.
 

Pelasgia

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Separatist leaders buried in secret, as Western Carians begrudgingly tolerate federal rule
EPA Nauplia

The discovery of the bodies of western Caria's main separatist leaders in the small port town of Fanari, just east of Ambracia, over the weekend was seen by many as the final nail in the coffin of the western Carian states' hope for secession from the Federation. The official story is simple: the dozen or so separatist leaders, including such prominent figures as Senator Frangiskos Samaras, Lord Antonios Karnaros, and Navaronian Delegate Spyridon Dionysiou, were killed by organised criminals when a deal to smuggle them out of Caria went south. Yet, few believe this story. For one, many simply ask why the criminals did not hand the separatist leaders over to the Federal authorities, in exchange for a hefty reward. Moreover, the extreme brutality of the killings seems unnecessary for petty criminals who otherwise had little gripe with a handful of politicians: the separatist leaders were shot multiple times, stripped naked, and then thrown into the sea.

Though few dare say so in public, many in western Caria consider this to have been an extrajudicial killing by the Carian authorities--specifically by the Corps of Special Constables (the successor to the Special Corps of Gendarmes, a specialised internal security spec-ops division of the Carian National Guard). Indeed, the federal authorities themselves seem to be doing little to dispell this myth; if anything, they appear hopeful that the news of the killing will work to intimidate any other local activists into compliance. Moreover, most consider this to be a form of payback by the Carian President, Ioannes Notaras, against the separatist leaders, who murdered his cousin and brother, when the latter two led a federal delegation to Ambracia to negotiate with the separatists. The House of Notaras, it would seem, would like both friend and foe to know that it always settles its scores and pays its debts.

Yet, as the dozen or so slain men were pulled out of the sea and transported away by Federal Police and National Guard troops for a discrete burial in an undisclosed location, many in western Caria are growing uneasy with federal rule. The risk of insurgency has passed, and the new federal constitution is in force, following a successful carrying out of a referendum to approve it--a referendum in which only the two western Carian states, Ambracia and Navarone, voted to reject the proposed amendments. Nonetheless, as presidential and general elections approach, western Caria remains under martial law and direct rule from Nauplia, under an appointed Governor General. Western Carians wonder just how long this state of affairs will continue; and many opposition figures decry this as an attempt at voter intimidation and suppression in the predominantly Catholic region, which has traditionally opposed the ruling Carian Federalists, who draw their support from the orthodox east and centre of the country.


For now, any reaction has been limited to a few peaceful marches, always under intense police surveillance, as well as complaints on online forums and social media. Yet, as the soil covering the bodies of the separatist leaders is still warm, many wonder if the western Caria will continue to passively tolerate direct rule from Nauplia--itself enforced by a small army of federal police officers and National Guard anti-riot units.​
 

Ostmark

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EPA Wien
OSTMARK: A NATION OF CHANGES, HOPE.. AND LASER LIGHTS
Two years later we went back to Wien, Ostmark.

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WIEN (Republic of Ostmark) - It was a cold night of January, 2020. Me and my colleagues from European Press Association had the crazy idea to venture into a dystopic holiday in what was back then known as the People's Republic of Ostmark. Hidden in the remote and frozen north-eastern mountains of Germania, touched by the cold shores of the Gothic Sea, this small german-speaking nation was ruled with an iron fist by Volkskanzler Horst Grasser. Obtaining the visa and the necessary papers just to set foot in Ostmark could be described as an adventure by itself, considering how long we were held in the Customs area of Wien's deserted International Airport. Functionaries in formal attires almost certainly from the infamous Staatssicherheittsdienst, State Security Service, asked us dozens if not hundreds of questions. At some point we genuinely feared we were getting kidnapped by the shady agents of the National-Syndicalist political police, only find out we were to be granted a temporary 48 hours visa despite having provided all the necessary papers for a longer stay.

Our stay and experience in Wien two years ago, could be described with a single word: surreal. The hammering propaganda promoted by the regime collided with the scarcity of commodities, cars, clothes, electronics, house appliances, even food variety. Of each of said item the nation's centrally planned economy provided at best one or two models or brands. The OMW-19 Arbeiter was the only car available for sale, manufactured by state-owned Ostmarkische Motoren Werke. There was only one clothes brand "OSTyle" (pun intended?), and only one supermarket chain which also offered only one brand of soda, one brand of chocolate, of pasta and sauces. But dairy was available in abudance, probably thanks to the centuries old cattle rising traditions.


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Left: Wien's International Airport, January 2020; Right: Wien's International Airport, January 2022.


Ostmarkians were not very happy about our presence or, most likely, they were very afraid of getting in trouble simply for starting a conversation with us. All our questions addressed to the local population have been left unanswered. Even taxi drivers sometimes had refused us a ride when they realized we were foreigners from Westernesse. They knew, or had taken for granted and obvious, that our presence was also accompained by an agent of the State Security Service who followed us through our entire stay. Thing had changed tho when, during the first night, we decided to try the night-life side of National-Syndicalism and walked our way to a huge night club in the northern outskirts of the city: Eastern Lights - People's Disco Club. It was owned by the Youth League of the National-Syndikalistische Volkspartei with the only purpose of providing entertainment for young and older folks alike in a strictly controlled and monitored environment in which National-Syndicalist propaganda blended with the 80s retro electronic sounds that dominated the Ostmarkian music scene.

The latter can be summarized with one music genre: O s t w a v e. We spent the night at Eastern Lights where customers ranging from their late teens to their fifties seemed to ignore the reality in which they lived. It was clear to all of us that Ostmarkians used Eastern Lights as some sort of alternate reality, some sort of secret room to let their sorrow and frustration fade away before being forced out at five in the morning and back into the gritty and grim life in an omni-present totalitarian dictatorship. And this is where our new experience, two years later, will start.

Our arrival was welcomed by some of the busiest airport crowds we have ever seen. It took us almost an hour to recover our baggages due to a lack of infrastructures and terminals to accomodate such a busy traffic of business class flights. A strong contrast to our previous experience where the Grenztruppen officers and State Security Service agents outnumbered passengers by at least one to ten. In the Airport's hall neon lights highlighted dozens of commercials and ads for all sorts of items and brands: cars, clothes, laptops, smartphones, sodas from Westernesse, travel agencies that promised incredible experiences in the remote archipelago of Südinsel-Isla del Sur. Fast food chains and bars had seemingly endless queues of hungry customers eager to buy a cheeseburger or a pack of fried chips or taste a traditional Ostmarkian beer. Everything, from the moment our plane touched ground on the strip to the moment we walked out of the airport, looked different.



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Left: Public housing in northern Wien, January 2020; Right: Public housing in northern Wien, January 2022.


We stepped outside only to be sorrounded by a sort-of-gang of taxi drivers who were competing one against each other to win our favor and have the privilege to take us to the city centre. On our way to Wien we clearly noticed the contrast between the old and the new ways. While cars are available in many different brand and and models, we still spotted a few OMW-19s. Some of the residential buildings were not in their best conditions but most of them were undergroing renovating works as teams of busy carpenters climbed their ways up the walls to replace the grey and monotonous paint with colourful alternatives. Restaurants, pubs and bars were also packed with distinctively young crowds who displayed all sorts of fancy clothes albeit a little bit too "old fashioned" for our standards. Luxury cars made in the Rheinbund were also displayed as some sort of trophy, as a message to all those who stopped by to admire them. The message was clear: I have become rich. Envy me now.

By midnight we were waiting in queue to make our entry in our favorite place ever: Eastern Lights. Just like then rest of the country the club renovated itself and dropped its National-Syndicalist rethoric, at least in the name. Now known as Eastern Lights Dance&Dinner Club, one year ago the place had been acquired by Mark Adelberg, AKA Laserwehr, who is considred by everyone as the pioneer and unmatched King of the Ostwave Sound. His mission? To provide fun and prove his theory that Ostwave is the solution to all issues, no matter what they are. Are you sad? Listen to Ostwave. Are you mad? Listen to Ostwave. Is a war breaking out in central Germania? Make an Ostwave track about it. Finally it's our turn, the security guards give us a quick look and they seem to approve our Ostwave-inspired outfit. They nod and open the door. Finally we get to the moment we have been so eagerly waiting for.


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An Ostwave artist performs on the stage of Eastern Lights Dance&Dinner Club, Wien.

An ultimate storm of lasers and neon lights accompained by a seemingly infinite number of shiny revolving mirror balls overwhelmed us while the redundant basslines and synthetized beats inebriated our brains before we even reached the counter where, as usual, busy bartenders were puouring liters of tequila, rum, whiskey and other exotic liquors from all over the world. Of course a night in Wien is not fullfilled without a pint of traditional Ostmarkian beer. But be careful: in large quantities, Ostmarkian beer can break down the toughest man. Soon enough people had noticed our presence, probably by overheading our conversations and our accents. "WESTERNESSE?? WE LOVE WESTERNESSE! OH JA WESTERNESSE IST GUT!". A visibly drunk girl approached us from the crowd but we could barely hear her voice because of the loud music, but we nodded and smiled in return nonetheless. She smiled back and stumbled and then quickly disappeared into the dancefloor, where legends say she is still dancing up to this day. Soon enough it's 5 in the morning and i am realizing i've had one or two too many shots of tequila from Isla del Sur and the spiciest Tarusan vodka. I woke up the next day in my hotel room with one of the most annoying headaches i have ever experienced. A night in Wien: that's what we needed to release all our work-related stress. Sometimes i wonder if is there any place like Eastern Lights? Probably not.

We stayed in Wien for almost a week and we can affirm with a certain degree of confidence that Ostmark has finally left its past behind. We could feel it and see it in the people's faces which, compared to our previous experience in early 2020 at the height of Horst Grasser's regime, looked much more relaxed and chilling. Here and there a picture of Chancellor Walter Eidman was accompanied by inspirational slogans in support of democracy and freedom but we were assured by the locals we had interesting talks with that Ostmark has always been fond of the "strong man in power". Can Eidman be considered a strong man? Probably not. Not by today's standards, but many Ostmarkians agree that Kanzler Eidman is the hero they needed and probably did not fully deserve.

Eidman had found a nation politically, economically and socially in ruins but, as opposed to his predecessor, he used the anger and frustrations of the Ostmarkian people not to acquire more power and influence but instead channeled it into a tremendous social, economic and political reconstruction effort that eventually paved the way for the return of a true democratic rule in a society that, by all accounts, is even better than what it used to be before the rise of the National-Syndicalist People's Party in late 2018. All economic datas confirm that Eidman's reforms have not only preserved the integrity of the working and middle classes but also allowed Ostmarkians, for the first time in many years, to take advantage of a capitalist economic system (albeit very influenced by Democratic Socialism) in which equal opportunities are met with equal duties and entitlements. Do Ostmarkians actually think that their country is perfect? Absolutely not. In fact Ostmarkians hate Ostmark as much as they love it and it is for this reason that with a fair degree of German arrogance and self-righteousness, Ostmarkians will always believe their country is and will always best country in the world.
 
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Pelasgia

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As elections approach and the opposition looks to make gains, Propontis cracks down on civil society
Special report by Alexandra Kokkinou
EPA Propontis

Passers-by and commuters looked on as police officers and vehicles surrounded the offices of the All-Pelasgian Association for Minority Rights (PASYMEDI). The scene was a familiar one to most residents of the Pelasgian Empire's capital, a city of some eleven million people: an NGO was being targeted but a few days after the courts had rejected its attempts at advancing some kind of reform, and the media had largely ignored or decried the protests that it had organised. The charges, too, were familiar: violations of laws prohibiting foreign funding of NGOs, along with various tax violations, and accusations of disturbing public order and offending general morality. As PASYMEDI's leader, the lawyer Ilias Maximianos, was led out of the office building in handcuffs, few wondered what sentence the Propontis District Court would return but a few days later. The only question is whether Mr. Maximianos will find himself behind bars in mainland Pelasgia, or on one of the dozens of arid islets used as open-air labour and detention camps for political dissidents by the Imperial State.

Elsewhere in Propontis, opposition figures find themselves increasingly constrained and scrutinized, as election season approaches in a few months. Nikolas Psaros and Vartholomaios Prototokis have been widely regarded as the most likely candidates for the People's Democratic Party (PDP), the main rival to the incumbent National Liberal Party (NLP). The NLP, which is a conservative party in spite of its name, has dominated Pelasgian politics for decades, holding power almost without interruption since the 1950s, and being seen as the parliamentary face of the Pelasgian "deep state" (the established power centres within the country's armed and intelligence services, as well as the influential circles of the Throne and the business community). Neither man started his career with the PDP; Psaros, a medical doctor, got into politics by joining the democratic socialist Socialist Labour Party, while volunteering to offer free healthcare services to the working poor of Pelasgia's major industrial port cities. Prototokis, a trade unionist and lawyer, originally was involved with the far-right National Phalanx, which is seen by many as the only party standing up for the rural poor flocking to Pelasgia's cities in search of work, as the country's ever growing population struggles to find space due to high fertility and low infant mortality rates.

"At a certain point, we both realised that we were both working toward the same thing," said Psaros, speaking to us in a café at the working class port district of Galatopyrgos. "Vartholomaios wanted to fight against the bourgeois' elites exploitation of and discrimination against rural Pelasgians. I wanted to improve the situation of the urban poor, including many who'd come from the provinces, because the Church--which handles education, healthcare, and most social services in Pelasgia--does not dedicate enough resources to sufficiently provide the lower classes with services, despite its immense wealth. Richer Pelasgians and established urbanites can afford private options--but the poor and first-generation city dwellers can't. This is where the system falls apart." Prototokis, sitting beside him, nods along. "Urban workers will blame the rural poor for this situation, telling them 'go back to your towns and villages--you're the reason we don't have enough hospital beds or school desks.' In turn, the rural poor turn into scabs or develop a ghettorised mentality. I've seen it first hand. But that's not the solution. The problem is, fundamentally, that Pelasgia is not properly organised as a modern, urbanised state, in spite of its wealth and strength."

Psaros explains that they both met while representing rival factions hosting soup kitchens and clothing distributions for poor Pelasgians in the working class district of Stavrodromi, between the old city centre and the harbour of Propontis. "At some point, we both realised that the solutions and problems our parties went on about where only pieces of the puzzle," Prototokis continues, taking a sip of traditional Propontine tea with honey--a habit he picked up from Psaros. "Radical socialism, ultranationalism--they would do little to help our constituents. What we needed was reform: soft secularism (separating the State and the Church without attacking the traditions people rely on to survive); social support and the provision of social services by the government; measures to combat overpopulation; reform of unjust laws driving the poor away from inland Pelasgia, and lending them to exploitation in the cities; and a general fostering of solidarity through a common national identity, which does not discriminate between regions, classes, and groups of Pelasgians."

"But, that's not really possible within the current framework," Psaros explains. "We need to change the political system to allow Pelasgians true political representation. So long as the 'State of Steel' (the term Pelasgians use for their military-intelligence service-dominated 'deep state') remains intact, only surface level changes will occur, without addressing the fundamental issue." With this idea in mind, the two men, widely popular among both the working class and the rising middle class of urban Pelasgia, as well as many poorer rural voters, have decided to take the fight to the NLP in the coming election. They have largely succeeded in seizing power from the old guard of the PDP--but still face the task of winning an election against an entrenched foe. "We've been monitored and followed, and so have our supporters," Prototokis claims. "Authorities delay or give us trouble even for the most minor of formalities; screen-time is hard to get or mostly negative, and still far less than that of the NLP. The other opposition parties also don't miss a chance to attack us--I feel that they're in bed with the NLP, which is why I left the National Phalanx."

The two men say that they will continue their struggle, even in the face of growing repression by authorities. "Pelasgia is still, on paper, a parliamentary constitutional monarchy," Psaros affirms. Yet, the two men admit that what happened to PASYMEDI might happen to them one day, if they step too far out of line. Indictments against a handful of opposition MPs for tax and other violations were made last week--all of them linked to PASYMEDI and other opposition activist groups. "And that's not to say of what the State of Steel might do if it truly feels threatened," Psaros adds. "When the ballots aren't in their favour... the powerful of Propontis have never hesitated to resort to tanks."​
 

Serenierre

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Serenierre economic woes continue; inflation breaks records
EPA Villesen

The past few years have been difficult for the economy of Serenierre. That much is certain. With political uncertainty and economic volatility becoming the norm in this once peaceful francophone nation, more and more it seems that the Confederal Government is losing its grip on the country's complicated economic situation. Last year, President Maximilien Hortefeux negotiated a massive 6.5 billion goldmark loan from a consortium of international banks to stabilise the Serenien Livre - a controversial policy decision - but now, barely two months into the new year inflation seems to be becoming a serious threat to his government's agenda.

There remain rumours that the Serenien President is expected to dismiss his Finance Minister and call on the Parliament to sanction the current Governor of the Central Bank to make drastic changes in the country's economic, monetary, and fiscal policy framework.
 

Serenierre

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Central Bank Governor forced to resign by parliamentary edict
EPA Villesen

The Serenien legislature has dealt a crushing blow to the Governor of the Central Bank by issuing a decree which forced him to resign from his office on account of the gross mismanagement of the fiscal and monetary policy of the country over the past four years. With a precarious current account balance and heightened levels of inflation, the Serenien economy has been considered over the past few years to be at risk of suffering a major economic downturn.

President Hortefeux, who has expended a considerable amount of political capital to force a change in the Central Bank, has also set his eyes on the bureaucracy of the Finance Ministry, which has in previous administrations functioned almost as a state within a state.
 

Pelasgia

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Caria and HFE sign military procurement, trade agreements
EPA Nauplia

The Kingdom of Caria and the @Holy Frankish Empire have signed a lengthy and substantial military procurements package, whereby Nauplia is set to buy several millions' worth of sophisticated materiel from Chagny. According to the agreement, Caria seeks to purchase thousands of advanced anti-armour launchers, as well as hundreds of anti-air launcher systems, several anti-aircraft batteries, and 100 Fallwind F-3 jets. The last purchase is most interesting because Caria, alongside the @Rheinbund, is one of the producers of the Fallwind--nevertheless, the purchase of the jets is likely owed to Caria's own wish to replace older Fallwind models and previous aircraft variants still in service with newer Fallwinds; the fact that Chagny is selling its own fleet of upgraded and well-maintained jets at a discounted price, per its design to replace them with more advanced domestic designs, is an additional boon.

The most notable purchase in the package, however, are the four batteries of TY3-A SAM batteries--an advanced system, which the Carians likely hope to use to counterbalance the numerical advantage of the Pelasgian People's Air Force--whose own procurement programme has closed the gap with the more advanced but smaller Carian military in recent years. This purchase has drawn the ire of Propontis, which has warned Caria against any use of the system to disrupt the current balance of power in the Propontine Straits and White Archipelago region--as the island-filled area between the two countries is known. Though the TY3-A is not nearly as advanced as the Pelasgians' own MESPEA4 Mobile SAM System, it is still a significant weapon, which could enable the Carians to successfully fortify their islands and southern coastal areas--particularly the disputed island of Hagios Georgios. Of course, a deployment of the system to Hagios Georgios would likely outrage the Pelasgians, as it would, for the first time, place Carian SAM range at the doorstep of the Pelasgian mainland.

A far less controversial agreement was the Free Trade treaty concluded by the Pelasgian Prime Minister and representatives of the Holy Frankish Emperor at the two governments' meeting. The document provides for relax tariffs and reduced non-tariff barriers to trade between Caria and the Empire, as well as relaxed visa and travel restrictions, streamlined bureaucracy for mutual investments, dispute resolution, and other such basic provisions to promote mutual trade and capital flows. Caria has major ports and a large merchant marine, so the easing port duties contemplated by other provisions in the agreement is also far from surprising. The agreement is expected to boost both countries' economies, while further integrating the Gallian economy and the Meridian trade routes, after a year of uncertainty caused by geopolitical instability.
 

Ostmark

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EPA Wien
OSTWAVE: THE ENCHANTING SOUNDTRACK OF OSTMARK'S TRANSITION

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WIEN (Republic of Ostmark) - Three years ago a parallel revolution occured in the heart of Ostmark, and it goes by the name of Ostwave. A fusion of retro electronic beats and nostalgic synth melodies, Ostwave has taken the nation by storm, becoming the unofficial anthem of Ostmark's transition from a repressive past to a brighter future. Born amidst the echoes of change that swept through the country after the fall of the National-Syndicalist regime, Ostwave emerged as a form of artistic expression that reflects the nation's journey towards democracy and freedom. The genre's pulsating rhythms and mesmerizing melodies resonate with the hopes, dreams, and aspirations of a new generation, eager to embrace the possibilities of an open and inclusive society.

At the forefront of the Ostwave movement stands Mark Adelberg, better known by his stage name "Laserwehr." He is hailed as the pioneer and King of Ostwave, having played a crucial role in popularizing the genre both within Ostmark and beyond its borders. Laserwehr's music is a mesmerizing blend of electronic sounds, incorporating elements of 80s synth-pop with a modern twist. Ostwave's unique sound is characterized by its evocative synthesizers, infectious basslines, and ethereal vocals, creating an atmosphere that feels simultaneously nostalgic and futuristic. It reflects a harmonious blend of Ostmark's past and its aspirations for the future, mirroring the country's journey from a closed-off and insular state to a more open and vibrant society.

As Ostmarkians embraced the changes taking place in their nation, Ostwave has become the soundtrack of their lives, playing in cafes, clubs, and public spaces across the country. It resonates with the hearts of the people, inspiring a sense of unity and pride in their homeland. Ostwave transcends cultural and generational boundaries, appealing to both the young and the old, symbolizing a collective desire to move forward as a nation. In the bustling capital of Wien, clubs like Eastern Lights have become the pulsing heart of the Ostwave movement. These venues offer a space for young Ostmarkians to come together, dance, and immerse themselves in the euphoric sounds of Ostwave. The clubs have become a symbol of freedom, a stark contrast to the controlled and monitored spaces they once were during the National-Syndicalist era.

As Ostwave gains momentum, it has also caught the attention of the international music scene. The genre's infectious beats and unique blend of nostalgia and modernity have captivated audiences beyond Ostmark's borders, with fans from neighboring nations and even across the globe becoming enamored with the enchanting sound. The rise of Ostwave is not just about music; it represents a cultural renaissance, as artists, designers, and creatives across the nation draw inspiration from the movement. Vibrant street art, expressive fashion, and innovative designs have sprung up, reflecting the newfound spirit of artistic freedom.

Ostwave is more than just a musical genre; it is a symbol of hope. As the nation looks towards the future, Ostwave stands as a testament to the power of music to transcend boundaries and unite people under a common rhythm. As Laserwehr once said in an interview, "Ostwave is not just a genre; it's a feeling. It's the sound of our nation's heartbeat as it beats in sync with the pulse of change." Indeed, Ostwave has become the anthem of a nation in transition, guiding Ostmark towards a brighter and more harmonious future.
 
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Tarusa

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Tarusan Civil War, stand-offs continue, casualty estimates
EPA Piramida

As the civil war has continued onwards without the violence and bloodshed of historical civil conflicts many have wondered what exactly is happening between the two sides. While information from the Kremlyov controlled and the mainland portions of the Empire are hard to come by, the Konstantinist side has been more forthcoming with international media sources, allowing reporting to a limited extent.

Exact figures of the casualties suffered by both sides has been a tightly held secret our estimates have put a total of roughly anywhere between 1,000-2,000 killed in action with roughly the same number of wounded. This comes from engagements near Kremlyov and the sinking of the Imperial Frigate Vernost with all hands aboard.


Many have wondered why more fighting has not erupted between the two sides or any major offensives have been launched. The whispers from members of the Konstantinist camp in Piramida believe that it comes down to a preservation of forces. Neither side looking to give a distinct advantage to its domestic enemy, but more importantly, the foreign enemy. Stating that the European Forum and its designs on the Empire and the foreign forces being positioned in the Meridian Sea and against the Kingdom of Csengia has led to a very cautious approach by Konstantin as he desires to preserve the Empire and his forefathers' legacies, while striking a path of his own.

This is also coupled with some rumors and speaking with soldiers of the Konstantinist camp that neither desire to kill their own countrymen, and somewhat question the deals that have been rumored to have been made with the very nations that had signed onto the European Forums measures against the Empire. Many are just currently happy to have yet been sent to fight against their countrymen, and are hopeful for the best, while some are currently beginning to find themselves dissatisfied with both members of the royal family by the actions of betrayal in some form or manner against the interests of the Empire.
 

Ostmark

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OSTMARK GRAPPLES WITH ISOLATION AMIDST GOTHIC SEA CONFLICT
EPA Wien


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Wien (Ostmark) - As tensions escalate in the neighboring Hanseatic Republics, Ostmark finds itself increasingly isolated on the global stage. A nation known for its peaceful disposition, Ostmark is grappling with an unfortunate reality as the Tarusan Empire's invasion of the Hanseatic Republics unfurls. Situated on the eastern border of the Gothic Sea, the small Germanian Republic has long been connected to the maritime trade routes that crisscrossed the Thaumantic Ocean. However, the ongoing military conflict between Tarusa and the Hanseatic Republics, along with the fierce aerial battles raging in the skies above the Gothic Sea, has cast a dark shadow of isolation over the nation.

The Hanseatic Republics, Ostmark's southern neighbor, is under siege. This situation has severely disrupted maritime trade in the region, leading to the suspension of shipping routes and flight cancellations to and from the Republic of Ostmark. The bustling docks of Ostmark's coastal cities now stand silent, their once-frequent visitors absent. In normal times, the sound of international visitors exploring Ostmark's rich culture and natural beauty echoed through its streets. Now, the streets are quieter, the hotels less full, and the restaurants less crowded. As Ostmark's citizens watch the turmoil unfold to the south and the fierce aerial combat to the north, a palpable sense of uncertainty hangs in the air.

The Republic of Tianlong, a major economic partner, has taken precautionary measures by advising its citizens to leave Gothic Sea region countries and return home. However, Ostmark, due to its geographic isolation caused by the ongoing conflicts, cannot offer its citizens or visitors the ease of transit they once enjoyed. In response, the Ostmarkian government has extended a helping hand to foreign nationals stranded within its borders. Despite the challenging circumstances, a message of solidarity and hospitality has been conveyed to Tianlong's citizens. They are being offered extended stays and shelter in Ostmark's hotels until the situation allows for the resumption of flights.

While the nation remains committed to neutrality and its longstanding principles of peace and diplomacy, the current circumstances have undoubtedly strained the fabric of Ostmark's international connections. Trade and flight routes that once linked Ostmark to distant lands have become severed, and the country is left in a state of isolation.

The government of Ostmark is acutely aware of the gravity of the situation. As the conflict unfolds, there is growing concern about the possibility of Ostmark being drawn into the war. To bolster its defenses and maintain a vigilant presence, Ostmark's Territorial Defense Force has recalled all reservists to be deployed near the border. While the people of Ostmark remain steadfast, hoping for a swift resolution to the crisis and a return to the open seas and skies that have long defined their nation's identity, the government remains cautious. In the face of isolation, Ostmark's spirit endures, rooted in the belief that peace will eventually prevail, and the nation will once again welcome the world with open arms.
 

Ostmark

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UNRAVELING TARUSAN TURMOIL: OSTMARK'S PRUDENT SILENCE
Ostmarkian Officials Withhold Commentary as the Tarusan Empire Faces Internal Upheaval
EPA Wien

WIEN (Ostmark) - In the wake of the reported explosion at Tsarskoye Selo, the summer palace of the Tarusan Emperors, Ostmark has maintained a conspicuous silence on the unfolding developments within the Tarusan Empire. The tragic demise of Emperor Ivan, reportedly killed in the explosion along with members of his personal guard, has thrust the nation into a new era of uncertainty.

Ostmarkian authorities, known for their measured and diplomatic approach on the international stage, have yet to release an official statement regarding the events in Tarusa. While political pundits and citizens alike are hungry for insights from the government presided by Chancellor Karina Berger, the decision to withhold commentary appears consistent with Ostmark's longstanding policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations.

The establishment of the Republic of Tarusa, led by General Yakov Kosogov, has added an additional layer of complexity to an already convoluted situation. General Kosogov's rejection of Konstantin's claim to the throne has set the stage for potential power struggles within the Tarusan borders. Reports of military factions aligning with different political ideologies further underscore the fragility of the nation's political landscape.

The small Republic of Ostmark, situated to the west of Tarusa, has historically been cautious in navigating its relations with neighboring nations. The lack of an official statement suggests a deliberate effort to observe and analyze the unfolding events before making any commitments. The delicate balance maintained by Ostmarkian authorities reflects a commitment to regional stability while avoiding entanglements in the internal strife of its neighbors but Ostmark, with its own turbulent history and a commitment to internal stability, is undoubtedly observing the developments with a discerning eye. The absence of an official statement also suggests a careful evaluation of the risks and opportunities that may emerge as the situation in Tarusa evolves.

Analysts speculate that Ostmark's reticence may also be guided by a desire to maintain economic stability in the face of potential regional instability. The Republic, having undergone significant political transformations in its recent history, is keenly aware of the challenges associated with political upheaval. As the Tarusan Empire grapples with its internal divisions, Ostmark appears poised to respond with pragmatism and a keen eye on the preservation of its own stability. Observers eagerly await the Republic's official position, recognizing that Ostmark's role in the unfolding Tarusan drama may be defined by a cautious and strategic approach.

One of the critical factors guiding Ostmark's cautious approach might be the vast disparity in the sizes of the armed forces between the two nations. Tarusa, with a historically formidable military, poses a potential threat that the Ostmarkian government is keenly aware of. The memory of past animosities and geopolitical tensions casts a long shadow over Ostmark's considerations. The Ostmarkian armed forces, while disciplined and well-trained, pale in comparison to the might of the Tarusan military machine. The historical context of strained relations, exacerbated by disparities in military capabilities, has created an environment where Ostmark treads carefully in its engagement with its powerful neighbor.

Analysts also posit that the government's silence may be motivated by a desire to avoid exacerbating already tense relations. Ostmark, having experienced the weight of civil conflict in its recent history, understands the perils of getting entangled in the internal strife of a nation with significantly larger military capacities.

Ostmark's strategic positioning reflects an acute awareness of the delicate balance required to maintain regional stability. The government's measured response underscores its commitment to preserving the hard-won peace and stability within its borders. As the Tarusan Empire grapples with its internal divisions, Ostmark is likely to continue navigating the delicate tightrope between diplomatic restraint and the imperative to safeguard its own interests in Germania.
 

Serenierre

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Karachi, Sindh
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Villesen
Queen Ariadne visits Lexkirk to rally Serenien Red Cross volunteers
EPA (Lexkirk) | Queen Ariadne of Serenierre embarked on an important visit to the Thaumantic capital today in her capacity as the patron of the Red Cross Society of Serenierre (RCSS). Recognized for her longstanding association with the international initiatives of RCSS, which actively collaborates with various medical organizations worldwide, her arrival marks a significant moment in fostering global health services. The focus of her visit to Lexkirk was to commend the unwavering commitment of Serenien volunteers engaged in medical and rescue operations within conflict-stricken regions.

In a heartfelt gesture, Queen Ariadne, representing her husband, the King of Serenierre, bestowed medals upon thirty doctors who had displayed exceptional dedication amid recent conflicts.

While the Serenien Ministry of Foreign Affairs clarified that the Queen's visit did not align with specific governmental directives, her warm reception by Thaumantic protocol officials was notable. Notably, alongside representatives from the Royal Household, Queen Ariadne was accompanied by a substantial civil servant delegation, reportedly engaging in sideline discussions with Thaumantic government representatives during the visit.
 

Serenierre

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Serenien Government seeks high level teleconference over Angliarique
EPA (Villesen) | Following the failure of the high-level Propontis Summit, the Government of Serenierre has reportedly kicked into high gear and has reached out to the governments of a number of nations to discuss the Angliarique Government's increasingly bellicose conduct over the past few weeks via a secure teleconference. Given the recent failure of diplomacy in Propontis, it is believed that the Premier is not seeking to waste any further time in arranging summits.

Well placed sources in the Serenien Government, speaking on the condition of anonymity, have reported to EPA that Premier Renaudierre is seeking to create an international consensus regarding the imposition of sanctions on Angliarique if it continues to act in a manner contrary to international law. It is expected that the impact of an internationally coordinated sanctions regime will impact the island nation more profoundly. The Angliarique economy is expected to be especially fragile in recent times on account of an excessive focus on its military and an allegedly underdeveloped economic base to sustain the massive military build up it is currently engaged in.

It remains to be seen whether Premier Renaudierre will succeed in rallying the international community against the Government of Angliarique.
 

Ostmark

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OSTMARK'S ECONOMIC RENAISSANCE AND DIPLOMATIC PROWESS DRAW GLOBAL ATTENTION
In a world hungry for stories of peace, freedom and progress, Ostmark stands tall, signaling to the global community that positive change is not only possible but achievable with a determined leadership and a commitment to collaboration.
EPA Wien

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WIEN (Ostmark) - In recent weeks, the Republic of Ostmark has emerged as a focal point of international attention, showcasing not only an impressive economic resurgence but also engaging in diplomatic maneuvers that could potentially reshape regional dynamics. The catalyst for this newfound prominence lies in the recently signed Treaty of Wien and a series of talks between Ostmark and the Empire of Tarusa, aimed at fostering economic cooperation and mitigating longstanding regional tensions.

Ostmark, once shackled by the remnants of its National-Syndicalist past and a devastating economic default, has orchestrated an economic renaissance that captivates global observers. Under the leadership of Chancellor Walter Eidman and Chancellor Karina Berger, the nation has successfully transitioned from the shadows of a tumultuous history to become a stable and strong emerging economy in Germania. Aided by prudent internal economic policies and strategic foreign investments, Ostmark's economy has experienced robust growth, transforming it into a, if not the only, beacon of economic and political stability in the region.

The completion of the new port in Wien, financed by Pelasgian firms, also stands as a testament to Ostmark's commitment to fostering international economic ties. The strategic location of this port positions Ostmark as a key player in the global trade network, further solidifying its reputation as an attractive destination for foreign investments.

Simultaneously, Ostmark's diplomatic overtures with the Empire of Tarusa are garnering national support. The talks, initiated by Prime Minister Bakhmeteff of Tarusa and Chancellor Karina Berger, signify a bold step towards regional cooperation and harmony. The proposed reduction in tariff rates paint a picture of two nations willing to set aside historical animosities for the greater good. Foreign analysts widely view these diplomatic engagements as a strategic move by Ostmark to consolidate its position as a diplomatic and economic bridge between Eastern and Western powers, a role which could provide a foundation for stability in a historically tense region.

From a global perspective, Ostmark's recent developments are seen as a beacon of hope and an exemplar of diplomatic finesse. Analysts acknowledge that Ostmark's transformation not only benefits its citizens but also contributes to the broader goal of regional stability. The nation's commitment to dialogue, transparency, and economic cooperation is positioning it as a stabilizing force in a world that often grapples with uncertainty.

As Ostmark navigates the delicate balance between its historical baggage and a future of promise, international eyes remain fixed on the Republic, curious to witness the unfolding chapters of its economic and diplomatic narrative. In a world hungry for stories of peace, freedom and progress, Ostmark stands tall, signaling to the global community that positive change is not only possible but achievable with a determined leadership and a commitment to collaboration.
 

Socialist Commonwealth

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Revy
Environmentalists rally against Carian bridge, Angliarique coal power
EPA

Environmentalists groups in Gallo-Germania have decried both plans by the government of Remuria for a bridge linking the country's south to Pelasgia, as well as plans by the government of Angliarique to tap into newfound coal reserves and boost its domestic power production. Notably the European Conservationists Alliance, an umbrella organization of different groups in Gallo-Germania, has decried the projects as "two steps back and none forward within one week", as both projects had been announced within days of each other.

Its opposition to a bridge intended to link Inova and Nauplia through Navarone has been backed up by marine biologists and other experts, who have adressed the plans in an open letter, expressing fears that any such construction project might irrevocably alter the delicate hydrological ecology of the Gulf of Tibur. "We are facing potentially lasting damage to a delicate ecosystem," the letter states, pointing out the importance of the area for both its ecological diversity and cultural importance. "The gulf is a natural treasure belonging to all of humanity and we should not endanger it carelessly," the researchers conclude.

Further opposition to the bridge comes from the local fishing industry, who fears the construction works might alter water quality, disturb the flow of fresh water into the gulf and thus damage the wealth of maritime produce that has historically helped to feed the region and provided income to thousands of people. Fears concern particularily the farming of mussels in the gulf, an industry already suffering from the stresses of regional industrialization which has led to diminishing yeilds in recent decades.

Meanwhile, groups under the umbrella of the European Conservationists Alliance have also rallied against Angliarique, calling its plans to utilize newfound coal reserves for energy production "careless" and "backwards". "Coal is the most dirty, most damaging source of energy known to man," a spokesperson of the ECA commented. "The government of Angliarique isn't just carelessly endangering the health and wellbeing of its own citizens, but of people far beyond its borders. It is time we realize that, in the age of man-made climate change, it is not a domestic issue whether a government decides to blow tons of carbon dioxide into the athmosphere."
 

Socialist Commonwealth

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Commonwealth calls for calm in Ebria crisis, denounces Radilan intervention
EPA Svetograd

In a press conference adressing the ongoing crisis in Ebria, the CSCR has called for non-intervention in Ebrian affairs. "The ongoing constitutional crisis in the Ebrian nation has the potential to quickly spiral out of control and engulf the whole continent in a war," the Commissar for Foreign Affairs warned, urging foreign powers to abstain from interventionist expeditions and warning that these could risk creating "a second Ostveg".

Her comments targeted the nation of Radilo explicitely, which had just announced the departure of troops to aid the ruling government against an ongoing coup attempt. "Radilo should step away from the brink and give the parties of Ebria the chance to negotiate a peaceful settlement to this crisis," the Commissar said, pointing out that, under Ebrian law, the now legitimate monarch is on the side of the putschist forces. "This is a mess created by the folly of monarchical systems, it can't be solved by Radilan bombs."

"Thusfar, no shots have been fired by either side of the conflict, the tragic terrorist attack that brought us into this situation not withstanding. It is still possible for the insurgents to back down, for negotiations to occur. Once Radilo invades Ebria, this will be impossible". The Commissar added that the CSCR would "loathe a world in which other regional powers will emulate this move", clearly hinting at a possible Tarusan intervention without outright naming such.
 

Ebria

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Bucharest
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Republican Proclamation radicalises both camps and protests erupt in Ebria
EPA Sahagún

The republican proclamation has radicalisted both the democratic and the Alfonsist camp in the Ebrian conflict, as both sides have seen each other support across the fronts drawn by the military. The republic was recently re-proclaimed by the democratic camp, in the aftermath of the defection of Infante Alfonso, the heir to the throne, as Infanta Maria, the queen Marie of Ostveg-Jysken has renounced the throne as she converted to Lutheranism, apostatizing from Catholicism, to become queen in the north. The defection led the elected government of Ana Isabel Gallego and Dario Rios to proclaim that the Avila Accords, which provided a framework for the institutional referendum to restore the monarchy. Even so, the defection of Infante Alfonso, even if condemned by some members of the house de Sanchez, has been seen as a violation of the Avila Accords by the royalist side, leading to the return of the republic through a proclamation.

This has brought protests in democratic controlled areas of Ebria, with protests and demonstrations in Sahagun, Avila, Ranero, Villanueva, Chiste and San Lawrenz, mostly coming from the royalist supporters and Traditionalist Communion voters, who were finding Alfonso and his 3rd Army allies as being too radical in their right wing ideology, but now they find them as the lesser evil compared to what they see as a far left republic. Many of the moderate catholics and royalists have been swayed to remain put within the new republic as the Pope condemned and excommunicated the Alfonsist camp, for their revolt and insurrection against the Ebrian state.

In Ávila and Ranero, the protests have quickly overwhelmed the governmental authorities and it seems that even attempts to suppress them have failed, within the both cities, the white-red-white banner of the Alfonsist camp and the white banner of house de Sanchez flying by the end of the day. Riots ensued in Sahagun and Chiste, but during the night many of the protests have calmed down.

On the other hand, the Ebrian trade unions mobilised too in protesting against the military uprising and there have been reports of revolts in Calatrava, Poblete and Villareal. As of now, very little information comes from Alfonsist territory, but reports from the UGT and CNT confirm that great numbers of supporters have risen up against the military uprising right in the headquarters of the insurrectionary regime. Smallers numbers have been reported in Poblete, but as of now, through VPNs, twatter is filled with videos of the protests from both sides, offering the chance for the world to see how a military uprising has turned into a civil war as the civilians are becoming radicalised ideologically.
 
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