Press From Boganhem - Order Restored in the Free Cities.

[Danmark]

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The communication delivered direct to myself by the Secretary of State of the Kingdom of Boganhem is duly noted in its descriptive depth and I can only state that I am struck deeply, as all of the Rigskabinet are, by the sincerity.

Whilst we must still withhold judgement upon the thoughts and operations of the former king of Boganhem, His Majesty King Rikhard, we nonetheless are satisfied with the information thus delivered to myself, as the King's representative of this the Danish Empire.

I can only state that we are deeply and sincerely appalled and laden with immense obligation for action in the remit of due process of peace and calm in order to deliver the righteousness of the ability to live life as normal and free from fear, a premise we subscribe to.

The people of Boganhem must be allowed to flourish and wander about and plough their little furrows freed from the threat of terrorism.

If descriptions are to be believed, the followers of the former monrach, even if not the will of His Majesty King Rikhard, or directly so the will of he himself, have many questions to answer.

However, it seems apparent that the internal political situation has moved onto a territory than can no longer find tolerance nor desire for the Grand Restoration of His Majesty King Rikhard.

Upon communication with the Imperial Cabinet, I can announce that this Realm shall allow His Majesty to travel to Danmark for the purposes of asylum provided that further claims to the Boganhem throne are renounced as a mark of grace and indication our support for his retirement.

As a befallen monarch, the Kingdom shall provide for the necessary needs, hopefully with Boganhem assistance, and oblige a residence for his upkeep complete with an estate. He shall be referred to in the title of His Majesty as a mark of courtesy and discretion even though we can no longer support his reclamation of the Throne, and he shall be admitted to social circles within limits set by the government on a case by case basis.


UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE KING

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HR. HENRIK JOACHIM WESTERVELD

FOREIGN MINISTER OF THE GREAT DANISH IMPERIUM

 

[Free Cities League]

Kongrëk Boganhem

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Staatsekretariat dez Autländer Ferheldnize
Secretariat of State of Foreign Relations
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The Secretary of State, acting on the behalf of His Majesty Robert IV, King of Boganhem, thanks once again the Danish Empire for its comprehension. However, the proposal of asylum concerning former King Rikhard V must be met with some reservations.

Notwithstanding the fact that most facts lead to the assumption Rikhard fon Malachor (aka Rikhard V of Boganhem) is responsible for enormous crimes, it is fairly obvious that he will not be subject to any kind of punishment without due process of law. Furthermore, it would be to incur in the same atrocities his regime perpetrated should he be subject to any kind of political-fueled judgement. Therefore, he will be judged as any ordinary Bogan citizen.

Hence, we cannot accept the proposal of asylum to the Danish Government solely based on the fact he was once a King. Though we are not familiar with royal protocol of Christian countries, we would like to stress that every Bogan King is King due to a mandate conferred upon him by the Gods (of the Bogan True Religion, unfortunately pigeon-holed in the Christian world as 'paganism'), and, as it happened, should the High Council of Priests declare the Mandate revoked in face of manifest evidence, both divine and factual, the King must step down. It is not the first time it happened and it spurs from centuries of tradition built by the Bogan Monarchy. Therefore, he is not 'King' anymore, but rather a high-ranking noble should he be acquitted from his alleged crimes.

Should Rikhard fon Malachor escape to Danmark and find asylum there, we must respectfully refuse any kind of cooperation or funding with Bogan taxpayer money.

Best regards,
The Secretary of State,
Herbert Mark Bakker fon Foerberg

 

[Free Cities League]

De Daglishes Harrold
sinds 1893, fon Malachor

Nakfall dez Malachor Anslakten - De Kongs Ferheldst and Rikhard Bestatst Ferfassingshep
Aftermath of the Malachor Attacks - The King Reacts and Rikhard Confirms Authorship
Malachor and Vodenskove

Most Bogans are still shocked with Monday's events - the casualty toll has risen to 250 dead, and Malachor was left with a physical and psychological scar that will be difficult to erase. Although the extremely strict security apparatus has been relaxed, the Royal Army is still patrolling the streets of all major cities of the Kingdom. After only receiving short communiques from the Government, the Bogans could finally listen to their King, speaking in a nationwide radio broadcast. His Majesty Robert IV expressed his feelings on the situation and set a course of action:

"Dear citizens of Boganhem,

I would like, first of all, to send my deepest condolences to the victims' families and to all of those who, though surviving, were incapacitated or in any other way deformed by these atrocious actions. As to the deceased, the Gods are taking care of them now - Voden has surely received them in his warm and comforting bosom and rewarded these brave men, women and children with all the treats any hero would get.

Secondly, I would like you to note - I am addressing you as 'citizens', not 'subjects', like my father likes to do. Today, more than ever, a sense of Bogan citizenship must emerge: we must stand united against the threats of absolutism coming from Vodenskove, but we must do so while preserving our individual personalities and freedoms - you are citizens of this Kingdom, autonomous beings with inalienable rights given to you by the Gods themselves.

At last, you should return to your ordinary lives - as I speak, the Royal Army prepares to launch an offensive in the occupied province of Goddhaus, where the terrorist lies, in order to capture him and present him to trial, as any suspected criminal. There, with respect to the due process of law, Rikhard fon Malachor will be condemned, or not, if the court finds he has effectively committed such heinous crimes, and others during his tenure as King.

Worry not my fair citizens, for Boganhem shall triumph, free and united. Under the Gods, always.

Your Most Loyal Protector,
His Majesty Robert IV, by Divine Mandate King of Boganhem, Protector of the Free Cities, Duke of Lübeck, Margrave of Koldland and Earl of Norssex"

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King Robert IV, in last months celebrations of the second anniversary of democracy

In a speech already praised by leaders of the various political sectors, King Robert should probably have galvanized some sectors of the population, weary of the threat of terrorism. As to the military movimentations, it has been confirmed by other official sources that thousands of men are marching towards south Goddhaus, the only portion of the province that is unoccupied.

Meanwhile, about two hours after King Robert's speech, Rikhard fon Malachor (aka former King Rikhard V) issued a small communique 'to be destributed to media nation-wide'. Although it was short, the wording is quite clear, and it seems he acknowledges the authorship of the Malachor attacks:

"My dear subjects,

After some natural speculation I personally confirm that the bombings occurring in the military sites in Malachor were undertaken under my personal command - the barracks were legitimate military targets. However, I did not authorize the attacks on the commuter train lines, nor I could ever do so, if my first duty is to protect my subjects. While I expressly admit the authorship of the military attacks, natural part of any war, the authorship of the attacks on civilians might be due to two causes: i) I find most likely to be an insidious attempt by the usurper Robert to turn public opinion against the legitimate King of Boganhem - some information leak informed the usurper the military attacks were going to happen, and instead of preventing them, he decided to kill innocent people; ii) in a strange coincidence, some misguided fanatic, either communist or liberal, decided to do what he does best - kill innocent people. In any case, while I claim authorship, with pride, of the attack on the military targets, I deny involvement in the train bombings. Be weary, though - the wrath of Voden will not stop. Many more governmental and military targets will pay with blood the treachery that ocurred two years ago."

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Former King Rikhard's Last Official Photography, 1950 - no images of him in exile since '51

This enigmatic and laconic message confuses things even more. Admist foreign offers of asylum conditioned on Rikhard's innocence, it is not yet clear who bombed the trains and why. The fact that both bombings took place in the same day, with 45 minutes apart leads us to think that Rikhard was also responsible. But if the former King is being truthful? Are there any more internal enemies? Terrorists out loose?

As Rikhard's message is recent, any official reaction can probably be heard tomorrow.

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[Free Cities League]

De Daglishes Harrold
sinds 1893, fon Malachor

Ver Staatssekretär Emorded in Svartveld!
Secretary of State for Defence Assassinated in Svartveld!
Svartveld

Today, when attending a meeting with the Hokkommando dez Konglishez Armee (HkKA - High Command of the Royal Army), Secretary of State for Defence Villem Kont was shot in the chest twice. Though he did not die instantaneously, he was pronounced dead before reaching the hospital.

Villem Kont was in Svartveld, the only major city in the province of Goddhaus not under Rikhardist occupation with the objective of planning a major offensive against the Rikhardist strongholds in the north and west of Goddhaus. He was meeting with General Gunter fon Seeshloss and other high-ranking officials.

Although no official reactions yet, the murderer, who committed suicide on the spot, was carrying a sheet, reading Dod de'm vetreter, lang lev de var Kong! (Death to the traitor, long live the true King). The murderer's identity is unknown, but the message indicates an affiliation, official or not, with Rikhard fon Malachor (aka former King Rikhard V) and many presume it was done under his command.

The body was transferred to Malachor for a state funeral, and Chancellor Frank Villsun refused to make any comments other than 'condolences' for the deceased's family.

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[Free Cities League]

De Daglishes Harrold
sinds 1893, fon Malachor

Unbevarfall! Ën Rikhardisten Fetreter meti'm Rigirdum!
Scandal! A Rikhardist Traitor within the Government!
Malachor

While investigating the murder of Villem Kont, Secretary of State for Defence, the Kriminalpolitsë (kripo - criminal police) found evidence that indicate a man who was passing information to Rikhardist forces - Herbert Gagen, Undersecretary of State to the Chancellor himself. Gagen was meanwhile preventively arrested, stripped off his position and awaits trial. Though nothing will be proved until the end of the legal proceedings to be instituted, the Kripo Director Albert Hek assured that 'the Kripo is confident Herbert Gagen was passing information to the Rikhardist movement and, inclusively, due to his access to all members of Government's schedules, he was an accomplice of the assassination of Villem Kont last Saturday (...) the suspect has not confessed yet, it has not denied any of the accusations'.

Herbert Gagen was already a high-ranking public servant before 1951, and was not considered a political threat to democracy after the overthrow of Rikhard V. However, it seems that he has been maintaining contacts with former King Rikhard V, acting as his informer, which may explain many of the military failures of the offensives against Rikhard's base and some odd sabotaging events still unexplained.

Meanwhile, Chancellor Frank Villsun is falling under huge criticism for not being able to prevent two probable terrorist attacks, an assassination of a member of his own Government and the presence of a spy within the Government. Many politicians, both from his Konglishes Partë and from the opposition have called for his resignation and new elections. It was further revealed today, in an opinion poll conducted by the University of Lübeck that Frank Villsun's approval rate has fallen from 56% right after his election to 20% in the current situation of political and economic unrest.


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[Free Cities League]

De Daglishes Harrold
sinds 1893, fon Malachor

Kantsler Villsun Tredest Af! Kong Ferhettest Noe Väle
Chancellor Villsun Resigns! King Summons New Elections
Malachor

After a series of political failures, Chancellor Frank Villsun announced his resignation to the office of Chancellor to the country. Around 2 p.m., the Chancellor, already having announced a press conference earlier, spoke before a multitude of journalists. According to our reporter, the Chancellor's short speech was as follows:

"My dear citizens. I've had the pleasure of being the Chancellor of the King of Boganhem for the past two years. And I'm proud of being the first democratically-elected Chancellor in our thousand-year history. When I assumed office in 1951, I was confident I could make Boganhem a better place to live, to raise your children and a country where freedom and respect for tradition could be combined. However, the country was more troubled than I imagined: the escape of King Rikhard and his constant attacks in our democratic establishment have created unecessary political instability; the difficulties in negotiating the future of the FSB were also self-evident; the nascent Norssexer autonomist movement creates new social problems in that province; and the opening of our economy did not yield the results I foresaw.

The last drop was this month - after a slow reaction of the Government to the foreseeable threat of the Malachor attacks, the assassination of a member of government and the discovery of a traitor within the Government, coupled with the general feeling of unhappiness among the populace towards this Government made me present to His Majesty Robert IV my letter of resignation this morning, which he accepted.
I could not be Chancellor no more, as I believe the extreme circumstances in which we're living are too much for an old man, from an old world. I'll give my place to a younger, more dynamic Chancellor.
It was an honour being your Chief of Government and I will assume interim functions until a new Chancellor is elected. The King communicated to me that new elections will be held within 2 months (ooc: RL 2 weeks), and I hope the Bogan people will, once more, enthusiastically heed to the democratic call."

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Although many sectors demanded a resignation from Villsun, his early announcement caught many by surprise, as did the announcement of the King's intention (meanwhile confirmed by the Royal Office) of holding elections for the Undergamot in 2 months. While Villsun tries to handle his last two months as Chancellor, the political parties will be bursting with activity. According to recently conducted polls, the Royal Party would probably lag behind the Social-Democrats, while extremist parties like the Communists or the National-Syndicalists, might gain some ground.

Frank Villsun is 79 years old, and was the first Chancellor of Bogan democracy. Being a prominent lawyer, his first contact will politics was in 1931, when he was representative of the 'burgers' in the former class-divided Undergamot. After speaking out against the crimes of the former KSP secret police, he was arrested and stripped off his goods, but managed to flee to Handelsburg in the Free Cities, where he lived, teaching law and coordinating international efforts to denounce Rikhard V's regime, until returning the day after the former King's overthrow and being nominated as temporary Chancellor. Shortly afterwards, he was elected Chancellor in March 1951, while leading the centre-right conservatives of the Royal Party. With this resignation, his political career is probably over, and he will possibly dedicate himself to other activities, like teaching law or writing books.

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[Rheinbund]

Kanzleramt
Trier, Eiffelland

We wish Former Chancellor Frank Villsun all the best. We acknowledge him for the good work he did as Chancellor of Boganhem.
We also noticed that quite a lot if going on in Boganhem. We will follow the events with interest.

Matthias Graf von Seydewitz, Chancellor

 

[Free Cities League]

De Daglishes Harrold
sinds 1893, fon Malachor

Undergamot Väle '53: di Drivern, di Ideen
Undergamot Elections '53: the Leaders, the Ideas
Malachor

After the unexpected announcement of elections for the Undergamot in two months time by King Robert, following the resignation of Frank Villsun as Chancellor, the main political parties have been rushing to present themselves and their ideas to the Bogan people. Although, as the King argued, later elections, could put the country on a deep political crisis, many politicians feel the time is too short. Nevertheless, some have already launched ideas and proposals for the post-Villsun Boganhem. The Daglishes Harrold sums them all up:

Konglishes Partë (Royal Party)

The Leader: Gerrard fon Aldbaten

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An old political companion of the resigning Chancellor Villsun, the 56-year old economist of noble descent assumed, though temporarily, the KP's presidency (as its Vice-President). Considered an adept of balanced budgets, market economy and privatizations, he will try to convince the Bogans that Villsun's economic policies will yield good results, despite the social problems they brought. A moderate conservative, he is an heir of a 'progressive' nobility, emerging towards the end of Rikhard's tenure, and is thought of as an austere, pragmatic man and, above all, as a technocrat.

The Ideas

Economy: fon Aldbaten would probably continue with Villsun's liberalization efforts, in order to 'bring an effective market economy to Boganhem', which would 'overall improve living conditions'. He proposes privatization of Bogan Luvtveyen (Bogan Airlines) and the Konglishes Elektrishe Makt Beselshep (Royal Electric Power Company), while granting concessions in natural monopoly markets, 'where competition is impossible and harmful'. He is also an advocate of introducing the first Antitrust laws in Bogan history, which, according to him, would 'be the final blow in the centuries-old mercantilist, corporatist and proteccionist policies followed within our borders'. His proposal with more popular appeal, however, is a 10% decrease on income tax.

Society: The KP and fon Aldbaten continue to be identified as 'moderate conservatives', vowing to maintain the Anti-Proselytism Law (considered in some sectors to be too much restrictive for Christians) and refusing to concede autonomy to the Province of Norssex, grounded on the fact that 'Norssex is not only inhabited by Norssexers, and the Bogans there living have no duty to submit to an autonomous province which would marginalize them'. The KP is also favourable to more severe military action against former King Rikhard, despite Frank Villsun's failures, and, is bent on reorganizing the Royal Army to a state readier to defend civilians from internal threats. fon Aldbaten also promises more funding to police forces in order to decrease swelling crime rates in big cities, namely by dividing the Natsional Politsë into two separate forces: the Opentlishsikerhëdpolitsë (Public Security Police - Opsipo) and the Landsvakter (Land Guards), with the first specializing in big urban centres and the latter in rural areas.



Sotsial-Demokratishe Partë (Social-Democratic Party)

The Leader: Engelbert Eitenshmit

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The SDP's recent new leader, Engelbert Eitenshmit, brought the stagnated party back to life, after the weak leadership of Klaus Fisher. Born in 1900 in Seeshloss, Eitenshmit, though relatively old, is dynamic and charismatic, and brings with him a dramatic reform plan. Though reserved in private, he his a great communicator, though some analysts point out that many of his speech repertoire has little content. However, Eitenshmit stands as the strongest candidate alongside fon Aldbaten.

The Ideas

Economy: Eitenshmit has a 'sweeping package of reforms' under preparation. Though still incompleted, the Secretary-General of the SDP has publicly stated that, if he is elected, he will introduce a 'real National Health Serve', which would be 'free and universal' to all Bogans; he also wishes to modernize and uniformize the educational system, by closing the Aldskulen (traditional schools) and decrease the influence of religious education within the public school system; besides that, he advocates a uniform social security based on the principle of universality rather than financing particular social security sub-systems, heirs of Rikhard V's corporatism; in what concerns labour laws, he has drawn up a plan for the introduction of a Labour Code (Arpëts Gesatzbok), which would improve working conditions and protect the weaker party in the employment contract: the worker. The SDP argues that, with such stimulus, the economy will feel the effects of government investment in 2-4 years.

Society: After Klaus Fisher, a left-wing but old and still conservative man, left, Eitenshmit's SDP is much more liberal and progressive. First of all, they wish the revokation of the Anti-Proselytism Law and the full enfranchisement of religious minorities, namely Christians; the SDP also proposes a statute of autonomy for Norssex, giving the province substantial self-rule; they also wish to make sweeping reforms in the justice and administrative system, such as, abolishment of all religious and traditional courts, revision of the Civil Code and, most importantly, asking the King to amend the Constitution in order to introduce direct election of the Provincial Lord-Protectors and the cities' Stathalders. Though not explicitly against the True Faith in general, social-democrats tend to support limited role of religion in public life.



Frë Liberale Partë (Free Liberal Party)

The Leader: Anton Leman

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Anton Leman, born in 1910 in Malachor, was forced to leave the country with his parents in 1925, when King Rikhard's first prosecutions were applied, and settled in Handelsburg, in the Free Cities, like many others. Having his university diploma from the University of Lübeck, in the Free Cities, his mentality was very influenced by liberal ideas flourishing there. When he finally returned two years ago, he and Peter Starn founded the FLP as a merger between a group led by Leman's more classical liberal ideas and Starn's more radical libertarian ones. Now, Leman, a lawyer and a successful law academic, of a definitely bourgeois origin, wishes to, in his words, 'bring the gospel of liberty to Boganhem, who has been under various yokes for to much long', and so, that's what he proposes: liberty.

The Ideas

Economy: Leman's FLP follows a line similar to fon Aldbaten's KP: privatizations, introduction of anti-trust law, tax decreases. However, Lemann argues that fon Aldbaten does not go far enough. For instance, Leman wants the immediate end of all resquices of the old 'archaic medieval corporatism', including the stripping off powers of professional orders, trade unions and entrepeneurs' associations, in order to achieve a 'truly free market' that will 'lead to a truly free society'. He and his companions also wish to introduce an ambitious Handlesgesatzbok (Commercial Code), in order to uniformize the inumerous and confusing commercial customs in the country.

Society: The FLP is explicity republican, which may cause some problems. As some commentators state: 'if the FLP is republican, then it is against the King, and then, against the True Faith itself'. In an emotioned response, Leman stated: 'I do not follow the True Faith, may be I do not follow any faith at all, but that's for we fought, that's why we like to call ourselves a democracy now'. In most of the other issues, it follows progressive lines of thought in the fashion of the SDP, such as self-rule for Norssex, judicial reform, enfranchisement of minorites. In what concerns administrative reform, contrarily to the SDP, the FLP wants decentralization done in a smaller scale. Hence, instead of a transferral of powers to the provincial (eventually elected) Lord-Protectors, they would be transferred to the Rad (Council), with the Stathalder (if it is a city) and the Landsman (if it is a rural Rad) being elected.



Partë de Arpëter and Beuern (Workers' and Peasants' Party)

The Leader: Ildephonz Bakker

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The historical communist leader is once again at the forefront of the PAB - though 65 years old, Bakker remains energic and, of course, obstinate in his ideas. 'I've been through too much' he said, referring to prison and torture endured in Rikhard's reign, 'to be silent about the cause of the workers and the peasants, about the benefits and the inevitability of the communist society, as laid down by Marxist-Leninist scientific socialism'. Bakker is still charismatic, and his past experience in resisting Rikhard's regime may prove valuable to galvanize his main public: urban industrial workers. Though PAB has 'peasant' in its name, it has little expression outside industrial cities.

The Ideas

Economy: Bakker's ideas are part of the typical programme of any communist party: nationalization of key industries, the banking and insurance sectors; just like the social-democratic programme, the communists support a large, universal and free educational and health-provision services; there is a also a desire, like the social-democrats and the national-syndicalists, to introduce an all-encompassing Labour Code, including union-favorable legal percepts in that Code, 'reinforcing collective negotiation' between unions and employers; another controversial and radical proposal is the collectivisation of rural properties, starting with a land reform to 'give the land to those who work it', and eventually, have no form of private rural property. 'The long-term aim of our programme is', says Bakker, 'the stripping off all private property of means of production, such as factories, rural properties and service-provider companies, in order to dillute class distinctions and advance towards a socialist, and ultimately, a communist society, as the dialectical-materialistic dynamic of history explains'.

Society: The Communists are explicitly anti-monarchist and anti-religious. One of the many grounds for Ildephonz Bakker's imprisonment during the Rikhardist years was 'apostasy', which identified criticism of the monarchy with criticism and rennouncement of the True Faith. The programme lays down several steps to transform Bogan society into an irreligious one, claiming, as do Marxist theorists, that religion 'is the opiate of the people and serves only the interests of the ruling class to keep the proletariat controlled'. The Communists also have a State Reform Project, that would align the decision-making process with the traditional communist notion of democratic centralism, i.e., decisions are taken in a democratic fashion by lower bodies who elect the upper bodies, but each decision is absolutely binding and must be followed without criticism, which would also result in the end of the Hochgamot/Undergamot divide, and create a unicameral parliament.



Natsionale-Syndikalistish Brigaden (National-Syndicalist Brigades)

The Leader: Erik Strakman

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The 35-year old Strakman leads the National-Syndicalists in their quest to achieve greater representation in the Undergamot. A charismatic and appealing young man, Strakman began his carreer within the clandestine trade unions, in 1944, having been a member of the PAB (communists). However, in 1948, he changed his position: while he rennounced scientific marxism and left the PAB, he continues to support state-planning, though moderated with some private initiative, and, most important of all, started to feel attracted to the nationalist ideas of the (deceased) political philosopher and excommunicated priest Fredrik Jurgensun, who alleged that godly power had always been delegated in the people. Converting back to the True Faith, Strakman presents us a mix of traditionalist and religious attitudes, anti-monarchical nationalism and strong state planning.


The Ideas

Economy: The National-Syndicalist 'theory' is based on strong state planning, state-ownership of big agricultural, industrial and commercial entreprises and important role of trade unions in promoting national interest with employer's associations. Rather than class conflict, the national-syndicalists promote a mentality revolution, with trade unions at its forefront, which would cooperate with employers in order to promote national interest. The NSB also promote free and universal healthcare, educational and social security systems.

Society: The NSB's nationalism is non-traditionalist and is deeply anti-monarchical, being rooted in an unorthodox interpretation of the holy texts of the True Faith, seeing in them a delegation of supreme power from Voden not to the King, but to the People, which hold absolute power. Hence, as laid out in their programme, the National-Syndicalists see the King and the nobility as 'usurpers of the power which belongs collectively to all Bogans to administer themselves'. Due to their nationalism, they see no right for Norssexer self-determination, seeing their culture as a 'degenerate mix between Bogan and English splinter groups'. Furthermore, they propose the end and the Boganization of the Free Cities, considered 'the window of aggressive and imperialist capitalism into Boganhem'. Though anti-traditionalist, the national-syndicalists are attracted to corporatism, and want to emulate the pre-democracy composition of the Undergamot but in a more democratic way, 'bringing peasants, workers, bourgeois together in promoting national interest'.

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[Free Cities League]

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This March, vote for Eitenshmit!

More workers' rights,
Free hospitals,
Free schools... and so...
A freer people!

 

[Free Cities League]

De Daglishes Harrold
sinds 1893, fon Malachor
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fon Aldbaten: 'Vi Broke ën Stoerferantsvordingsmentalität Bauen'
fon Aldbaten: 'We Need to Build a Mentality of Fiscal Responsibility'
Ziost

In one of his first campaign actions, Gerrad fon Aldbaten, candidate for the Royal Party (KP), spoke in a seminar of the Community University of Ziost, Koldland. There, the royalist candidate spoke of one his main campaign flags: tax decrease and, consequentely, 'shrinking the size of the State'. He gave a small lesson on 'fiscal responsibility', stating that Bogans 'do not yet have a strong sense of fiscal responsibility'. Aldbaten described his notion of 'fiscal responsibility' as something 'the common man does not think about, but ought'.

"There is a self-evident principle - lower taxes are good for the economy. With less restraints on economical activity, the more that economy thrives. And, parallel to that, people must know that social services or an efficient police force must be paid somehow, and State money comes from taxes. Hence, we pay taxes because we want some services to be communal - police and law enforcement, army, some health and education services. And what we must think about is - in what measure should we admit or even demand such services if they oblige a responsible government to raise taxes? The more services one has available, means that those who work will have less money of their own... Is that fair? In some measure it can be fair - a State without taxes would not exist. But should we hamper economic activity and private initiative, institute a progressive tax and punish those who are successful for the sake of 'universal' services, usually inefficient? I do not think so - of course the State will subside hospitals and schools, but responsibly, and the Bogan people must keep this in mind in order to create a mentality of fiscal responsibility."

The tax system is a contentious issue in these elections. Until 1951, during the old monarchy, there was a digressive tax system not based on income but on social class - the nobility paid 12% income tax, the commoners 25% and the priests were exempt. One of the flags of the democratization process was to create a unique percentage for all, and Frank Villsun instituted our current flat tax model - income tax is 20%. fon Aldbaten's idea is to maintain the flat tax and even lower it, but the left-wing parties are demanding a progressive tax system, which implies the bigger the person's income, the bigger the tax, built upon a mitigated version of the principle 'from each according to his capacity, to each according to their need'.

In a time when the first polls give the social-democrats a lead, fon Aldbaten must prove what he has to offer to the electors in place of leftist promises of universal social services.

 

[Free Cities League]

De Daglishes Harrold
sinds 1893, fon Malachor
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Leman Fertëgst Fervaldings Reform and Norsaexer Rikt tsu Selvbestemming in Varmstatt
Leman Defends Administrative Reform and Norssexer Right to Self-Determination in Warmstead
Varmstatt/Warmstead

Anton Leman, leader of the liberals of the FDP, was today in Varmstatt/Warmstead, the biggest city of the province of Norsaex/Norssex, defending the right to self-determination of the 'long-oppressed Norssexer people' in particular and administrative reform in general throughout the Kingdom. For the liberal leader, though nation-level decisions are now democratic, local matters still fall into the hands of the Lord Protectors (in the case of Provinces) and of Stathalders or Landsmän, in the case of the Raden (councils), a case very serious in Norssex, since 'the Norssexers are dominated by Lords-Protectors and Stathalders who are not Norssexers, but instead Bogans appointed in some office in Malachor'.

In a speech in the Technical Academy of Varmstatt/Warmstead, Leman outlined a model for an Self-forevalting Earldom of Norssex (Autonomous Earldom of Norssex), in which Norssexers could value their culture, regulate their language, form their democratic institutions, pay part of their taxes, under protection and direction of the Kingdom, drawing up their own statutes of autonomy.

Among the populace, the autonomist intentions of Leman and the FDP and of Eitenshmit and the social-democrats are seducing. Albert Norwich, of the Self-Forevalting Norssex Begoing (Autonomous Norssex Movement), says: 'both Leman and Eitenshmit understand a very simple fact - the Norssexers were always a different people, with a distinct culture and way of life, founded upon agriculture and Christianity. However, we never had the economic power and military force of the German towns of the Free Cities, and so, we were always unable to create an effective resistance to the King's power, since the occupation of Norssex in the 17th century. Though in the first hundred years of occupation we kept a considerable degree of autonomy, since the ascension of King Rikhard V to the throne, in his efforts to kill Norssexer culture, our language was banned, our schools were closed and the Sheriff of Norssex, who was always of our kin, ceased to be, with the Earldom becoming just another Province with a Lord-Protector. Now we have the opportunity of saving our culture, and both Leman and Eitenshmit could be Chancellors who would promote the autonomization and end the Great Shame, i.e., the result of systematic stigma-creating policies, who led many Norssexers to think of their language and culture as impediments for personal development'

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Anton Leman in the Technical University

Since '51 and the lift of the language-ban, Norssex has been witnessing a revival of its ancient culture, and while various associations still battle over the model of a future standardized Norssexer language, either proposing Elder Norssexer (a pure form of the language with Latin, Bogan and German words kept at a minimum), the Folk's Norssexer (a form of the language which would correspond to the more Bogan and English influenced language people tend to speak) and Norssexer English (a minority movement that promotes an approach to Standard English), there is a general sentiment for autonomy, much in the sense of the Free Cities' League (the slogan If the Free Steads Can, Why Can't We?, i.e. If the Free Cities Can, Why Can't We?, is the main motto of the autonomist movement), and Norssex will probably be battled between the liberals and the social-democrats, who strongly promote the Province's autonomy. The communists promote cultural revival but not autonomy, and the KP and the national-syndicalists want to keep the status quo. The main problem is the result of King Rikhard's settlement programme, during which over 1 million ethnic Bogans were settled in the Province, comprising 20% of the population of Norssex, and the rights of those Bogans who would see themselves living in a province hostile to them.

In what concerns the Bogan settlers, the Liberals see no need of diferentiating and advocate a bilingual province, in which the personal and ethnic status has no political consequence, while the Social-Democrats prefer a 'model of compromise', where two linguistic-political communities would coexist, elect different chambers of a provincial parliament and, with that, promote peace and understanding between ethnic Norssexers and ethnic Bogans.

The status of Norssex is, without a doubt, one of the most contentious points in this campaign, and also divides the Bogan population in general, with a split opinion regarding the status of the Province.

 

[Free Cities League]

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VOTE
Workers' and Peasants' Party!

Destroy this System!

 

[Socialist Commonwealth]

"What is a Lenin?"
Commissar for Foreign Affairs Bojan Sitar as quoted by the Rijeka Daily during an interview about the Bogan Communist party.

 

[Free Cities League]

ooc: I assume the purpose of your comment has something to do with the fact that it is an established fact that no such figure as Lenin existed in the History of Europe in this new model. Or am I wrong?

 

[Socialist Commonwealth]

OOC: kind of. It'd be nice if people start fitting their individual commie factions into the greater picture of NSEuropean socialism, instead of placing mere carbon-copy caricatures of RL into their RP. That would add not only depth to our world, but also open up possibilities for interaction.

 

[Free Cities League]

ooc: fine, I understand. so, is there any faction that would be equivalent to a RL hardline marxist-leninist? A faction promoting democratic centralism, revolution in one country, people's right to self-determination, pragmatic moderation of economic policies to achieve certain results (like the RL Lenin's New Economic Policy), among others?

 

[Socialist Commonwealth]

OOC: no, not that I'm aware of. The closest would be the policies advocated by Vangalas leader Basu, with Basuism being an equivalent of RL Maoism.

 

[Havenshire]

OOC: I've always considered "Vanguardism" to be generic Marxist-Leninist style communism, though if there's any direct NSE equivalent of Lenin or Marx i'm not entirely sure.

 

[Free Cities League]

De Daglishes Harrold
sinds 1893, fon Malachor
​

Eitenshmit Andverst tsu Aldbaten: 'Samhëd For da Rekt Alën ist Nikt Enug, Vi Brak Virkbal Samhëd'
Eitenshmit Answers to Aldbaten: 'Equality Before the Law Alone is Not Enough, We Need Material Equality'
Seeshloss

Today, in one of the hotly debated issues of the campaign, and before a big crowd in the social-democratic town of Seeshloss, Engelbert Eitenshmit made one more contribution to the flat tax vs. progressive tax issue. With his principal adversary, fon Aldbaten, claiming any demands of progressive taxes 'violated the principle of equality before the law' and that the 'left-wing parties should refrain from making such scandalous proposals', Eitenshmit answered today, in a rally in the Seeshloss Arena, with a carefully thought speech on the nature of equality.

"Herr fon Aldbaten is an intelligent man, he has proven so during his academic and personal life. But personal intelligence does not necessarily correspond to political vision. On the contrary, in this case, it corresponds to political shortsightedness. The leader of the Royal Party, Herbert fon Aldbaten has used the flat tax as one of his main campaign issues! Shocked, he refuses to see the benefits of a progressive tax, claiming demands for it are stupid and anti-democratic, violating the principle of equality. My friends - imagine you earn 100 thalers a month. A 20% tax would take you 20 thalers. Imagine a business tycoon making 100.000 thalers a month. A 20% tax would take 20.000 thalers. Now, let us think - these 20 thalers can make the difference between paying the rent on time, putting more than just old bread on the table. The rich man's 20.000 thalers won't make any difference in his lifestyle. Less caviar? Less champagne? Who cares, when there are people starving, unemployed and sleeping on the streets. Where is the equality there? The equality of the homeless, of the unemployed, of the poor. Can a poor man be a participative citizen? Of course not! He needs to work on extremely long shifts and even in weekends! How can they want equality if their equality excludes a third of the Bogan population? (...) A social-democratic government would not demand a great effort, really. We are not communists and we do not wish to collectivize property: we want people to climb the social ladder, to participate in the political process, the create their businesses, the generate wealth. If the poorest man were taxed 5% and the richest 40%, everyone would benefit. The poor man, the working man, the peasant would have free school for his children, free hospital for his health, unemployment relief, work accident insurance, better working conditions, and would, of course, have a better life. The rich man would have productive workers, more consumers and would benefit from the same services the poor man would. And that my friends, would create equality of opportunities - rich and poor children attending the same schools, and excelling with basis on their merit alone and not by social background. (...)
Equality before the law is not enough! In order for true equality to be achieved, we need to make it more than formal - we need a material equality of opportunities. And that is the future the SDP envisions for Boganhem, after centuries of class-based discrimination - a combination of welfare benefits and services and a functional market-economy, putting the benefits of both economic theories working together for the ultimate aim of our society - the well-being of the people."

The tax issue continues to divide the electorate, though polls show that 62% of the Bogan population would like to see a progressive tax system, which indicates the left-wing parties (SDP, PAB and NSB) can, combined, win a sizable majority. However, the three parties disagree on the particularities of the taxation system. The SDP wants to implement 5 levels - 5% from 100 Th (min. wage) to 150 Th, 15% from 150 Th to 250 Th, 25% from 250 to 400 Th, 35% to 400 Th to 1000 Th and 45% for all monthly wages over 1000 Th.
The communists propose more upper levels, with the last, for wages over 1500 Th per month, being 60%, a symbolic equivalent to the Ancient Regime practice of the nobility levying a 60% tax on peasants' production. The national-syndicalists propose, additionally, a progressive profit tax for companies. At this moment, the universal income flat tax is 20% and corporate tax is 15%.

Eitenshmit spoke in only of the most left-wing cities in the Kingdom. Seeshloss, close to the Free Cities, was always a port of entry for merchants carrying not only goods but new ideas. While it was home to a rich merchant class in the end of the 19th century, having no noble lord due to its city charter, a growing working population, in industry, in the mining of the Seebergen nearby and working in the harbour, brought by industrialization, made the city the ideal hub for social-democratic, socialist and communist ideas, with the famous Nordhafe Rebellion resulting in the death of 1200 union workers. The KP is weak in Seeshloss and in the province of Seebergen in general, and, though the social-democrats can win with a comfortable lead, they must pay attention to communist and national-syndicalist advances.

 

[Free Cities League]

De Daglishes Harrold
sinds 1893, fon Malachor
​

Kontroverts: Strakman Ferfregst de Kongs Hindertret: 'Gib da Folk sën Riktvoll Absolut and Unfertëlet Makt!'
Controversy: Strakman Demands the King's Resignation: 'Give the People its Rightfull, Absolute and Indivisible Power!'
Svarttor

And yet another event is creating controversy in the campaign. Erik Strakman, leader of the National-Syndicalist Brigades, in a rally in Svarttor attended by thousands of people, made a violent speech against the King, the Constitution, capitalism and 'degenerate leftism'. And it was exactly the violence against the person of the King that angered a lot of conservative sectors today. It was already known that the NSB, much like the PAB, was explicitly anti-monarchist, with the social-democrats and the liberals being neutral, and the KP expressly pro-monarchy. What shocked most people was the content of the speech, with an anonymous source saying: 'it is worse than anything the communist Bakker has said about His Majesty'.

Political analyst Rodrik Nunn tries to objectively comment the situation: 'despite being completely anti-monarchical, even the communists from the PAB have always refrained of attacking the King so harshly and even when they do, they do not dissociate monarchy and religion, and they've always criticized both of them together. Strakman, on the contrary, continues to promote the True Faith as an inspiration, but violently attacks the Monarchy, using the doctrine of the dissident High Priest Fredrik Jurgensun, who claimed the monarchy was a scheme made by impostors, and that the Gods had delegated absolute and indivisible power solely on the People'.

And, in fact, most of Strakman's speech went through that issue:

"1,500 years ago, an impostor named Krayt [first Bogan King] forged evidence that the God-Father Voden had chosen him and his family to rule Boganhem forever, with absolute power delegated by Voden himself... and this is not a conspiracy theory my friends, it has been proven, especially by the late High Priest Fredrik Jurgensun, but silenced (...) And what has this monarchy brought us? A germanic tradition of elective monarchy was destroyed and all Bogan Kings, if they wanted, ruled our People with an iron fist, creating privileges for the few, and enslaving the many. The worst of them all was of course Rikhard V, who despised workers and peasants and only gave some more privileges to the bourgeosie for convinence. Fourtunately, he is now out of the throne, but the lie is perpetuated by Robert IV. A man who, though not being as atrocious as his father, has allowed unfettered and unfair capitalism to set foot in our Kingdom, and brought upon new forms of oppression. Of course, who benefits? The King and the nobility, now stripped off its legal status, but that still controls 65% of Bogan land! (...) As High Priest Jurgensen said - if Voden is naturally fair, how can His delegates be so unfair to their People? It is self-evident that the Gods have always delegated earthly power to the People! And so I ask - fake-King Robert IV, RESIGN! Give the People its Rightfull, Absolute and Indivisible Power! No more monarchy! I am here in this city, standing before Malachor and Vodenskove. In the south, the capitalist King lies, insidiously allowing the finance octopuss spread its tentacles into our Land and in the north, we have the other one, the killer-King who slaughters people of his kin. You, people of Svarttor, know better than I what harm monarchy can do. Help me end it!"

These violent words, unusual of the political discourse of the last years, shocked a lot of conservatives in the KP, including the KP's leader himself. Gerrad fon Aldbaten said that: "The insults against the King were disgusting, and Mr. Strakman may be sure that my already bad opinion of him now makes him one of the very few people undesirable for Bogan politics...". Some more conservative members of the KP demanded his arrest for 'Royal perjury', a crime laid down in article 324 of the penal code. However, as it is stated in that very article, the Royal Prosecutor can only bring charges before Strakman if the 'victim so desires', i.e., if the King makes a formal complaint. The King as, for now, said nothing and, as matter of fact, he has been silent during the whole campaign, 'not wishing to interveene in a domain not of his business'.

The speech was very long but this was definitely the moment the audience found most exciting, as it seems the NSB fares well in the capital of the Goddhaus province, whose northern part is occupied by Rikhardist forces, since the city concentrates a poor, industrial and traditionalist population that is, however, resentful of death toll this dynastic conflict has caused to them. The NSB's programme, combining strong social policies and state-intervention with some strokes of traditionalism but, at the same time, anti-monarchism, is starting to draw more attention, though this episode seems to have taken economic issues out of the picture.