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Unity Broadcasting Network - Understanding the past

Khemia

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SDF PUBLIC RELATIONS SUBDEPARTMENT

We understand the concerns of the international community, particularly those sympathetic to the interests of a multi-party system and comprehensive political pluralism. However, we have found that the current state of domestic affairs has stalled and been derailed by self-interested politicking and power playing; which is contrary to the interest and progress of the State. It is the military's duty to defend the nation in a time of crisis, from enemies both within and without. An ineffective and inimical legislative can only undermine the progress of the war and the progress of Constitutional reform within Sinhai.

The Sinhai Defense Force will continue to operate in the defense of free Sinese democracy, and maintains no interest in creating either a statocratic government nor dictatorial junta. The Sinhai Defense Force will continue to adhere to the fundamental principles of democracy and integrity of the State.

Dutifully,
Captain Tam Raikan
 

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CONCERNS OVER STABILITY OF DEMOCRACY DISAPPEAR WITH SINYAPHUM

The first significant military defeat the Sinhai Defense Force has suffered occurred seemingly by surprise on the considerably weakened Eastern Front, with 4th Infantry Division surrounded at the Si Satrakun pocket. With elements of 4th Inf. Div. being defeated at Tha Ruea, and Mae Lat evacuating those who have not formed into a Citizen Defense Militia's; it seems as though the Eastern Front may very well collapse within the following weeks.

Despite rumors that units are being redeployed from the front lines to reinforce the weakening flanks, the momentum of the faltering offensive in central Sinhai is diminishing even faster. Rumors from within Sinhai Defense Forces suggest that the military has already begun allocating a budget to People's Guard's units based in Mae Rae; units which many experts expect victory in the East now relies upon.

With the Communist forces now playing a critical role not only in future Constitutional reform, but the battle for the continuing existence of the Union, the Party continues to gain popularity amongst disenfranchised and afflicted people's now taking refuge in the East, and the Unity Party is in a weaker position than ever to disappoint the ever growing Party on it's political aspirations.
 

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The State Officer in Životinje
to the
Union Ambassador to the Sinese Union
Dispatch No. 3
SJADNBRDO, September 30, 2010
Confidential to the Eyes of Dr. Iosif Teodoz:

In earnest consideration of untimely collateral damage, taken by the brunt of human infrastructure considered crucial to an admittedly neglected Eastern Strategy, we in Sjadnbrdo have found it prudent to increase diplomatic concern in contrast to the typical circumspect. We are of the opinion, firmly advised by third party analysis, that Unionism of Blue has acquired a certain despondency not indistinguishable from the Depression following the 1950s wars of Patriotic Assertion.

Assertiveness, of course, is not proportionate with the virtuous heights that traditional thinkers believe we have fallen from. Where this Office had anticipated a steady involvement of Armed Forces routing from the Mission in Abruzicstan, voting taxpayers within our Civil Union are now reevaluating several policies not limited to internal mechanisms. We in the Home Office regret to inform you, Doctor Teodoz, that your conduct of confidentiality must persist for an indefinite period, or until an executive reorder is made by incoming Officers from elections here on the home soil.

The Marshal remains immovable on many issues, encompassing a newfound Progressivism which we can all agree has captured the nation. In passing with the new regime establishing itself, we ask that you clearly express our hope for sustaining the substandard democracy Sinhai has now, before allowing misguided National Authoritarianism another refuge in Europe. Opposing his predecessor, Marshal Pijan, the new Marshal desires a much warmer or working relationship with the likes of Communists everywhere. This notion is not so unimaginable now, when we have experienced a remarkable era of understanding and nonviolence with Leftist Bureaucrats; less then Conservative candidates are filling vacancies left by retiring Civil Officers, and deployed Military Officers. In culmination of these political developments, I personally advise an unbending neutrality towards the outgoing and incoming Government, as I suspect there will be several questions directed at your Office as a sensory of our loyalty.


Freedom First,
Vestitor a Doctrinei,
Marjan Pantoš
 

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COUNCIL FOR CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM ESTABLISHED

The military has announced that the National Assembly will be postponed for an indefinite amount of time, to the surprise of many within Sri Rama. With military and contracted personnel buzzing about Unity Complex, the future of the fledgling Sinese democracy is at stake. While many within the Unity Party have begun protesting the action, no actions have as of yet been taken as the military continues to strengthen it's grip on Sri Rama.

A military committee today announced that the President's final order called for the military to transition the nation from a single party state to a true democracy, something that, the military says, the President did not believe the Unity Party was capable of accomplishing fairly. People's Independence Party have cautiously supported the action by the Sinhai Defense Force, recognizing the inherent bias within the Unity Party and the necessity to maintain national security during times of war.

The military has instead opted to form an advisory council, known as the Council for Constitutional Reform, whose sole job is to create a viable Constitution for a reformed Sinhai. The Sinhai Defense Force has asked that the body move forward with the goal of creating a Sinese Republic.

UBN reports that the makeup of the Council of Constitutional Reform suggests a sincere motivation to create a comprehensive document which appeases a variety of political hues, with significant leaders from major factions within the Unity Party, as well as representatives of People's Independence being represented within the Council. The body consists of a total of 200 individuals representing every region of Sinhai, from Debal to Ahrakor to the restort towns and the rural rice paddies.

The military has also announced that a series of reforms will be put into motion to assist Sinhai with the transition process; reforming bodies which have a linked interest with the Unity Party inherited from the single party state. Early polls suggest that popular opinion, while skeptical and wary of a military-led regime, is optimistic for real Constitutional reforms.

Despite hopes on the home front, battles continue to be fought in the North. However, Sinhai Defense Force recruitment offices have reported a 600% increase in recruitment rates, the highest being a total of over 2,000 being recruited since the assassination of President Marjhan at one office near Sri Rama City University. Experts attribute these soaring recruitment rates to a renewed vigor in SDF recruiting strategy and national outrage over the recent murder of the revered President.


Sinhai Defense Forces special bulletin:

REPORT SUSPICIOUS ACTIVITY TO YOUR LOCAL AUTHORITIES

Your nation demands loyalty now, more than ever. Spies and saboteurs threaten to destroy every tenet of the Union, and they have only begun with the assassination of our beloved President. Be wary for enemies at all times, they can strike anywhere. Report suspicious activities to local authorities, police prefectures have pledged to cooperate with military personnel in a nation wide campaign to increase national security and citizen awareness. Victory in the war is nothing if the home we fight for is destroyed. Protect your family, report dissidents now.



Related News:
:arrow: Private sales of small arms sky rocket throughout Sinhai
:arrow: Billionaire Phakrat Thanarat purchases massive amounts in bonds, states: "Doing my part for the war."; SMI begins construction of factory in Ahrakor
:arrow: Military signs agreement with SRU to expand military education into technical fields; large numbers of students apply.
 

Khemia

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REFORMS HIT GOVERNMENT

In what has been called by the military-appointed Council for Constitutional Reform the "first of many", reforms are scheduled to sweep across the Sinese welfare state. Significant departments of the government, namely the Bureau of Employment and Department of Industry, are to be reclassified as Secretariats, departments which will be headed by a Secretary. While the necessity of such a reform escapes the minds of many speculators, some analysts have suggested that the ease and commonality of rank between departments could allow for the creation of a body of ministers.

The Council for Constitutional Reform, or CCR, has not been warmly welcomed by all echelons of government, particularly the Unity Party which has been removed from real power for the first time in seven decades. While for now the protests are relegated to riot by pen, with some letters harsher than others, support for the war and fear of military retaliation is currently keeping quarrels just below boiling.

The Sinhai Defense Force also announced its intention to create a second interim governmental body, the Advisory Board of Corruption. This institution is aimed at rooting out corruption created by the lengthy single party state by eliminating entrenched bureaucrats perceived to not be persecuting their job with the conviction of true patriots. Whether or not this institution is actually designed to eliminate corruption, or create a witch hunt for political dissidents has yet to be seen.
 

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Ministry of External Affairs


The People's Republic of Vangala fully condemns the military coup in the Sinhai Union, which threatens to undermine the campaign against the dangerous ultranationalist rebel elements and reverse progress made in negotiations between the Unity Front and People's Independence Party. Action must be taken.
 
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The answer to the Sinhai Union's problems must be solved democratically and practically. Genoliari condems the possibility of creating a single-party state which will truly lead to more chaos and violence than ever before.
 

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UNITY BROADCAST NETWORK
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UBN EXCLUSIVE: INSIDE THE CCR

UBN Anchor Banyat Bantadtan: "For the past few days the nation has watched, in shock and expectation, as the military seized power in the capital and removed the government from effective power; replacing it with martial law and a newly founded and hardly understood 'Council for Constitutional Reform'. While most citizens remain unaffected, with local governments replacing the national government at the personal level, we have all asked: 'What does the CCR mean for the future of the nation?' Today we bring you a UBN exclusive with CCR representative Sukhon Khiew. Miss Sukhon, what is the purpose of the CCR?"

Sukhon: "Thank you for the introduction, Mister Banyat. The Council for Constitutional Reform's purpose is to establish a permanent and comprehensive Constitution which will reform the Union into a Republic. I think it's fair to say that the Northern revolution has killed the age of a single party Sinhai; and that we must reform ourselves to prevent the mistakes of the past from repeating themselves."

Banyat: "What sort of reforms is the CCR seeking?"

Sukhon: "Most importantly, a Constitution which provides real and fundamental rights to all Sinese. But our goal is also to create a multi-party, three branch Republic with an effective system of checks and balances. Underneath that goal, we seek to reform the organs of government in order to integrate them effectively into a real government, instead of leaving independent bureau's outside of the jurisdiction of Constitutional law."

Banyat: "Interesting. You say a multi-party, three branch Republic. How will the branches work?"

Sukhon: "Of course the CCR does not have a functioning document to base this statement off of, but I'll give you the idea we're working off of. The CCR's goal is to create an executive branch independent from the legislative, a popularly elected Presidential office. The legislative will be divided into two houses, the Upper house representing the Changwat with three members per state, popularly elected. It's still being debated whether we're looking at utilizing a Condorcet method, or a simple majority. The lower house will be a proportional system representing parties independent of states, with the number of seats based on population."

Banyat: "And the Judicial?"

Sukhon: "The judicial will serve as a check to the power of both the legislative and executive, appointed by the executive and ratified by the houses. They will serve for life, or until a popular referendum removes them from office."

Banyat: "So, the referendum will be maintained. How will it be integrated into government?"

Sukhon: "Much like laws, they will have to work their way up the Houses to the Executive. If a referendum is passed to strike a previous referendum, the judicial will review the previous referendum for inconsistencies with Constitutional values."

Banyat: "Fascinating; and this idea is entirely new to Sinese politics. Who will be eligible to vote?"

Sukhon: "This is proving the most difficult for us at the CCR to handle, actually. This is the real meat and potatoes of the Constitution. The current system only allows those that provide service to vote; while this is a nice idea on paper, it prevents elderly, handicapped, students, mothers, peasants and others who's situations do not allow them to provide significant service from participating in government. Furthermore, the law mandates citizens participate in regional councils. This sometimes just is not possible, especially for heavy industry workers. We're looking at fully reforming the system to be in line with conventional citizenship models around the globe, while restricting the welfare system to only benefit those that provide service."

Banyat: "And, before we take a commercial break, one last question. How is this Constitution going to be implemented?"

Sukhon: "As you may or may not know, we're following the last orders of the late President. It was her desire that a Constitution be put forward to a national plebiscite, however who will be permitted to vote and how voters in conflict areas will be affected are questions we'll have to consider in due time. The governmental reform may very well have to wait until after the war's end to ensure that every person is fairly represented. We're not in the business of forcing Constitution's on people, afterall, we're working towards a better future for our country."

Banyat: "Well spoken, Miss Sukhon. Now a short break and a word from our sponsors."
 

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KHAO OFFENSIVE CROSSES KO PHET

Despite losses along the eastern front, notably the retreat of 4th Infantry Division to Mae Lat, Sinhai Defense Forces have pushed across the Ko Phet this week in a surge of power, capturing the remains of Pak Nam Pran and pushing onwards towards Na Kluea and Tak.

Northern resistance has been stiff, but as expected large elements of militia have deserted the Northern military, proving that the ultranationalists do not maintain the authority to raise and maintain proper standing armies. More organized defenses are expected to be seen at Tak, where elements of defectors of the 8th Infantry Division are believed to form the bulk of the vanguard of Sai Yok.

Military experts credit the successes to General Silpajarn, who recently announced the "Presidential Campaign", an operation within the Offensive designed to overwhelm Northern resistance with ordinance and force them from ground. The campaign involves widespread use of napalm in areas of especially heavy resistance, a strategic method that has afforded General Silpajarn no love from the North, which has accused General Silpajarn of war crimes and mass murder for his authorization of use of deadly force against armed civilians.

General Silpajarn has stated that armed civilians in the North will continue to be attacked so long as they continue to bear arms in the field against Sinhai Defense Forces; the General notes that 'farmers should be farming, not firing automatic rifles. We don't bomb people doing what they're supposed to be doing.'

Despite successes, insider reports suggest that military stockpiles for ammunition is beginning to dwindle, particularly heavy ordinance, even while SMI factories have begun to full alocate resources to munitions production. Recruitment centers have also noted that recruitment rates have continued to increase since the death of the President, and that the SDF will be capable of deploying two additional divisions within two months, in addition to reinforcing weakened units. Despite sky rocketing recruitment, casualties continue to mount, with the number of dead approaching nearly 1,400; with over five thousand wounded, of which 1,600 were too badly injured to return to duty. Military analysts expect that battles at Tak and Sai Yok will increase these numbers exponentially as engagements with trained enemies occur.
 

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MILTARY, ECONOMISTS SWARM SRI RAMA

A flurry of well-dressed men and women in suits, sharp glasses and neatly pruned hair adorning hawkish faces that flow like a myriad sea through the nations historical center of government. This is a sight that has not been seen in over a week since the overthrow of civilian government by the Sinhai military. However, while dozens of people have begun to gossip about the new event, no one from the government is talking.

When questioned, many of the well dressed people simply walk along. However, predominant figures have been seen in the crowd, notably former Belmontien economic advisor Pierre Claude, former Wiesser advisors such as Erwin Leemann and Diederich Faust, and other figures such as Tysker, Singlish, and Oikawan economists. While the government may not be talking, it is certain that the military intends to begin work on the crucial 2011 budget, which until now has not been addressed by either the current government nor its predecessor.

The big question is: why all the foreign attention? How badly broken is the budget, and how much debt has been accumulated due to the war? While some experts speculate that the military regime may simply be probing for foreign investment from both private citizens and foreign banks, other less optimistic notions entail ideas that the government may be revamping its entire economic system. While there is little truth to these arguments, top Sinese businessmen are becoming concerned about the shift in Sinese politics.

"I love my country," said Sinese billionaire and CEO of OmniGen Medical, Jatirun Apasira, "but I don't want to see a constitution restrict my economic freedoms more than the previous system already did. What we need in this country is more economic liberalization, and with the military in power during war-time, I'm just not sure I can believe their product will be what's best for Sinhai long-term."

Mr Apasira is not alone in his concerns, his sentiments have been echoed from other businesses in the slowly growing electronics manufacturing industry, which is concerned new government regulation may stifle the industry which the former President worked so hard to bolster.

However, the budget is a concern that the military government will need to tackle within the next few weeks, as the end of the year begins to approach and political stability is still not reality; without a proper budget, the military will be forced to continue with the 2010 budget, an unremarkable budget that presided over one of the country's worst fiscal years in its history.
 
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While the new Sinese government is indeed wise to carefully examine the economic realities of the country and respond appropriately (a flexible economy is the key to prosperity!), we must be careful not to make too radical of a change. The last thing Sinhai needs to add to her list of problems is a disastrous land reform, over-investment in state industry or, worst of all, radical nationalization.

Indeed, the Sinese economy is long overdue for liberalization in some sectors, and the new government has an exciting opportunity to carry out the kind of reform necessary. With the ongoing war, we must be careful that Sinhai does not fall farther than she has.


Jan de Kaizer
Professor of Macroeconomics
Alexander Rooseboom School of Economics
University of Wing Sing
 

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UNITY PARTY FRACTURES

Dissent within the Unity Party came to a head late Thursday afternoon during a biweekly Party meeting held since the dissolution of the National Assembly. The reason for the growing rift in the ironically named party: the military government recently announced that it would begin registering alternative parties, against Unity Party wishes.

While People's Independence Party is pleased, and has already begun the process of registering with the SDF-administered government, so have several longstanding factions within the Unity Party, which announced their intentions to split from the mainstream moderates and utilists.

Key among these offshoot parties is Sinhai Progress Party, which is believed to be supported by large numbers of industrialists and capitalists alike for its liberal economic agenda, and Cooperative Sinhai, a social democratic movement better known for advancing green laws through the National Assembly. While SPP continues to be strong among entrepreneurs, technocrats have come to the fore within the Unity Party, which has been reinvigorated with calls for technological reform and increased educational spending. Leading Unity technocrats such as Vuthisit Saipradit are believed to be preparing for eventual campaigns for the Presidential office, calling for a continuation of Visariya's reforms and policies.
 
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Ministero degli Affari Estri

The introduction of new political parties within the Sinhai Union is seen in Genoliari as a positive move. There can only be democracy when there is debate.
 

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MILITARY PRESSES ON WITH REFORMS, PREPARES FOR OFFENSIVE ON SAI YOK

General Phiyada announced that the military would continue to press for reforms despite growing tension with numerous political factions and a war set to enter it's most dangerous phase: the Khao Offensive is prepared to strike at the heart of the ultranationalist revolt, the capital of the north, Sai Yok.

The military, led by General Phiyada of 1st Infantry Division, has released a manifesto outlining the coming reforms which have been praised by many businessmen and economists alike as an enlightened step towards a truly modern Sinese economy. General Phiyada has announced his intentions to sustain the Secretary of Industrial Management (SIM), but will release a large number of government controls, privatize numerous public sector industries, and aggressively attack natural monopolies primarily in the telecommunications sector. The only sectors of the Sinese economy to remain owned by the government will be the utilities and mail, which will both be mandated to increase the number of jobs created through contracts.

The government has already initiated a series of orders to SinCOM, Sinhai's only significant telecommunications company, which will prevent the corporation from expanding its own assets. This has investors concerned, with SinCOM's stock dropping by a noticeable 3% prior to SRE (Sri Rama Exchange) closing today alone. The government has looked to large international communications companies to begin expanding their own markets to compete with the now lame SinCOM in a bid to not only develop the sector, but modernize national communications services. General Phiyada believes that competition will allow the industry to thrive, and that monopolies do a disservice to the nation.

In related news, the Council of Constitutional Reform has drafted SDF support in creating an effective system to initiate a nationwide referendum to ratify a potential Constitution, and support for such a document goes beyond the South and East, with many people fleeing from the North with the hopes of participating in a new, liberal Sinese democracy. This has not slowed the Khao Offensive's renewed momentum, and General Silpajarn has stated that the Sinhai Defense Force is already consolidating their possessions in preparation for a full assault on the ultranationalist fortress of Sai Yok. People's Guard, in support of the SDF, have cut off the city from outside supplies and have begun a propoganda campaign in an effort to push out as many residents of the besieged city as possible prior to the attack. Many analysts believe that the attack itself will be the largest battle of the war, and that if Sayan Jaa can be captured the ultranationalist revolt itself may well collapse without solid leadership.
 

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PEOPLE'S INDEPENDENCE PARTY BEGINS CAMPAIGNING

Despite the complete lack of a Constitution which would permit such an action possible, continuing social stigma concerning Communism, and a divided Unity Party ousted from control of government, opportunists within the PIP have taken the initiative to launch a nation-wide campaign aimed at increasing the parties popularity and public image. Slogans such as "We fight for the future of the Republic" stand alongside banners espousing solidarity with the nations military; images that show the People's Guard as an elite guerrilla fighting force that without which this nation may have lost the war.

Whether or not these statements are true, the fact that a party besides the Unity Party is being permitted to launch a PR campaign is a testament to the honesty of the Sinhai Defense Force's initiative to foster increased political pluralism within government. Other political parties, notably those that are rising from the ashes of the internal conflict that has been tearing the Unity Party apart in the past week, are outraged that the PIP has begun campaigning without even having a Constitution to base their party platforms on.

"If the Communists claim that any rights the people gain from the Constitution exist because the Communists said so, then I will really realize what a farce this government has turned into," stated a member of the United Conservative Party, a party that has universally opposed the reforms imposed by the military government.

The Unity Party, now significantly decreased in membership and with a unique party platform, is also setting up to launch a new campaign to restore the Party's public image and spark debates to which the Unity Party believes it has the right answer for. The military has not discouraged any of these displays, and both party's are expecting to capitalize upon the weakness of organization in multiple new parties.
 

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PREVIEW OF THE CONSTITUTION WASHES OVER SRI RAMA AS BATTLE FOR SAI YOK BEGINS

The Battle for Sai Yok is only hours old, with mass air operations having begun early this morning; already thousands of pounds of bombs being dropped on what seems like anything that can be hit. Flames tear through the resistant Northern capital, refugees abandon the city in droves; and several miles of road are filled with a caravan of homeless people stepping aside for tanks that seem intent to roll the city over. Over eighty thousand personnel have been deployed already, with another three divisions ready to reinforce the battle. But the single largest battle of the war is not the most popular news of the day.

A preview of the Sinese Constitution was released briefly to the public by Representatives of the CCR, who have heralded the document as the "core tenets of Sinese society both in the present and the historical sense", calling the Constitution the "founding document for the first genuinely Eastern democratic republic". Excitement is high in the capital, and rumors abound that General Phiyada, leader of the interim military government, may resign from his duties and pursue a campaign to be the Republic's second President; the honor of the first Presidency will be given to the late Marjhan Visariya.

The General was unavailable for questioning on the matter. Vuthisit Saipradit, expected Presidential nominee for the Unity Party, has met with the General and has discussed a plan for continued economic reform; whether or not Mr Vuthisit has received the support of the military government or not has not been released. Mr Vuthisit has also met with representatives of the People's Independence Party, which has led some analysts to believe that Vuthisit may seek to present a strong symbol of compromise and national solidarity within his future campaign.

The release of the draft Constitution has excited the nation; with everything included in the document - including a revision of the name of the nation itself, an alternate flag to represent the founding of a single republic, a new national anthem; the entire government, top to bottom, seems to be preparing for the reform. "We're enterring a new age of the country," said one spokesperson for the CCR. "Regardless of whether or not Sai Yok falls, this new Sinhai is entirely different, it is the culmination of our very political evolution. We're all very excited and hopeful for the future, nothing can bring down this sensation."

Polls suggest that not only the government, but the citizens themselves, are earnestly supportive of the document. Indeed, even the red light district of Sri Rama has begun offering "Raise the Flagpole" sales to show support for the change in regime. A truly patriotic statement from the world's oldest profession.

 
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Ministry of External Affairs
The United Emirates congratulates the interim Sinhai government upon the release of their new constitution and hope the transition to a full democracy can be made in a stable and responsible manner.

The Government of the United Emirates is also willing to provide humanitarian aid for those displaced by the continuing civil strife in Sinhai.
 

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GROUND FORCES PUSH INTO SAI YOK

With seven divisions deployed in support of the Khao Offensives push on Sai Yok, the battle clearly represents the largest of its kind in the entire war. For several days nonstop air operations have been conducted to destroy every possible fortification that could have been made by the defenders - but the war cannot be won in the air. It was only a matter of time before infantry would move to take the city.

Experts believe that the battle itself could be the most costly, both in terms of life and property damage, of any battle fought in several decades - despite this, the battle is clearly in favor of the Sinhai Defense Force. Militia units have dispersed in many locations throughout the North, what organized units exist have fallen back to the capital, many peasant farmers have even begun fleeing the region in the hopes of participating in a new Sinese democracy. SDF units have succeeded on all fronts, retaking lost territory, destroying ultranationalist supply chains. Ban Mang has been secured by elements of the People's Guard, 4th Infantry has retaken Sinyaphum, 7th has retaken Plak Raet. Thousands of dislocated refugees are being allowed back to their homes, and the CCR believes that stability may return to many combat-struck districts, improving the governments ability to efficiently and equally administer a national plebiscite concerning the potential Constitution.

Sinese resources are being supported by aid from abroad - the Sinhai Defense Force does not stand alone. Support from traditional ally Zivontje and the distant and militaristic Sarmatia has supplemented military munition stockpiles, allowing the largest scale of air operations ever seen in Sinhai military history.

Imminent victory has forced the CCR to address concerns over Northern Sinese involvement in politics: will they be allowed to vote on the Constitution? will they be given equal representation in Sinese government? Sinhai Defense Force spokespersons have addressed the possibilities of reconstructing the North, now beleaguered and incapable of further large-scale war-making.

"Simply put," says Mr Rayut, UBN's military attaché, "we can't afford to repeat the mistakes of the past. The new government must allow some levels of self-representation in the North, while still ensuring maximum national security. We are also seeking to pursue cases against the body of leadership of the Ultranationalists, and find and deal with members of the traitor 8th Infantry Division."

Regardless, military families in the South and East are wary of reports from the front at Sai Yok, where many soldiers are unsure of the situation awaiting them. Many hospitals are gearing for large numbers of casualties throughout the nation, and forward military hospitals have begun drafting surgeons in anticipation of large numbers of wounded.

 

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REGIONAL AND RELIGIOUS POLICY CITED AS WEAKNESSES OF MILITARY GOVERNMENT BY CRITICS

Despite over 1/5 of the national population comprising a mix of Mihndaoese and Taishanese immigrants; the Sinese military government has committed to no bilateral talks with either Taishan or Mihndao concerning instability within the North. This ineptitude has led to a domestic policy that may isolate immigrant populations within Sinhai from their homelands.

With Mihndao's recent refusal to accept Dominican missionaries, and Sinese acceptance of those refused, several within the Mihndaoese-Sinese community have questioned the Sinese governments motivations.

"We simply cannot allow our ties to Buddhism to disappear; we may live in Sinhai, but our religion is our own - it's not for the government to meddle in," says Mihndaoese community leader Vãn Đặng from his residence in Bang Khae.

This has led to a number of questions being raised over religious freedoms guaranteed within the new Sinese constitution - will the government guarantee a citizens right to chose their religion, without favoring a single faith? Will the government pursue a staunchly secular Republic, like the General Mandate before sought to create; or will the traditionally dominant Hinduism be most accepted. In a country divided between Buddhism and Hinduism, this issue will become a critical one that the CCR must respond to; lest the national referendum refuse to accept the document being push forward by the government.

 
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Bộ quan hệ đối ngoại

We trust the Sinese government will make the right choice to continue the Minh-Sinese within the Union to continue practicing their own respective Buddhist traditions which has been important and sacred to us for hundreds of years.
 
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