| 2 AUGUST 1955 | EDITORIAL | صحافت با حقیقت |
| The Radicalism of Osmaniye A look into the seedy underworld of radical ideologies in the troubled city ASFANDYAR FEROZI | ||
Fairly early on, Osmaniye was a beneficiary of the industrial boom that came to the Empire following the entry of the country into the modern era in 1854. Far removed from the cultural and enlightened citadels of the south, where the dirt and grime of industry would be a jarring reality to face, this once major military encampment became the hub of hundreds of thousands of labourers and the heart of the new industrial heartland. While, in subsequent decades, that importance lessened, it still remains a major industrial city. In this environment of a surging middle class society and a large number of working class individuals, all concentrated in a city, without the traditional confines of Sikandari culture that is the hallmark of the southern cities, radical ideologies found a fertile environment to grow. According to Professor Jehangir of the Osmaniye University, the root of radical thought was first implanted in the city with the opening of the city's university in 1881. The university allowed the many disaffected youth of the new managerial class to converge on foreign ideologies and philosophies in ways that were not possible in the more reputable universities of the southern heartlands of the empire. "Communism, in its early history, found a welcome audience here in this city... the democracy that we enjoy today was not as polished then... the initial kinks of the 1796 constitution were still very much a problem." But in her opinion, that spirit of radical thought never transgressed into physical clashes with the main culture of the country until very recently. | The 1900s were an iconic era for Osmaniye - a golden age so to say. In those days, the freshly minted industrial tycoons were spending lavishly in this city and this was the place to be. However, a smallpox epidemic in 1913 led to most of the upper classes abandoning the city for the less crowded cities of the south. As Sheravan had in the past been the city of bankers. So, now the southern city of Shiravan sprang up as the southern hub for the richest of the industrialists. Rarely, since then, have the mighty industrialists visited the land of their many factories and mines. The disconnect from people of authority led to discontent amongst the workers. Thus in 1919, with a sense of dissatisfaction on the rise, the Communist Party of Sikandara was formed by the then president of the main worker's union. The party soon welcomes many intellectuals from the managerial classes and respected professors from the city's university. In the 1922 municipal elections, the party performed well and controlled the city council. However, by 1925, in fighting and disagreements led to a split in the party along ideological lines. Thus in 1926, the right-wing Republican Party emerged, with a decidedly hostile stance against the CPS. Some have said that the split in the ranks was the work of Sikandari intelligence operatives, but no conclusive proof has ever been brought forward to substantiate the rumour. By 1928, neither the Communists nor the Republicans held any political power. The next ten years saw a gradual decline of the presence of radical parties from the radar. With greater frequency, the intellectuals and respectable radicals were pushed out by ruffians from the lower strata of the trade unions. | By 1935, the two radical forces in the city were little more than gangs with a particular ideological tint attached to their activities. Quite effectively, the two parties had managed to carve out their areas from the city; the Communists controlled the north, the Republicans the west. That control gave both parties effective control over 5 seats in the Imperial Parliament, which from 1940 till 1955 yielded candidates of their choice. By this point, grip over the electorate was maintained by voter intimidation and rampant ballot rigging in their particular areas of control. Whenever officials from the election commissions would arrive to investigate the claims, they would curiously find no one willing to serve as witnesses to the affair. Several journalists, such as myself, lost their lives while investigating the rigging and other irregularities which occurred rampantly here. Further, as the two parties exerted official control over the city by virtue of their elected MPs, the criminal activities of the two groups intensified. Extortions from local businesses and firms were commonplace. Kidnappings for ransom, a particular speciality for the Republican Party. The effect of such dealings by the main local parties resulted in many companies shifting their base of operations to other industrial cities in the north. This led to increased poverty, which only fuelled the sense of deprivation that caused these parties to grow. And how could they not? The two parties took care of its workers and its local area, making sure that basic needs for the poor populace were met. But the price for this was the imposition of their own laws in their bits of the land. This obviously did not sit well with the ideal of imperial sovereignty over all of Sikandara And the rest as they say is history. This is an article in a series on the situation in Osmaniye
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@Matara is a blight on the region, says Grand Councillor for Diplomatic Affairs Government authorises massive build up of military assets to modernize and expand the Imperial Military Treason trials of Communist leadership continue as judges begin to review evidence Matari assets frozen due to human rights abuses in that country against minorities
@Matara border forces fire at Sikandari frontier patrols, anger in Shahdara Imperial Party Conference held in Osmaniye amid protests from Communist Party workers University of Shahdara sends team to Eiffelland and Bourgogne Chancellor Suleymani vows to fight radical forces
We thank our friends in Trier for their wise words on the matter and assure them that the Empire is a responsible member of the international community and is committed wholeheartedly to the cause of peace in the world and the greater Touyou region. Having said that, it is our stance that the response from [MENTION=7]Matara[/MENTION] is irresponsible and slanderous to the glory of this ancient nation. To suggest that the Imperial Government seeks to undermine the sovereignty of another nation-state is condemnable. Further, the use of openly racist and uncivilised language in diplomatic communiques has been noted by us and we are hopeful that the wording is but a simple error on part of some bureaucrat and not indicative of the way Matari Ministers think. That would be unacceptable. The Sikandari Government has already conducted an investigation on the matter and only released the details of the incident to the press after concluding that the Matari border patrols were attacking refugees fleeing from Matara who were oppressed on religious grounds. The fact that the Matari Government chooses to act as if they are ignorant of the matter is either an indication of complicity or incompetency of the highest and most profound nature. I use this opportunity to further inform my counterpart in Kampot of an important development in official government policy from Shahdara with regards to its eastern neighbour. The Government of Matara has continued to decline engagement with us on the matter of the treatment of Muslims and other minorities in the country and has proceeded with a general disregard of the principles of the rule of law. As such, it has been decided that, with immediate effect, the unilateral embargo initiated by Sikandara against Matara shall now be applicable to all Sikandari oil exports to the country. The Government of Matara had been informed beforehand of the full consequences of continuing down the path of barbarity when we first initiated the embargo. The Imperial Government calls on the international community to take note of the endemic racism and oppression that is prevalent in the society and government of Matara, which not only targets religious minorities but includes ethnic minorities as well. The Imperial Government remains steadfast in its determination to uphold the values of truly civilized nations - of which respecting the dignity of all men is an essential component. Rustam Ghaznavi Grand Councillor for Diplomatic Affairs[/justify] |